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Bengaluru Wants To Celebrate ‘Tomatina’ Festival At A Time Holi Gets Branded A ‘Rape Festival’

On 6 September 2026, Bengaluru wants to host its first-ever Tomatina Festival – a direct copy of Buñol, Spain’s La Tomatina, where crowds throw overripe tomatoes at each other for an hour, packaged as fun. The organizers are billing it as a first, complete with a live DJ, games, and food and drinks at “The Jungle Lounge, Palace Ground.”

People will queue in like crazy. That is not the question. What is worth asking: why does a country with the richest, oldest, most spectacular civilizational festival calendar on the planet need to import a Spanish tomato fight to feel like it’s celebrating something?

We Didn’t Run Out of Festivals

India does not have a shortage of colour, water, fire, harvest or any festival under the sky. The entire year is sprinkled with festivals, be it Holi or Onam, Pongal, Bihu, Durga Puja, Deepavali – every one of these already delivers what Tomatina is chasing: community, catharsis, a break from routine. We are not a culture starved for festivity. If anything, we have more festivals than any calendar can hold.

So, when an event management company decides Bengaluru needs a tomato-throwing festival lifted wholesale from a Spanish town of 9,000 people, the honest question is: what is actually being celebrated here? Not a harvest. Not a deity. Not a season. Just the aesthetic of a “festival”: imported, branded, ticketed, and stripped of any meaning beyond a photo dump and a DJ set.

The Hypocrisy Is the Real Story

Here’s where it gets rich. The same crowd that will queue up in white T-shirts to get pelted with tomatoes at Palace Ground has, for years now, called Holi a “rape festival” at the drop of the hat. We’ve had leftists and its ecosystem write tirade after tirade reducing India’s most joyous colour festival to a pretext for groping and harassment.

Suddenly, when it’s tomatoes instead of colour, and Spain instead of Mathura, the same act of strangers throwing things at each other in a crowd, bodies pressed together, clothes ruined, becomes “fun,” “quirky,” “first time in Bengaluru.” Nobody is writing think-pieces about consent and crowd safety for Tomatina. Nobody is warning women to stay indoors. The Tomatina and the tomato pulp is fine but Holi and gulal is a problem.

That’s not a coincidence. It’s says a lot. The objection was never really about safety or “consent” at Holi. It was about which festival gets treated as suspect and which gets treated as sophisticated. A Hindu festival with a name that “sounds Hindu” is dismissed as backward and regressive; Holi gets branded a ‘rape festival’, other festivals and rituals are dismissed as patriarchy, regressive and whatnot. A Spanish import with a DJ and a ticket price gets celebrated as cosmopolitan, liberating, and empowering.

In this case, it would be the same crowd contact, same drenched clothes, same chaos, but a different verdict, depending on whose tradition it is.

Do We Have That Many Tomatoes to Waste?

Then there’s the plain economics of it. Buñol’s La Tomatina uses somewhere around 150 tonnes of tomatoes in a single afternoon — tomatoes grown specifically for the event because they’re not fit for eating. Bengaluru’s version will need truckloads of its own, at a time when tomato prices in Karnataka regularly swing hard enough to make national news, and when farmers here have been pushed to dump unsold produce on highways in protest after price crashes wiped out their margins.

Paying a ticket price to stand in a pit of pulped tomatoes, for the aesthetic of a Spanish street party, while the very farmers who grow this crop are fighting for a fair price on it, is not harmless fun. It’s tone-deaf, dressed up as a lifestyle event.

Ape the West, Mock the Rest

None of this is really about tomatoes. It’s about a pattern. Indians, often the most Westward-facing, most online, most “progressive” segment of Indians, the brown sepoys, will manufacture enthusiasm for any import wearing a European label, while treating their own festivals as backward, dangerous, or in need of reform. Oktoberfest nights, Halloween parties, and now Tomatina, get marketed as edgy and fun. Holi gets a trigger warning. Other Indian festivals are regressive.

You don’t need to travel to Buñol or pay Palace Ground prices to throw something at a stranger and call it culture. Walk into any Holi gathering in this country and you’ll find the same colour, same chaos, same joy, rooted in something older than the marketing calendar, and free of the borrowed cool that a Spanish label apparently buys.

