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Two Gana Singers Hacked To Death By Six-Member Gang In Front Of Friend’s Family In Kancheepuram

Six Murdered In One Day Raising Concerns About Deteriorating Law And Order

Two young gana singers were hacked to death by a six-member gang that allegedly stormed into a house near Manimangalam in Kancheepuram during the early hours of Sunday in what police suspect to be an attack linked to previous enmity, as reported in The New Indian Express.

According to police, the victims were identified as Bharath (25) and Seenu (24), both residents of Varadharajapuram near Padappai. The two had reportedly returned after performing at a concert near Padappai on Saturday night and were staying at the house of their friend Lokesh in Ammanambakkam when the attack took place.

Police said Lokesh was living in the house along with his parents, Mohan (45) and Sangeetha, and his younger sister Kerin at the time of the incident.

Investigators said a six-member gang arrived at the location on three two-wheelers with their faces concealed using helmets and masks. The attackers allegedly barged into the house after breaking open the door.

According to police, the gang initially attempted to attack Lokesh. However, Lokesh reportedly managed to escape after raising an alarm. When his father Mohan tried to intervene and stop the assailants, he sustained injuries during the attack.

Police said the gang then turned towards Bharath and Seenu, who were inside the house, and attacked them using sickles and machetes before fleeing from the scene.

Bharath reportedly died inside the house itself, while Seenu collapsed near the entrance in a pool of blood.

Following information about the incident, personnel from the Tamil Nadu Police attached to Manimangalam police station rushed to the spot, secured the area and shifted the bodies to Tambaram Government Hospital for postmortem examination.

Police stated that neither Bharath nor Seenu had any pending criminal cases against them. However, investigators were examining whether the victims had links with persons involved in criminal activities as part of the probe into the killings.

A case has been registered, and police said efforts were under way to identify and trace the six suspects involved in the double murder.

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“People Voted For Vijay, Not Candidates, Not Healthy For Democracy”, Says Congress MP Karti Chidambaram On TVK Victory

“People Voted For Vijay, Not Candidates, Not Healthy For Democracy”, Says Congress MP Karti Chidambaram On TVK Victory

Congress MP Karti Chidambaram described the recent Tamil Nadu Assembly election as a “candidate-agnostic” contest where voters overwhelmingly backed Chief Minister Joseph Vijay and the whistle symbol without paying attention to individual constituency candidates, calling the trend “not very healthy for a parliamentary democracy.”

Speaking to reporters during a press meet recently, Karti Chidambaram said the election had largely revolved around Vijay’s image and the public’s desire for political change.

“In this election, it has been what we can call a ‘candidate-agnostic’ election – that is, people voted for the whistle symbol and for Vijay without looking at who the candidate was in their constituency,” he said.

Comparing the trend to Arvind Kejriwal’s first electoral victory in Delhi, he said voters in such elections often do not even know the names of local candidates.

“Such elections have happened earlier too; in Delhi, when Kejriwal first won, people said ‘We voted for Kejriwal,’ and often did not even know the name of the local candidate. In one sense, this is not very healthy for a parliamentary democracy,” he said.

However, Karti Chidambaram said the election reflected an overwhelming public demand for change, with Vijay emerging as the face of that sentiment.

“But in this election there was an overwhelming sentiment for change, and the face of that change was Vijay and the symbol of that change was the whistle; that is all, people voted for that, not for the individual candidates,” he said.

He added that many newly elected legislators would now have to properly introduce themselves and build stronger links with their constituencies.

“Hereafter only, many of these elected representatives must go to their constituencies and introduce themselves properly to the people,” he said.

Congress “Definitely” To Join Cabinet

Karti Chidambaram also confirmed that the Congress party would be part of the Tamil Nadu ministry during the next cabinet expansion, though he said the final decision on the number of ministers and portfolios rested entirely with Vijay.

“In the next cabinet, the Congress party will definitely participate in the ministry. How many ministers, which departments they will hold – all that has to be decided only by the Chief Minister,” he said.

“Need To Give Government Time”

The Congress MP urged critics and observers to give the newly formed government time before judging its performance, noting that the administration had been in office for barely a week.

“This government has just come into being; it has not even been a week since they took oath, and they have only now won the vote of confidence. The government is just settling in,” he said.

He said the administration was currently continuing pre-existing welfare programmes, including the ₹1000 assistance scheme, while new policy measures and the first Budget were still being prepared.

“Government Is A Continuum”

Karti Chidambaram further argued that governments function as a continuum irrespective of political change, with each administration building upon the work of its predecessor.

“When we say ‘government,’ there is never a break in government; whether it is the Government of India or the Government of Tamil Nadu, it is a continuum – it keeps running continuously. Only the people in office change; the government itself does not change,” he said.

Drawing a comparison with the BJP-led Union government and previous UPA administrations, he said every government continues older schemes while adding its own initiatives.

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“I Have No Jealousy, Only Admiration”: Rajinikanth On Vijay Becoming CM

“I Have No Jealousy, Only Admiration”: Rajinikanth On Vijay Becoming CM

Actor Rajinikanth on 17 May 2026 addressed the media to respond to a series of criticisms and rumours that had circulated following the Tamil Nadu Assembly election results, including allegations regarding his meeting with MK Stalin, his reaction to Joseph Vijay becoming Chief Minister, and speculation over political jealousy.

Rajinikanth said he decided to speak publicly because the allegations were being repeatedly amplified on social media and political platforms. He explained that he had initially planned to address the press either during his Bengaluru trip or at a scheduled Kerala film shoot, but both opportunities failed to materialize before the shoot itself was postponed.

“I Went To See Stalin As A Friend”

Addressing criticism over his post-election meeting with Stalin, Rajinikanth said the DMK leader had been his friend for nearly four decades and that the visit had nothing to do with political manoeuvring.