Indians don’t need to ape the West to have a festival worth showing up for. The festivals we already have don’t need a Spanish label or a ticket price to be worth celebrating.

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Andhra And Karnataka Are Building Greenfield Airports While Joseph Vijay TVK Govt Bans New Airport For Chennai

While Tamil Nadu’s Industries Minister Keerthana was busy in the Assembly denying that Andhra Pradesh is building an airport at Kuppam, the paperwork for that airport was already sitting in a government gazette.

Chittoor District Gazette No. 77/2026, dated 13 March 2026, is unambiguous. Issued under Section 19(1) of the Right to Fair Compensation Act (Act 30 of 2013), it declares that land in Ramakuppam Mandal’s Bondalagunta village — 4.70 acres in this schedule alone, spread across seven survey numbers — is required for “Development of Green Field Airport at Kuppam in Chittoor District.”

Image Source: Maridhas

Names of landowners, plot boundaries, tree cover, all listed. This is not a rumour. This is a district collector’s office initiating acquisition.

Image Source: Maridhas
The Question That Started It

A DMK MLA from the Hosur-Krishnagiri belt raised the issue in the Assembly, citing news reports about the Kuppam project and asking the government to clarify what it meant for the district’s industrial base. A fair question: Krishnagiri’s economy runs on the industries clustered around Hosur, and Kuppam sits barely 54 km away, just across the Andhra border.

Industries Minister Keerthana’s response was to demand evidence and ask whether newspapers counted as proof. The gazette notification answers that. The project is reported to be worth roughly ₹2,500 crore, designed to handle close to two crore passengers a year, and located about 120 km from Chennai, close enough to pull investment away from both Hosur and the industrial corridor running through Ranipet.

Karnataka Isn’t Waiting Either

Andhra isn’t TVK’s only competitor. On 9 July 2026, The Hindu reported the Karnataka Chief Minister confirming that Bengaluru’s second airport will come up in Bengaluru South on Kanakapura Road, roughly 48 km from Hosur. Site inspection work is already done.

That’s two airports being actively built on Tamil Nadu’s northern border, both aimed squarely at the industrial catchment around Hosur. Andhra Pradesh is also reportedly planning a separate facility at Tirupati, adding to Kuppam, meaning the state isn’t building one airport near Tamil Nadu’s border, but expanding its aviation footprint on multiple fronts at once. Manufacturing investors don’t move goods and executives by train – connectivity to an international airport is the deciding factor for factory location, and every neighbouring state except Tamil Nadu seems to know it.

Meanwhile, Chennai’s Airport Is Falling Behind — And Its Replacement Is Gone

Bengaluru’s airport is already among the country’s top busiest, spread across 3,500-4,000 acres, built to handle 4-5 crore passengers annually. Chennai’s airport, which used to be one of the oldest in India, doesn’t have even 1,000 acres to work with. It is slipping in rankings and is visibly over capacity, and flights have reportedly been turned away over inadequate power supply to run operations. This is the state of infrastructure in India’s fourth-largest metro under a government that campaigned on delivering better.

Tamil Nadu did have an answer to this: Parandur, the greenfield airport conceived to relieve Chennai and give the state the kind of capacity Bengaluru and now Andhra are building. The Joseph Vijay government has shelved it, citing concerns over agricultural land, water bodies and the impact on affected areas.

The problem is not simply that Parandur has been rejected. The problem is that there is no replacement airport site ready to take its place. In July 2026, the Union government said it had not received any proposal from Tamil Nadu seeking a change in the proposed greenfield airport site from Parandur. That leaves Chennai’s second airport effectively in limbo.

And time matters. A second airport is not infrastructure that can be announced today and opened next year: site selection, feasibility studies, environmental clearances, land acquisition, rehabilitation, financing and construction can take years. Tamil Nadu risks losing years simply because the government has walked away from Parandur without an alternative ready.

The Investment Pitch Has A Missing Piece

The timing is particularly striking because the TVK government is simultaneously trying to position Tamil Nadu as a major investment destination. The state has announced major investment commitments and is pitching itself as an industrial powerhouse. But investment announcements ultimately have to be supported by physical infrastructure, and airports are part of that infrastructure.

The criticism raised in the Assembly was blunt: Tamil Nadu cannot expect industries to remain indefinitely if neighbouring states offer better connectivity. Airports, ports, roads and reliable electricity form the basic ecosystem large manufacturing investments depend on.

This is why Kuppam matters beyond Andhra Pradesh. It is why Karnataka’s second-airport plans matter beyond Bengaluru. And it is why shelving Parandur matters beyond Kancheepuram.

The Question For Vijay’s Government

Andhra Pradesh is moving through the land-acquisition process for Kuppam. Karnataka is narrowing down locations and preparing the feasibility process for a second Bengaluru airport. Tamil Nadu has rejected Parandur.

The obvious question is: what is Chennai’s replacement?

The TVK government can argue Parandur was the wrong location. It can cite environmental concerns. It can promise to find a better site. But Tamil Nadu’s competitors are not waiting. Every year Chennai’s second airport remains unresolved is another year in which Kuppam, Bengaluru and other regional airports strengthen their claim on future passengers, cargo and investment.

For a state whose economic growth has long depended on its industrial infrastructure, this is no longer a debate over one airport site. It is a question of whether Tamil Nadu intends to compete or watch its neighbours build the infrastructure that attracts the next generation of investment.

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TVK Minister Lied In The Floor Of The Assembly, What Is Joseph Vijay Doing?

A few days ago, TVK Industries Minister S Keerthana stood up in the Tamil Nadu Assembly and told the House that two airport projects, Andhra Pradesh’s Kuppam greenfield airport and Karnataka’s second Bengaluru airport near Hosur, were “completely baseless” and existed only “on social media.” The documents say otherwise. Government gazettes say otherwise. Even the Karnataka Chief Minister’s own press statement, carried by The Hindu, says otherwise. But CM Joseph Vijay is silent.

This was not an ignorant response or a slip of the tongue. It was a categorical denial, issued on the floor of the House, of two projects that are both real, both funded, and both moving through statutory process while Keerthana was speaking.

What Happened In The Assembly

The exchange began when DMK MLA Srinivasan raised the Hosur airport question in the Assembly, alleging that Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka were actively working to box out Tamil Nadu’s Krishnagiri district: Andhra Pradesh with its Kuppam project, Karnataka with a second Bengaluru airport that Srinivasan said Chief Minister D.K. Shivakumar was pushing precisely to deny Krishnagiri its own facility. Srinivasan asked a direct question: with both neighbouring states racing ahead, was Krishnagiri about to be left behind?

Keerthana’s answer was to erase the premise entirely. She told the House the claims were baseless, said they were social media rumours, and asked the MLA for “aadharam”, evidence. The message to the Assembly, and to the state, was that no such projects exist outside WhatsApp forwards.

The Evidence She Dismissed

Start with Kuppam. This is not a rumour. It is a District Collector’s gazette notification. Chittoor District Gazette No. 77/2026, dated 13 March 2026, issued under Section 19(1) of the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition Act (Act 30 of 2013), formally declares that 4.70 acres across seven survey numbers in Bondalagunta village, Ramakuppam mandal, are required for “Development of Greenfield Airport at Kuppam in Chittoor District.”

Image Source: Maridhas

The document names the landowners parcel by parcel — Papanna, Timmakka, Muneppa, G. Perumakka, G. Govindappa, Perumakka — with boundaries mapped against neighbouring survey numbers.

Image Source: Maridhas

This is the machinery of a state government acquiring land for a named infrastructure project. It is published on the Chittoor District government’s own website for anyone to inspect. And the project has already survived a legal challenge: the Supreme Court dismissed a case against the land acquisition process in April 2026, months before Keerthana called the whole thing baseless in the House.

Now Bengaluru. On 9 July 2026, The Hindu reported Karnataka Chief Minister DK Shivakumar announcing, at a briefing in Bengaluru, that the location for the state’s second airport would be in Bengaluru South.

This was not an anonymous leak or a social media post. It was the Chief Minister of a neighbouring state, on record, at an official briefing, naming a location. Karnataka has separately been advancing airport plans at Harohalli and Sira, sites that have been discussed publicly for months.

Two states. Two officially documented projects, one backed by a gazette and a Supreme Court order, the other by the neighbouring Chief Minister’s own words in the press. Keerthana called both non-existent.