He stated that although elections naturally produce winners and losers, he personally felt saddened by Stalin’s defeat in the Kolathur constituency and therefore visited him purely out of friendship.

Rejecting speculation that the visit was intended to prevent Vijay from becoming Chief Minister or entering politics, Rajinikanth said rumours had spread claiming he was trying to engineer an alliance between major parties to stop Vijay’s rise. He dismissed the allegation, asking whether anyone would engage in such political discussions under those circumstances and asserting that he was not “an unprincipled person” who would behave in that manner.

Explains Viral Airport Video

Rajinikanth also responded to criticism that he had failed to congratulate Vijay after the election victory. He clarified that he had posted his congratulations on X immediately after the result but that controversy arose from an airport interaction before his Bengaluru departure.

According to Rajinikanth, he had asked airport staff whether any media personnel were present and was told there were none. He said that while he was leaving, a person holding a small mobile phone unexpectedly approached him and informed him that Vijay had become Chief Minister. Rajinikanth said he smiled casually without realising the interaction was being recorded on video, after which criticism spread online claiming he had not conveyed his wishes.

“Why Would I Be Jealous Of Vijay?”

Responding to rumours that he was jealous of Vijay’s political success, Rajinikanth said he had already stepped away from politics and therefore had no reason to feel envy.

He said, “Another criticism was that I am jealous of Vijay. I am no longer in politics; I have withdrawn from politics. When I am not in politics, why should I be jealous of him? Maybe if Kamal Haasan had become Chief Minister I might or might not have felt jealous – I do not know – but even then it might not have arisen; it may or may not have. There is also a generational gap of almost 25 years between Vijay and me. I have already said: if I compare myself with Vijay, it will be bad for me; if he compares himself with me, it will be good for him. I have watched him since he was very young. Why should I have any problem with him becoming Chief Minister?”

He added, “Moreover, at such a young age of 52, what he has done surpasses even the achievements of MGR and NTR, who created history at that age. He has completely defeated two major parties here and also the very powerful BJP at the Centre, and has won as a single leader coming from the film industry. I have no jealousy; on the contrary, I feel a surprised happiness and admiration – “Ah, who is this!” – a kind of appreciative surprise. I definitely have no jealousy towards him. There are very big expectations on Vijay from people; I strongly believe he will live up to those expectations and do good for the people, and I wish him well.”

On Missing Politics

When asked about claims by fans that he could have become Chief Minister had he entered politics earlier, Rajinikanth said he had already explained in detail why he ultimately stayed away from politics and why events unfolded as they did.

On the future of his fan associations, he reiterated that supporters were free to join any political party or pursue any political path they desired. He stressed that politics was fundamentally different from acting, describing it as an enormous responsibility involving the lives of crores of people.

Advice To Vijay And Fans

Referring to Kamal Haasan’s recent meeting with the Chief Minister regarding film industry demands, Rajinikanth said organised film bodies such as the Nadigar Sangam should collectively approach the government whenever necessary.

Offering advice to Vijay, Rajinikanth said expectations from the new Chief Minister were extremely high, but he believed Vijay would understand and respond appropriately. He urged the public to give Vijay at least one or two years to govern without excessive pressure.

He also cautioned Vijay’s cadres and fans to behave responsibly, warning that any mistake committed by supporters would directly affect the Chief Minister politically.

“After 60 Years, A Non-Dravidian Party Is Ruling”

Rajinikanth described Vijay’s rise as a major political shift in Tamil Nadu, saying that after six decades, a non-Dravidian party had come to power in the state. He said people had been seeking change and that Vijay had arrived at the right moment to represent it.

He credited cinema with playing a decisive role in Vijay’s success and said youth, women and social media had all strongly backed him.

Swearing-In Ceremony And “Missed Bus” Remark

On criticism that he did not attend Vijay’s swearing-in ceremony, Rajinikanth said he had never made it a practice to attend swearing-in functions as a special guest. He recalled that he had also not attended former Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi’s 1996 swearing-in ceremony because he had been abroad at the time, though he later met Karunanidhi personally to convey his wishes.

Finally, when asked whether failing to launch a political party in 2001 had been a mistake, Rajinikanth said he had “100 percent” confidence that he would have won if he had entered politics then, but acknowledged that one could say he “missed that bus.”

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Chola-Era Anaimangalam Copper Plates Return To India After Centuries In Europe

Chola-Era Anaimangalam Copper Plates Return To India After Centuries In Europe

In a major cultural restitution moment for India, the Netherlands has formally returned the historic 11th-century Chola-era copper plates popularly known for decades as the “Leiden Copper Plates.” The artefacts are now set to regain recognition under their original name – the Anaimangalam Copper Plates, as reported in NDTV.

The handover took place during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s official visit to the Netherlands as part of his ongoing five-country diplomatic tour, which also includes the UAE, Sweden, Norway and Italy. The return marked the culmination of years of diplomatic engagement by India, which had formally sought the artefacts’ repatriation since 2012.

Prime Minister Modi announced the development in a post on X, describing it as “a joyous moment for every Indian.” He stated that the Chola Copper Plates dating back to the 11th century would be repatriated from the Netherlands to India and that he had participated in the handover ceremony in the presence of Dutch Prime Minister Rob Jetten.

Copper Plates To Reclaim Original Name “Anaimangalam”

The copper plates had long been referred to internationally as the “Leiden Plates” because they were preserved at Leiden University in the Netherlands. However, historians and Tamil heritage enthusiasts noted that the inscriptions themselves identify the grant as connected to Anaimangalam village, and argued that the original Tamil name should be restored.

The renewed attention to the plates also brought focus to the Sanskrit invocation engraved in the inscription, which opens with a verse praising the permanence and divine protection of the Chola dynasty.