What This Actually Means For Hosur

The stakes here are not abstract. Tamil Nadu’s own Hosur airport project, first announced by the previous DMK government in June 2024, still stuck on site selection and a BIAL no-objection hurdle is competing for the same investment corridor as Kuppam and Karnataka’s second airport. If Andhra Pradesh gets an operational greenfield airport near the Tamil Nadu border while Hosur’s tender sits on hold, Krishnagiri’s industrial base, Tata Electronics, Ola, TVS, thousands of MSMEs, has every reason to look elsewhere. That is precisely the risk Srinivasan raised in the Assembly. Keerthana’s response was not to engage with that risk. It was to tell the House the risk itself was fictional.

An Industries Minister who does not know that a neighbouring state has already published a land acquisition gazette for a competing airport is not fit to hold the portfolio. An Industries Minister who does know, and denied it anyway, lied to the Assembly.

What Is Joseph Vijay Doing?

C. Joseph Vijay’s government is not new; Keerthana has held the Industries portfolio since 10 May 2026. Three months in, his Cabinet is either unaware of publicly available land acquisition gazettes from a bordering district or comfortable enough with misleading the Assembly that no correction has followed. Both are Vijay’s problem, not just Keerthana’s.

A minister denying a documented government notification on the floor of the House is not a matter of opinion or spin. It is a false statement of fact to the state legislature, and it has gone uncorrected. Vijay has said nothing. No clarification has been issued from the Chief Minister’s office, no walk-back from Keerthana’s own ministry, no acknowledgment that the “social media rumour” she dismissed carries a District Collector’s signature and a Supreme Court order behind it.

If Joseph Vijay lets this stand, the question stops being about one minister’s homework and becomes about whether his government treats the Assembly as a place for facts or for whatever line clears the day’s news cycle.

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‘Is Carrying The National Flag In A Rally A Sin? Is Coimbatore Part Of Pakistan?’: Madras High Court Blasts Joseph Vijay’s TVK Govt

TVK=DMK: Joseph Vijay Govt Bans Indian Tricolour Rally

The Madras High Court on Friday, 14 August 2026, questioned the decision of the police under the Joseph Vijay TVK government to deny permission for a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) rally carrying the national flag ahead of Independence Day, asking whether carrying the Tricolour in a procession could be considered an offence, as reported in Dinamalar.

The court was hearing an urgent petition filed by Ramesh Kumar, Coimbatore city district BJP president, after the police denied permission for the party to conduct a procession carrying the national flag as part of Independence Day celebrations.

Justice Lakshmi Narayanan heard the petition and questioned the police’s objections to the proposed rally.

“Are the police saying that the national flag should not be carried during the procession? If there is no flag, you will have no rights. This is distressing,” the judge observed.

The judge also invoked the legacy of freedom fighter Tiruppur Kumaran, who died while holding the national flag, and questioned why a procession carrying the Tricolour could not be permitted in Coimbatore.

“This is the land of Tiruppur Kumaran, who sacrificed his life for carrying the flag; in such a place, are they not being allowed to carry the flag?” the court asked.

The judge further pointed out that people carry national flags even in places such as Kashmir, where protests have taken place, and stressed that the national flag should be viewed with pride irrespective of political affiliations.

“Even in Kashmir, where protests are taking place, people carry flags. Without political differences, we should take pride in our national flag. Is Coimbatore part of Pakistan or Afghanistan?” the judge said.

Questioning whether carrying the national flag could itself be treated as a problem, the court asked: “Is carrying the national flag in a procession a sin?”

The judge also questioned whether permission for rallies was being granted selectively to political parties.

“There is no permission for the TVK to conduct a procession, there is no permission for the BJP, but is permission being given only to the TVK?” the judge asked.

The court further cautioned the police against acting in favour of any particular political party and questioned whether carrying the national flag could create a law-and-order issue.

“The police should not act in favour of one side. Is there a law-and-order problem because of carrying the national flag?” the judge asked.

The court subsequently directed the authorities to identify alternative locations where the BJP could conduct the proposed procession and adjourned the hearing.