The verse states: “As long as the blessed moon-crested one (Lord Shiva) roams with his consort on Mount Kailasha, as long as Hari (Lord Vishnu) remains in yogic sleep in the ocean of milk, and as long as the sun dispels darkness from the world, may the Chola dynasty never be destroyed from its very foundation.”

Tamil heritage enthusiasts and historians described the return and renaming as a deeply emotional and proud moment for Indian and Tamil historical scholarship.

One Of The Most Important Sources For Later Chola History

Historians regard the Anaimangalam Copper Plates as one of the most important surviving records for understanding the later Chola period.

The collection consists of two sets of plates – a larger set containing 21 copper plates and a smaller set comprising three additional plates. Together, the artefacts weigh nearly 30 kilograms.

The plates are bound together using a bronze ring carrying the royal Chola seal. The seal prominently features the seated tiger emblem of the Cholas along with lamps and associated royal insignia.

The inscriptions are written partly in Sanskrit and partly in Tamil, reflecting both royal ceremonial tradition and administrative documentation practices of the Chola empire.

The plates were deciphered during the 19th century, including by noted scholar Pandit Natesa Sastri.

Rajaraja Chola’s Grant To Buddhist Vihara In Nagapattinam

The inscriptions primarily document the grant of Anaimangalam village by Emperor Rajaraja Chola I for the maintenance of a Buddhist vihara in Nagapattinam.

According to the inscription, Sri Mara Vijayottungavarman, ruler of the Srivijaya kingdom associated with the Sailendra dynasty in Southeast Asia, approached Rajaraja Chola seeking permission to establish the Buddhist monastery.

Rajaraja Chola approved the request and granted lands in Anaimangalam village, estimated to cover roughly 450 acres, along with revenue exemptions and tax-free status for the vihara.

The inscriptions are considered major evidence of the Chola empire’s maritime links with Southeast Asia, diplomatic engagement with Srivijaya, and the broader commercial and cultural exchanges that flourished across the Indian Ocean during the Chola era.

Scholars have also highlighted the importance of the inscription as evidence of religious coexistence during the Chola period. Rajaraja Chola, remembered as a deeply devoted Saivite ruler, nevertheless extended royal patronage for a Buddhist institution requested by a Southeast Asian Buddhist king.

Rajendra Chola Preserved His Father’s Order In Copper

Historical accounts associated with the inscriptions state that Rajaraja Chola initially issued the grant verbally. The royal command was first recorded on palm leaves.

However, the formal engraving onto copper plates took place later under the reign of Rajendra Chola I, son of Rajaraja Chola.

Sources indicate that the vihara itself may have taken nearly nine years to complete after the original grant was issued. By that stage, both Rajaraja Chola and Sri Mara Vijayottungavarman were believed to have died.

Despite this, Rajendra Chola honoured his father’s commitment and ensured that the land grant and associated royal orders were permanently engraved on copper plates for preservation.

The bronze binding ring attached to the plates carries Rajendra Chola’s emblem, further linking the inscription to his reign and administrative authority.

Artefacts Taken To Netherlands During Dutch Period

Historical accounts state that the copper plates were taken to the Netherlands during the 18th century by Florentius Camper, who was associated with a Christian mission operating in India at a time when Nagapattinam was under Dutch control.

For decades, the artefacts remained preserved in Dutch custody and were largely accessible only to scholars and researchers.

Over time, the inscriptions gained wider public recognition among Tamils and Indian audiences through references in Ponniyin Selvan, the famous Tamil historical novel centered on the Chola empire.

India’s Diplomatic Push For Restitution

India’s demand for the return of the copper plates gained international support during the 24th session of the Intergovernmental Committee on Return and Restitution.

The committee recognised India as the rightful country of origin and encouraged discussions between India and the Netherlands regarding repatriation.

The Dutch government eventually decided to formally return the artefacts during Prime Minister Modi’s visit, presenting the move as both a cultural gesture and a symbol of strengthening India–Netherlands relations.

Living Evidence Of Chola Civilisation

Historians and epigraphists continue to describe the Anaimangalam Copper Plates as far more than mere inscriptions.

The plates are regarded as living evidence of Chola administration, land revenue systems, royal grants, maritime diplomacy, Tamil–Southeast Asian relations, and the civilisational confidence of the Chola age.

They also preserve valuable details about official witnesses, administrative procedures, taxation exemptions, and the functioning of royal authority under the Chola empire, making them among the most historically significant surviving records from medieval South India.

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The Activist Ecosystem Behind The Great Nicobar Project Opposition

The Activist Ecosystem Behind The Great Nicobar Project Opposition

The proposed Great Nicobar infrastructure project has triggered intense opposition from environmental groups, activists and sections of the political ecosystem. However, with increasingly available evidence, it seems to point to the fact that the protests are not isolated environmental concerns but part of a much larger and deeply interconnected activist network involving NGOs, international advocacy groups, media platforms and political actors.

Ashish Kothari and the NGT Petition

At the centre of the anti-project campaign is Ashish Kothari, founder of the environmental NGO Kalpavriksh, who filed a petition before the National Green Tribunal (NGT) challenging the Great Nicobar Project.

It is alleged that Kothari has long been associated with activist ecosystems opposing major development and infrastructure initiatives across India.

It is also reported that his organisation has maintained connections with networks linked to Harsh Mander and Prashant Bhushan.

Allegations of International NGO Funding

Kalpavriksh and associated activist ecosystems are receiving backing from international philanthropic networks and Indian corporate-linked institutions.

The same pattern of foreign-linked NGO involvement repeatedly emerges around sensitive national projects involving infrastructure, tribal regions and strategic territories.

Activism in Ladakh and Tribal Regions

Ashish Kothari’s activism is also reportedly linked to campaigns in strategically important regions such as Ladakh, Leh and tribal belts in the North East.

These interventions follow a recurring pattern where activist groups become highly active in areas connected to national security, infrastructure expansion or resource development.

Rajni Kothari, CSDS and Ford Foundation Links

Now let’s take a look at Kothari’s family background.

Ashish Kothari is the son of Rajni Kothari, founder of the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS). CSDS has historically received funding linked to the Ford Foundation, which is known to act as a vehicle for Western geopolitical influence during the Cold War period.

Rajni Kothari’s influence within India’s activist-academic ecosystem and his recognition within networks is connected to Ford-linked philanthropy and Tata-linked trustees.

Survival International’s Campaign Against Great Nicobar

An international dimension to the controversy has emerged through Survival International, which has actively campaigned against the Great Nicobar Project since 2023–24.

The organisation’s early funding history involved support from the Ford Foundation and Rockefeller-linked philanthropic networks.

The organisation has circulated reports and campaigns warning of ecological destruction and tribal displacement linked to the project.

Nandini Sundar and The Wire Connection

Among the experts associated with the ‘Genocide Expert’ group is Nandini Sundar.

Her family background includes institutional associations with Ford-linked and Tata-linked networks. Financial support has also been received by her husband’s media platform, the leftist rag The Wire, from Tata-linked sources.

The Wire itself has published multiple reports and opinion pieces strongly critical of the Great Nicobar Project, focusing on environmental and tribal-rights concerns.

Pankaj Sekhsaria and the Environmental Narrative

Another figure repeatedly coming up is Pankaj Sekhsaria, an environmental activist associated with Kalpavriksh.

Sekhsaria has simultaneously participated in anti-project advocacy campaigns while also working within publicly funded academic and research institutions connected to IIT initiatives.

Environmental narratives are being strategically amplified through activist-academic collaborations.

Jairam Ramesh and Political Opposition

Senior Congress leader Jairam Ramesh has emerged as one of the most vocal political opponents of the Great Nicobar Project.

It is noteworthy that Rajni Kothari’s long-standing intellectual relationship with Jairam Ramesh and Sam Pitroda dating back to the late 1980s.

The current political opposition to the project overlaps significantly with older activist and NGO ecosystems.

Yogendra Yadav, Lokniti and Activist Networks

The controversy has also revived scrutiny around activist-academic networks associated with CSDS and its Lokniti programme.

Political activist Yogendra Yadav, who later became associated with Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo campaign, previously served as founder-director of CSDS Lokniti, established under Rajni Kothari’s institutional framework.

It is essential to take a look at his associations with development professional Vijay Mahajan and broader activist ecosystems.

The Sardar Sarovar Dam Parallel

The Great Nicobar controversy has also revived memories of earlier anti-development movements, especially protests against the Sardar Sarovar Dam.

Ashish Kothari and Kalpavriksh helped prepare early reports opposing the dam project before broader NGO-led protests escalated nationally and internationally.

Rajni Kothari himself was among the earliest signatories opposing the Sardar Sarovar project as can be seen in the below document and can be described as a mentor figure to sections of India’s activist ecosystem, including Medha Patkar.

Allegations of International Activist Involvement

It is a known fact that foreign activists and international advocacy groups were heavily involved in earlier anti-dam campaigns and are now reappearing in the Nicobar controversy.

The same activist methods, litigation, media narratives, international pressure campaigns and coordinated protests are being replicated once again.

International Connections and NGO Networks

Further allegations centre around Ashish Kothari’s international associations, especially the protest cabal.

His brother reportedly works in Switzerland with UN-linked institutions and organisations including Oxfam and networks associated with George Soros.

These international connections indicate the existence of a larger transnational activist ecosystem influencing debates around Indian infrastructure and environmental policy.

Fears of a Larger Coordinated Campaign

A broader international pressure campaign against the development initiative is likely to intensify in the coming months.

Local NGOs and activist groups could amplify environmental and tribal-rights narratives while international organisations generate external pressure through reports, campaigns and media interventions. And ordinary citizens often see only the visible protests while remaining unaware of the alleged institutional and ideological networks operating behind them.

A Larger Battle Beyond Environment

The Great Nicobar Project has consequently evolved into more than just an environmental dispute.

It has now become a larger ideological and political battleground involving development policy, strategic infrastructure, tribal rights, ecological concerns, NGO funding networks, international advocacy groups and questions surrounding foreign influence in Indian public policy debates.

(This article is based on an X Thread By Office Of Vijay Patel)

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Madhya Pradesh High Court Rejects Mosque Claim, Declares Bhojshala A Saraswati Temple, Grants Hindus Daily Pooja Rights

Madhya Pradesh High Court Rejects Mosque Claim, Declares Bhojshala A Saraswati Temple, Grants Hindus Daily Pooja Rights

In a major judgment on one of central India’s most contested religious and heritage disputes, the Indore Bench of the Madhya Pradesh High Court on Friday, 15 May 2026, declared that the disputed Bhojshala-Kamal Maula complex at Dhar is fundamentally a Bhojshala with a temple dedicated to Goddess Vagdevi (Maa Saraswati), established in 1034 AD by Raja Bhoj of the Paramara dynasty as a centre of Sanskrit learning, as reported in OpIndia.

A Division Bench comprising Justices Vijay Kumar Shukla and Alok Awasthi accepted the pleas of the Hindu petitioners and rejected the claims advanced by the Muslim side that the structure was inherently or exclusively a mosque. The court also upheld the site’s status as a centrally protected monument under the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act, 1958.

The judgment was delivered in a batch of writ petitions and a writ appeal, including the lead petition filed by Hindu Front for Justice. The bench said its conclusions were based on historical records, archaeological material, the 2024 Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) scientific survey ordered by the court, revenue documents, inscriptions and constitutional principles concerning religious and cultural rights.