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Chennai Corporation Puts Property Tax Reassessment On Hold After Public Backlash

300-400% Property Tax Hike Sparks Outrage In Chennai; GCC Says No Rate Increase, Only Reassessment

The Greater Chennai Corporation has put its property tax reassessment exercise on hold with immediate effect following several petitions seeking its withdrawal in recent days, as reported in The New Indian Express.

In a statement issued on Thursday, 13 August 2026, the civic body said property tax would revert to the amount that was applicable before the reassessment. For property owners who have already paid the revised tax demand, the excess amount will be adjusted against their property tax dues for subsequent half-years as advance tax, the corporation said.

The corporation had undertaken the reassessment without increasing the existing property tax rates. The exercise was aimed at identifying properties that it believed were under-assessed and revising their tax demands accordingly.

As part of the exercise, the civic body issued 3.49 lakh notices to property tax assessees with revised demands.

Corporation officials told The New Indian Express that 28,382 assessees had accepted the reassessment as of Thursday. The exercise had also resulted in the corporation collecting an additional Rs 11.10 crore in property tax.

The reassessment was undertaken at a time when the Chennai civic body was facing a fund crunch. Officials had hoped that correcting tax demands for properties that were considered under-assessed would help increase the corporation’s revenue.

However, the move faced opposition from property owners, with several petitions submitted to the corporation in recent days seeking that the reassessment be withdrawn.

Following the petitions, the corporation has now suspended the exercise with immediate effect and restored property tax to the levels prevailing before the reassessment.

For those who have already paid the revised demand, the corporation has clarified that the additional amount will not be lost. Instead, it will be carried forward and adjusted against property tax payable in the following half-years as advance tax.

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“Those People Won’t Die A Good Death”: DMK’s RS Bharathi Curses Saidapet Voters After Ma. Subramanian’s Defeat

rs bharathi curse dmk

DMK organising secretary RS Bharathi’s remarks at a public meeting held in Karambakkam to mark the death anniversary of former Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi have triggered controversy, with Bharathi making strong comments about voters, election setbacks and the party’s approach towards the public.

Speaking at the meeting, Bharathi recalled how Karunanidhi had responded to electoral defeats in the past and said the DMK was now working along the same lines to prepare for future elections.

“When someone remarked, “You achieved so much between 1996 and 2001, yet you lost the election,” our leader responded with great enthusiasm. He explained that the next election was approaching, and we were already—from that very day—digging the canal to ensure victory. He said, “If we dig the canal, the water will flow naturally; after five years, the water will come, and it will flow along the path we are carving now.” That is exactly what Kalaignar said, as Thalapathy told us, and that is what I wish to reiterate here. This is merely a temporary arrangement; there is no need for anyone to worry about it.”

‘From Now On, Please Just Keep Your Mouths Shut’

Bharathi then turned his attention to criticism over property tax increases and other issues, appearing to target those questioning the government despite having contested or participated in elections.

“Regarding the talk about property tax hikes—why are you so concerned? You speak with such feigned care. From now on, please just keep your mouths shut. Why worry about the opposition? They are the ones who voted for us. Only when they face the reality—standing on the road and feeling the harsh sun beating down on their heads for an hour—will this society finally gain some sense.”

He also questioned the need for certain facilities provided by the government, including air-conditioned bus stops, and criticised those who voted for the whistle symbol.

“You talk about things like air-conditioned bus stops, did anyone ask you for it? These bus stops that you built, all those who voted for ‘whistle’ are smoking ganja over there.”

RS Bharathi Asks Party Workers To Explain DMK’s History

Bharathi went on to say that voters should understand the history of the DMK, including the role of social reformer Periyar E.V. Ramasamy and the social conditions that existed a century ago.

“From now on, they need to learn the history of the party—what the DMK stands for, who Periyar was, and the state of society a hundred years ago. Who is responsible for the fact that we can all sit together on this stage today? Who was it that brought you in from standing a hundred feet away, gave you a seat, and accorded you respect? Tell them that; only then will they understand.”

He said the lack of awareness among people was partly because the party had failed to communicate its history and achievements to them.

“If you ask why they don’t know this—it is because no one tells them. You should go and explain it.”

‘Those People Won’t Die A Good Death’

Bharathi also spoke at length about former Tamil Nadu Health Minister Ma. Subramanian’s defeat in the Saidapet constituency and praised his work in the area.