The court partially quashed the 7 April 2003 order issued by the ASI Director that had restricted Hindu worship while permitting Friday namaz by the Muslim community in the disputed premises. Hindus have now been granted the right to conduct daily pooja without restriction, while the government has been directed to create a trust for temple administration and pursue efforts to repatriate the Saraswati idol currently housed in the British Museum.

Court Relies On Historical And Literary Records

The High Court placed substantial reliance on historical literature, inscriptions and epigraphic material to conclude that Raja Bhoj had constructed the Bhojshala in 1034 AD as both a Sanskrit Gurukul and a temple dedicated to Goddess Saraswati.

The judgment referred to sources including the Imperial Gazetteer of India (1908), the Royal Asiatic Society Journal (1904), and G. Yazdani’s Mandu: The City of Joy (1929), along with inscriptions such as the Sarpabandha grammatical charts and the Vijayasrimatika drama fragment. According to the court, these materials described the site as a Saraswati temple containing sculptures, educational inscriptions and Sanskrit-learning material.

The bench observed that the structure contained features associated with Vedic sciences, grammar, astronomy and poetics, which it said were incompatible with original mosque architecture. It also recorded that later Muslim rulers, including Allauddin Khilji in 1305 AD and Mahmood Shah Khilji in 1514 AD, damaged portions of the temple but reused temple pillars, slabs and carvings in later construction.

The court further noted Sanskrit grammar inscriptions, Prakrit verses, references to Raja Bhoj, inscriptions praising Paramara rulers and Sanskrit dramatic compositions embedded in the structure. It referred to findings of the Royal Asiatic Society describing serpent-shaped Sanskrit grammatical diagrams and educational carvings connected to Sanskrit learning.

According to the bench, these inscriptions and carvings were characteristic of a Sanskrit educational and religious institution rather than a mosque.

ASI Survey Finds Temple Remains Beneath Structure

A central basis for the ruling was the 2024 ASI scientific survey and excavation conducted under directions of the High Court. The investigation, which included multiple-volume reports, found evidence of a pre-existing Paramara-period temple structure beneath the current building.

The court recorded that the structure contained carved Hindu pillars, temple-style ceilings, mutilated Hindu idols, Vishnu-related inscriptions, Sanskrit inscriptions, temple architectural fragments, Hindu iconography and reused temple material in later construction phases.

The ASI report identified 94 sculptures and fragments depicting Hindu deities, including Vishnu and Narasimha, along with mutilated human and animal figures. It also documented 106 temple-style pillars and pilasters reused from an earlier structure. Other findings included Havan Kunds, Jal Kunds, Shikhara motifs, pranala water spouts and Kirtimukha carvings associated with Hindu temple architecture.

The court also referred to stratigraphic analysis, GPR-GPS surveys and epigraphic studies that identified a 15th-century Khilji-period inscription referring to the destruction of idols and conversion of a temple into a mosque. It further noted that earlier excavations conducted during 1972-73 had uncovered temple fragments and a Vishnu sculpture.

Based on these findings, the bench held that the present structure had been modified from and built over an original Bhojshala temple complex and was not originally constructed as a mosque. The court stated that the structure contained “all trappings” of a Hindu temple and substantially accepted the petitioners’ argument on that point.

Revenue Records Mention “Bhojshala & Temple”

The High Court also relied on revenue records produced by the State Government, which consistently described the disputed property as “Bhojshala & Temple” up to 1935-36. The bench noted that these records contained no reference to a “Jama Masjid” or mosque.

The judgment further recorded that the dargah of Hazrat Kamaluddin Chishti stood on a separate survey number outside the Bhojshala complex itself. Accepting the State Government’s submissions, the court held that the Bhojshala land had remained under the ownership and management of the State Government and ASI since before Independence.

The bench said the property had never belonged to any Muslim individual or entity in a manner that would permit valid waqf dedication under the Waqf Act. It treated the revenue records as corroborative evidence supporting the archaeological and historical conclusion that the site retained its character as a Hindu temple and Sanskrit learning centre.

Court Rejects Waqf Claim

The bench rejected the mosque’s claim over the property on grounds rooted in Muhammadan Law and Hindu jurisprudence. It observed that a valid mosque requires waqf property dedicated by its owner to the Almighty and said no evidence existed of any such dedication over the Bhojshala land.

The court held that after Pran Pratishtha, the property vested perpetually in the deity of Goddess Saraswati and that damage or reuse of temple material by invaders did not extinguish those rights. The judgment also noted that graves and maqbara structures adjacent to the site were later additions that could not alter the original religious character of the premises.

The bench further observed that records did not establish continuous ancient namaz at the site and said permissions for Friday prayers originated only from a 1935 Dhar State notification and the 2003 ASI order. According to the court, neither of these could override the site’s original temple identity.

Kamal Maula Maqbara Constructed Later, Court Says

The High Court accepted the historical timeline advanced by the Hindu petitioners concerning the Kamal Maula maqbara. According to the judgment, Maulana Kamaluddin died in 1310 AD in present-day Ahmedabad and was buried there. The maqbara at Dhar bearing his name was constructed only in 1514 AD by Mahmood Shah Khilji.

The bench said the maqbara was built more than 200 years after Kamaluddin’s death and on a separate adjacent plot outside the main Bhojshala temple complex. The court observed that the graves and tombs in the area were later additions made after Muslim rulers damaged parts of the original temple.

The judgment stated that the mere existence of the later maqbara could not convert the original Bhojshala temple into a mosque or extinguish the deity’s rights over the property.

Court Recognises Continuity Of Hindu Worship

The High Court observed that Hindu worship at the Bhojshala complex had continued since its establishment in 1034 AD despite invasions, desecration and administrative restrictions. The bench recorded that devotees continued to regard the premises as a temple of Goddess Vagdevi and conducted rituals such as Havan and offerings at the Jal Kund during occasions like Basant Panchami.