“Look at Ma. Subramanian in the Saidapet constituency; no one has done the kind of work he has done. Even Kalaignar, as Chief Minister, used to speak of it with pride.”

Bharathi said Subramanian had brought a major hospital to the constituency and argued that the relatives of patients who received treatment there could have helped secure his victory had they voted for him.

“He couldn’t even manage to bring a major hospital to his own area—even though it would have been a huge boon for nearby places like Alandur. A patient at that hospital, if all the relatives of that patient had voted properly, he could have won; those people won’t die a good death, I am saying openly.”

 

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Bharathi further said, “To save a life is such a difficult job. Think of how many lives he must have saved. How many people did he give a new lease on life to? He studied here, too. He contributed to the Cancer Institute and supported various other causes.”

He added, “Don’t do that from now, give it to the party workers.”

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Newslaundry Claims It Has “Nothing To Hide”, Yet Promoted Chitranshu Tewari To Director Amid #MeToo And Workplace Harassment Allegations

Newslaundry’s claim that it has “nothing to hide” and that its Internal Complaints Committee (ICC) has acted against wrongdoing is now facing an uncomfortable question: what happened when complaints and allegations involved Chitranshu Tewari?

Tewari, who has faced repeated allegations concerning his conduct towards colleagues and women at Newslaundry, remained with the organisation for years and rose through its ranks, eventually becoming Director, Product & Revenue.

That career progression sits uneasily alongside accounts from former employees describing his conduct.

Former Reporter Describes “Worst Days” Of Her Career

Former Newslaundry reporter Shivani Verma recently responded publicly after the organisation invited former employees to come forward with their experiences.

Verma, who joined Newslaundry as an intern in 2020, said the following 10 months were “the worst days of my career.”

She specifically named Tewari, alleging that he would shout and scream during one-on-one calls and repeatedly made her feel that her work was inadequate.

“I remember being scared before 1-on-1s with him,” she wrote, saying the experience affected her confidence and self-esteem.

Verma said she eventually raised the issue with Newslaundry co-founder Abhinandan Sekhri. An apology followed and, according to her, the situation improved temporarily before reverting.

She eventually resigned in June 2021, explicitly citing the hostile work environment and its impact on her “productivity, efficiency and mental health”.

According to Verma, her concerns were raised at the time, but after her resignation was accepted, she received no further communication about them.

The question is therefore straightforward: if concerns about a senior employee’s conduct were being raised, what action was actually taken against him?

An Earlier Account Had Also Accused Tewari

Verma’s account is not the only allegation concerning Tewari that has resurfaced.

An earlier account from the 2018 #MeToo period, posted by a journalist who chose to remain anonymous, described what she called a “creepy experience” involving Tewari.

According to her account, Tewari pursued her after meeting her and later invited her to his residence, where she alleged that he continued pursuing her despite her lack of interest. She described the experience as horrifying and said she did not confront him at the time because she was shocked.

The same account included allegations that Tewari had discussed a vacancy at Newslaundry with her and subsequently stopped sharing information about it after learning that she was in a relationship.

It was also alleged that she had heard other stories about his conduct and accused him of creating an environment in which women were made to cry and interns were belittled.

Image Source: Abhijit Iyer-Mitra X handle
Complaints, Allegations, And Then A Promotion

This is where Newslaundry’s current defence raises questions of its own.

The organisation recently issued a statement defending its ICC, saying it had received four complaints since 2017 and had taken action in cases that included termination, suspension and other disciplinary measures.

Newslaundry also said it had “nothing to hide” and invited former employees to contact the organisation with their complaints.

At the same time, it described some of the discussion surrounding the organisation as “vile and slanderous” and referred to “unsubstantiated and fictitious allegations”.

But the issue raised by Tewari’s case is not simply whether Newslaundry had an ICC or whether it acted against some employees.

It is what happened when allegations and complaints concerned someone who remained in the organisation and subsequently climbed the leadership ladder.

Tewari did not merely remain employed. The account above by Verma says she resigned in June 2021 and Chitranshu had just been promoted.

He eventually rose to a senior leadership position as Director, Product & Revenue. His LinkedIn work history proves this. He was promoted in May 2021.

That makes the organisation’s present insistence that employees should come forward all the more significant. Former employees are now doing exactly that and their accounts raise questions about whether concerns involving powerful employees received the same scrutiny as the organisation now claims its ICC provides.

“Nothing To Hide” Requires More Than A Statement

Newslaundry cannot point to its ICC and declare the matter settled. If it has “nothing to hide”, it should explain how complaints and concerns involving Tewari were handled, what action was taken, and why he continued at the organisation and eventually rose to senior leadership despite the allegations surrounding his conduct.

Newslaundry routinely demands accountability from others. It cannot reasonably demand the same standard from everyone else while asking the public to accept its own assurances without scrutiny.

The question is simple: what did Newslaundry do about the allegations against Tewari — and why was he allowed to stay and rise?

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HR&CE-Administered Arunachaleswarar Temple Refuses RTI Details On Repeated Contracts To Firm Allegedly Close To EO

TN Govt Withdraws GO For Commercial Complex Opposite Tiruvannamalai Arunachaleswarar Temple

The administration of the Sri Arunachaleswarar Temple in Tiruvannamalai has reportedly refused to provide information sought under the Right to Information (RTI) Act regarding the repeated award of contract works to a company alleged to be close to a temple official, as reported in Dinamalar.

Several works at the temple, including repairs to the fifth prakaram, installation of movable barricades and an iron platform for lighting camphor lamps, construction of women’s toilets, electrical works, protective walls around trees, sewage tanks and pathways, have been awarded to Ashwini Construction.

Temple worshippers’ association president and temple activist TR Ramesh had sought details regarding the contracts under the RTI Act in June. According to Ramesh, the temple administration subsequently refused to provide the requested information.

Ramesh alleged that Ashwini Construction, which he claimed was close to the temple’s executive officer, had been repeatedly awarded contract works at the temple. He further alleged that some of the works were not being carried out properly.

Speaking about the matter, Ramesh said that he had sought information concerning the contracts and the execution of the works under the RTI Act, but the temple administration had refused to provide the details.

He alleged that the temple administration had similarly failed to provide proper information in response to several other RTI applications concerning the temple.

Allegations Of Repeated Contracts And RTI Denial

Ramesh further alleged that repair and maintenance contracts at the temple were being repeatedly awarded to relatives of individuals working at the temple.

He said he had sought information about the contracts under the RTI Act around two months ago, but the temple administration had refused to provide the information.

Ramesh alleged that the refusal to disclose information raised questions about the manner in which contracts were being awarded and implemented at the temple.

He also alleged irregularities in the administration of the temple, claiming that the shrine receives more than ₹50 crore annually through hundial collections and darshan fees, but that the funds were not being adequately utilised for the welfare of Hindu devotees and the Shaiva religious tradition.

Instead, he alleged, the administration was focused on awarding contracts and extracting commissions.

Ramesh Seeks Special Audit

Ramesh said the continued refusal to provide information under the RTI Act warranted scrutiny and alleged that such denials could be aimed at concealing irregularities in the temple’s administration.

He said he was planning to approach the court seeking a special external audit of temples where such alleged irregularities occur.

Ramesh also appealed to Tamil Nadu Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Minister Ramesh to take stringent action against temple officials who refuse to provide information sought under the RTI Act.

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Make In India Is No Longer A Slogan: Modi’s Manufacturing Push Is Building A New Industrial India

Make In India Is No Longer A Slogan: Modi’s Manufacturing Push Is Building A New Industrial India

India’s industrial story is moving beyond import substitution towards global competitiveness, strategic autonomy and export-led growth. smartphones and semiconductors to defence and aerospace, a new manufacturing ecosystem is taking shape across the country. real test now is whether India can convert this momentum into deeper value addition, world-class innovation and sustained employment.

There are moments in a nation’s economic history when a policy slogan begins to acquire the texture of reality. Make in India is increasingly becoming one such story.

When Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched the initiative, the ambition was considerably larger than increasing the number of factories on Indian soil. The underlying proposition was that India should graduate from being primarily a services-driven and import-dependent economy into a manufacturing power capable of producing for both its own citizens and the world. It was an argument for production, employment, technological capability and, ultimately, national self-reliance.

More than a decade later, the most important question is no longer whether India has made progress. The evidence is difficult to ignore. The more consequential question is what India does with the foundation it has built.