The judgment referred to a 1997 writ petition filed by Vimal Kumar challenging restrictions on Hindu entry and worship. The court held that the 2003 ASI order restricting Hindu pooja to Tuesdays and Basant Panchami while permitting Friday namaz imposed impermissible limitations that could not override the site’s original character or extinguish rights protected under Article 25 of the Constitution.

By quashing the restrictive portions of the 2003 order, the court restored the right of Hindus to perform daily pooja, darshan and rituals without limitation. The bench said continuity of worship had remained unbroken in practice and legal assertion.

Court Invokes Constitutional Duty To Correct Historical Wrong

The judgment also invoked Articles 25 and 29 of the Constitution concerning religious freedom and protection of cultural heritage. The court described the temple’s desecration as a “continued trauma” for Hindu worshippers extending over centuries.

Invoking Article 13(1), the bench observed that pre-Independence wrongs involving destruction and partial conversion of sacred sites required rectification in the post-Constitutional era. The court acknowledged submissions by Jain petitioners concerning shared educational and religious heritage but ultimately affirmed the dominant Saraswati temple character based on the evidence before it.

The High Court rejected arguments that the monument’s protected status or earlier ASI notifications conclusively established mosque character, holding that administrative labels could not override scientific and historical findings.

In its final directions, the court declared the disputed area a Bhojshala with Saraswati Temple, quashed the restrictive portions of the 2003 ASI order and directed the formation of a trust under the Indian Trusts Act, 1882, for temple administration and Sanskrit education while retaining ASI custodianship over the protected monument.

The Madhya Pradesh Government has also been asked to consider alternative arrangements for Muslim prayer if a valid claim is pursued, while the monument itself will continue to remain protected from unauthorised alterations.

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How Adani’s $10 Billion US Investment Pledge Was Twisted As “Unusual Offer” In NYT Report

How A $10 Billion US Investment Pledge Was Twisted As “Unusual Offer” In NYT Report

After more than 18 months of legal scrutiny in the United States, American authorities have moved toward resolving the criminal and civil proceedings against Indian billionaire Gautam Adani and his nephew Sagar Adani. Reports indicate that the US Department of Justice is preparing to drop bribery and fraud charges filed against the Adanis and other associated executives, while the US Securities and Exchange Commission has proposed a settlement in a parallel civil case involving financial penalties totalling $18 million, as reported in OpIndia.

NYT Frames $10 Billion Investment As Key Factor In Settlement

At the centre of the controversy is a report published by The New York Times, which suggested that a $10 billion investment commitment by the Adani Group in the United States played a role in the American government’s decision to resolve the cases.

On 14 May 2026, the newspaper published a report titled “U.S. Set to Drop Charges Against Indian Billionaire Accused of Fraud,” claiming that US authorities moved toward dropping the case after a lawyer representing Gautam Adani made what it described as an “unusual offer” during a meeting with Justice Department officials.

Source: OpIndia

According to the report, one presentation slide shown during the meeting stated that if prosecutors dropped the charges, Adani would be willing to invest $10 billion in the American economy and create 15,000 jobs. The article further stated that prosecutors later informed Adani’s legal team that the proposed investment “would play no role in the resolution of the criminal case,” although one senior Justice Department official reportedly reacted favourably to the proposal.

Source: OpIndia
Indian And Foreign Media Amplify The Narrative

The narrative was rapidly amplified by multiple Indian and international media outlets. The Indian Express carried a report headlined “US set to drop charges against Gautam Adani after lawyer makes $10-bn offer: NYT Report.”

Source: OpIndia

Hindustan Times similarly reported that US authorities were planning to drop the charges following Adani’s “willingness” to invest and create jobs in America.

Source: OpIndia

Leftist rag The Wire also circulated the narrative that the settlement was linked to the investment proposal.

Source: OpIndia

Foreign media outlets including Deutsche Welle highlighted the same angle in their coverage.

Source: OpIndia
Rahul Gandhi Targets PM Modi Over Reports

The developments also triggered political reactions in India. Congress scion Rahul Gandhi, who has repeatedly used the phrase “Modani” to allege proximity between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Gautam Adani, reacted on social media by alleging that the Prime Minister had secured a bargain for Adani’s release rather than a trade agreement.

Adani’s Legal Team Presented Jurisdictional Defence

However, documents released by the SEC and details contained within the New York Times report itself indicate that the investment commitment was not a newly proposed deal made in exchange for settlement.

In April 2026, a legal team led by prominent American lawyer Robert J. Giuffra Jr. met officials at the Department of Justice headquarters in Washington.

During the meeting, Giuffra reportedly delivered a 100-slide presentation arguing that prosecutors lacked sufficient evidence, that the United States lacked jurisdiction because the alleged conduct occurred entirely in India, that the bonds involved were not listed on US exchanges, and that investors had been repaid in full.

One of the presentation slides referenced a previously announced Adani Group investment plan in the United States valued at $10 billion and projected to create approximately 15,000 jobs.

$10 Billion Investment Was Publicly Announced In 2024

That pledge had already been publicly announced months earlier.

On 13 November 2024, shortly after Donald Trump won the US presidential election, Gautam Adani posted on X congratulating Trump and stating that the Adani Group intended to invest $10 billion in US energy security and resilient infrastructure projects.

Source: OpIndia

The New York Times itself acknowledged that the investment commitment was not new and merely echoed the earlier public pledge made after Trump’s election victory.

The newspaper also acknowledged that prosecutors explicitly informed Giuffra that the investment proposal would have no bearing on the criminal case resolution.

Despite this, the report framed the investment discussion as a key turning point in the decision to resolve the proceedings, creating the impression that the settlement emerged because of the investment offer.

SEC Says Adanis Neither Admitted Nor Denied Allegations

The SEC’s own statement did not indicate that the settlement was tied to any investment commitment.

On 14 May, the Commission stated that it had moved for entry of final judgments by consent against Gautam Adani and Sagar Adani in connection with allegations that they made false and misleading statements linked to a 2021 bond offering by Adani Green Energy Ltd.

The SEC stated that both men neither admitted nor denied the allegations while consenting to proposed final judgments subject to court approval.

According to the SEC, the proposed judgments would permanently restrain the two from violating Section 17(a) of the Securities Act of 1933 and Section 10(b) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 along with Rule 10b-5.

If approved by the court, Gautam Adani would pay a civil monetary penalty of $6 million while Sagar Adani would pay $12 million.

The SEC statement specifically noted that the proposed settlement was entered into “without admitting or denying the allegations in the complaint.”

Source: OpIndia
Adanis Had Challenged SEC Lawsuit In Federal Court

The development came after the Adanis challenged the SEC’s lawsuit in federal court in Brooklyn earlier this year and sought dismissal of the case.

Their filings argued that the matter improperly attempted to apply US law extraterritorially because the defendants were Indian nationals, the securities were not traded in the United States, and the alleged conduct occurred entirely within India.

Background Of The Criminal Charges Against Adani

The criminal and civil cases originated from an indictment unsealed on 20 November 2024 in federal court in Brooklyn.

US prosecutors alleged that Gautam Adani, Sagar Adani, Adani Green Energy executive Vneet Jaain and others orchestrated a scheme involving more than $250 million in alleged bribes to Indian government officials to secure solar energy supply contracts projected to generate billions in profits.

American authorities further alleged that the defendants concealed the alleged bribery scheme from investors while raising more than $3 billion in capital from international and US investors, leading to charges under securities fraud laws, wire fraud statutes and the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.

The Adani Group repeatedly denied the allegations, describing them as baseless and maintaining that American authorities lacked jurisdiction over the matter.

None of the defendants appeared physically before a US court, as all remained in India, making extradition proceedings difficult under the US-India extradition treaty.

The charges had originally been brought under the supervision of former Eastern District of New York US Attorney Breon Peace.

NYT’s Framing Fuels Political Controversy

The latest move by the Department of Justice and SEC came roughly a month after a federal judge granted the defendants’ request for a pre-motion conference as part of their effort to dismiss the SEC lawsuit.

In their submissions before the court, the Adanis argued that there were no plausible allegations directly linking Gautam Adani to the drafting, approval or review of the alleged misstatements cited in the complaint.

The New York Times report additionally described the April meeting at the Justice Department as a “previously unreported meeting,” a framing that critics argue created an impression of secrecy and an attempt to secure a private backdoor arrangement.

The sequence of events, however, indicates that the $10 billion US investment pledge had already been publicly announced in November 2024 and was later cited by Adani’s legal team during a broader legal presentation focused primarily on jurisdictional and evidentiary arguments.

Prosecutors themselves reportedly clarified during the meeting that the investment pledge would not influence the resolution of the criminal proceedings.

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TVK Supporter Allegedly Grew Ganja Plant In Balcony, Defended It As ‘Medicinal’ After Getting Caught

TVK Supporter Allegedly Grew Ganja Plant In Balcony, Defended It As ‘Medicinal’ After Getting Caught
Image Source: Tamil Samayam

Concerns over the rising use of narcotic substances in Tamil Nadu continue to grow, with social activists repeatedly warning that preventing the younger generation from falling into drug addiction is a collective social responsibility. Amid this backdrop, a fresh controversy has erupted after a supporter of the ruling Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) government was allegedly caught growing a ganja (cannabis) plant on the terrace of his house in Chennai, as reported in Tamil Samayam.

The incident took place in New Washermenpet, where Edwin Raj Brando, identified as a supporter of TVK, was reportedly cultivating a ganja plant among other terrace plants at his residence. In metropolitan cities like Chennai, many residents commonly maintain terrace gardens and grow ornamental plants for relaxation and aesthetic purposes. However, according to reports, Edwin allegedly concealed the ganja plant among other greenery and even covered parts of the balcony with clothes to avoid attracting suspicion from neighbours.

Despite the attempts to hide it, the distinctive smell reportedly emanating from the plant is said to have alerted people in the locality, eventually leading to police action. The accused was reportedly caught and the ganja plant was seized by authorities.

The incident has since gone viral on social media, triggering widespread debate and criticism.

Further controversy erupted after Edwin Raj Brando spoke publicly following the incident. In videos circulating online, he allegedly described it as a “medicinal plant” and claimed that he worshipped it like a deity. He reportedly stated that consuming it gave him peace of mind and argued that he had been suffering from mental distress.

He also claimed that he was not a criminal and questioned how he alone could be blamed when, according to him, such substances are widely available. Even when informed that cultivating cannabis is illegal in India, he allegedly continued to defend its usage in the viral video.

The remarks sparked shock and criticism online, with many social-media users expressing concern over the open defence of narcotic substances.

Reports also noted that a TVK flag was seen tied outside Edwin’s residence, leading to questions about whether he held any official position in the party. However, Edwin reportedly denied being an office-bearer or even a primary member of the party, while admitting that he supported the newly formed Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam government.

The incident has intensified discussions about narcotic abuse in Tamil Nadu and demands for stricter enforcement against drug cultivation and usage. Critics have also pointed to the controversy while questioning the ruling party’s “change” and “Thooya Sakthi” narrative, arguing that the government must take strong action to curb both drug abuse and narcotics-related activities.

The controversy comes at a time when the Tamil Nadu government has already announced the closure of nearly 700 liquor outlets, with several voices now demanding similarly aggressive measures to eliminate narcotics usage across the state.

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Thooya Sakthi Or VIP Sakthi: Thirupparankundram Temple Reportedly Kept Open Beyond Closing Time For TVK Minister CTR Nirmal Kumar; Cadres Accused Of Filming Near Sanctum

Thooya Sakthi Or VIP Sakthi: Thirupparankundram Temple Reportedly Kept Open Beyond Closing Time For TVK Minister CTR Nirmal Kumar; Cadres Accused Of Filming Near Sanctum

The delayed closure of the Thirupparankundram Subramaniya Swamy Temple in Madurai for the visit of Tamil Nadu minister CTR Nirmal Kumar has triggered controversy and drawn criticism from devotees, with allegations that Agama rules were violated to accommodate the minister and his entourage.

According to devotees, the temple, which is usually closed at 1:00 PM and reopened only at 4:00 PM, remained open until around 1:30 PM on the day of the minister’s visit. Devotees alleged that the temple administration delayed the closure exclusively for the minister’s darshan, sparking complaints of preferential treatment for ruling-party figures.

The Thirupparankundram Murugan Temple, regarded as the first of Lord Murugan’s six sacred abodes, witnessed the minister’s first visit after he assumed office in the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam government. CTR Nirmal Kumar, who was elected MLA from the Thirupparankundram constituency, arrived in Madurai yesterday and proceeded directly from the airport to the temple for darshan.

As per normal temple procedure, entrances begin closing around 12:45 PM ahead of the 1:00 PM afternoon closure, and devotees inside are gradually asked to exit. However, the minister reportedly arrived at the temple around 12:57 PM.

Temple Deputy Commissioner Gnanasekar, Sivachariyars and temple officials were present to receive him. He was escorted inside the temple around 1:00 PM, where temple trustees, officials and party members welcomed him with shawls. Priests also accorded him Poorna Kumbha honours.

The controversy intensified after the minister reportedly entered the sanctum area and performed darshan after the scheduled closing time. Devotees alleged that large numbers of party workers accompanying him were allowed inside the temple even as ordinary devotees waiting in queues were affected.

According to reports, the minister completed his darshan and left around 1:20 PM, after which the temple doors were finally closed at approximately 1:30 PM.

The incident has led to allegations that Agama rules and long-standing temple procedures were selectively relaxed for a minister and members of the ruling party. Several devotees questioned whether ordinary worshippers would have been granted similar concessions.

Further controversy erupted after members of the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam accompanying the minister allegedly entered areas close to the sanctum and used mobile phones to take photographs and record videos for social-media reels inside the temple premises.

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Joseph Vijay Attacks Modi Govt For Fuel Price Hike But Seems To Have No Clue On Tamil Nadu’s Massive Fuel Taxes

Joseph Vijay Attacks Modi Govt For Fuel Price Hike But Seems To Have No Clue On Tamil Nadu’s Massive Fuel Taxes

Tamil Nadu’s new Chief Minister Joseph Vijay has chosen his first big political target: the recent ₹3 per litre hike in petrol and diesel by public sector oil companies. But a closer look at the numbers shows that his outrage is aimed in the wrong direction – and hides how much his own government gains from every litre sold in the state.

CM’s charge: Centre, Oil PSUs to Blame

In an official statement dated 15 May 2026, Vijay condemned the decision of Union Government-owned oil companies to raise fuel prices by ₹3 per litre on petrol and diesel. Calling the move “unacceptable,” he accused the companies of refusing to pass on benefits when international crude prices fall and instead “keeping the profits for themselves.”

He also linked the timing of the hike to the end of Assembly elections in five states, implying that prices were suppressed during polling and hiked immediately after. Vijay urged the Union Government to “immediately roll back” the hike, warning that higher fuel prices would hurt the poor, lower- and middle-income groups, and micro and small industries.

No New Central tax – But Global Costs Rising

However, the Chief Minister’s letter does not acknowledge a key fact: the latest increase has not come from any new Central tax decision, but from oil marketing companies adjusting pump prices to reflect higher global costs. The ongoing Iran–West Asia crisis has pushed up crude prices and sharply raised shipping and insurance costs, with global reports noting that freight and tanker rates have hit multi-year highs.

In response to this squeeze, the Union Government recently cut excise duty on petrol and diesel by ₹10 per litre to cushion consumers and absorb part of the shock. With excise on petrol brought down to around ₹3 and on diesel to zero in the latest round, there is limited Central tax left to cut further without blowing a hole in the Union budget.

State’s Tax Bite Bigger than Centre’s

While Vijay pins blame on Delhi and the PSUs, his statement is silent on the Tamil Nadu Government’s own share of fuel taxes. Data from official and independent trackers shows that Tamil Nadu levies 13% VAT plus a fixed ₹11.52 per litre on petrol, and 11% plus ₹9.62 per litre on diesel. Various breakdowns estimate that roughly half of the retail price of petrol in Tamil Nadu is tax, with the state’s VAT and surcharges giving it a larger share per litre than the reduced Central excise in the current regime.

For every litre of petrol, Tamil Nadu’s tax take is now in the ₹20–₹21 range, compared to roughly ₹13 from the Centre after the excise cut. On diesel too, the state’s bite remains substantial, with around ₹17–₹18 per litre coming to the exchequer through VAT and fixed components. The Petroleum Planning & Analysis Cell (PPAC) lists Tamil Nadu’s current tax structure on petrol as “13% + ₹11.52 per litre” – that is, a fixed component plus a 13% VAT on the price build-up (base + excise + dealer commission).

Vijay’s letter to the Prime Minister seems to be more posture than policy. If the Chief Minister genuinely believes fuel prices are “anti-people”, the quickest relief he can offer is to slash the state’s own VAT by ₹8–₹10 per litre – exactly what the Union Government has already done on excise.

It is noteworthy that Tamil Nadu continues to enjoy buoyant VAT collections from fuel even as it demands more sacrifice from Delhi.

In the end, Vijay’s intervention centres on demanding action from Delhi over fuel prices, even as Tamil Nadu continues to depend significantly on fuel-tax revenue.

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