The transformation is visible most dramatically in electronics. In 2014-15, India’s electronics production was approximately Rs 1.9 lakh crore. By 2025-26, it had risen to around Rs 13.11 lakh crore. Electronics exports, meanwhile, increased from roughly Rs 38,000 crore to about Rs 4.24 lakh crore.

Mobile phones provide an even more striking illustration. Production has expanded from approximately Rs 18,000 crore in 2014-15 to Rs 6.27 lakh crore in 2025-26. Exports have risen from around Rs 1,500 crore to Rs 2.59 lakh crore. India, which once depended heavily on imported handsets, has emerged as a major exporter and the world’s second-largest mobile phone manufacturer by volume. More than 99 per cent of mobile phones used domestically are now manufactured in India.

This is not merely a story about assembling smartphones. It represents a change in India’s relationship with global supply chains.

For decades, India’s challenge was not simply that it imported finished goods. It was that it often lacked the industrial ecosystems required to produce sophisticated goods competitively at scale. The Production Linked Incentive, or PLI, scheme attempted to address precisely this weakness by shifting policy support from traditional input subsidies towards incentives linked to actual production and sales.

Across 14 strategic sectors, the PLI programme carries an outlay of roughly Rs 1.97 lakh crore. By late 2025 and early 2026, cumulative investments under the scheme had exceeded Rs 2.40 lakh crore, while production and sales crossed Rs 20.41 lakh crore, exports surpassed Rs 8.3 lakh crore and more than 14 lakh direct and indirect jobs were created.

That scale matters because manufacturing requires scale.

A factory becomes globally competitive not simply because it exists, but because suppliers, logistics providers, skilled workers, designers, financiers, component manufacturers and exporters develop around it. The real success of Make in India, therefore, should not be measured only by factories inaugurated or investment announcements made. It should be measured by the ecosystems that emerge around those factories.

India’s electronics sector offers evidence of this ecosystem effect. Domestic value addition has begun to rise, with improvements in printed circuit board assemblies, batteries, camera modules and other components. New initiatives targeting electronics components and manufacturing clusters are attempting to address the next layer of the supply chain.

And this is where the next phase of Make in India will be decided.

Assembly is an important beginning, but it cannot be the destination.

If India wants to become a genuine manufacturing superpower, it must move steadily from assembling products to designing them, producing their critical components, developing the underlying technologies and eventually owning more intellectual property.

The country must climb the value chain.

The semiconductor sector is therefore perhaps the most strategically significant frontier.

India’s semiconductor ambitions are no longer confined to policy documents. The India Semiconductor Mission has already approved major projects, with committed investments of approximately Rs 1.64 lakh crore by mid-2026. Semiconductor packaging and assembly facilities have entered commercial production, while the Tata Electronics–PSMC project in Dholera represents an ambitious move towards domestic chip fabrication.

The approval of ISM 2.0 in July 2026 is particularly significant because it recognises an uncomfortable reality: semiconductor self-reliance cannot be achieved merely by establishing fabrication facilities. India must build capabilities in materials, specialty chemicals, gases, manufacturing equipment, advanced packaging, design and human capital.

That is precisely the kind of long-term industrial thinking India needs.

The same strategic shift can be seen in defence.

For decades, India was among the world’s largest importers of defence equipment. Today, domestic defence production has reached a record Rs 1.78 lakh crore, compared with Rs 43,746 crore in FY 2013-14. Defence exports have also reached an unprecedented Rs 38,424 crore, with Indian equipment being supplied to more than 100 countries.

Platforms such as Tejas, BrahMos and Akash are no longer simply symbols of indigenous ambition. They represent growing industrial capabilities.

The C-295 programme provides another powerful example. Under the agreement for 56 aircraft, 40 are being manufactured in India by Tata Advanced Systems in partnership with Airbus. The Vadodara facility has become a landmark because it demonstrates the emergence of private-sector capability in military aircraft production. By mid-2026, the first India-assembled C-295 had completed its maiden test flight. More than 85 per cent of structural work and final assembly for the Indian-built aircraft was taking place domestically, supported by a growing Indian supplier ecosystem.

This is the deeper meaning of Atmanirbhar Bharat.

Self-reliance should not mean economic isolation. Quite the opposite: the strongest form of self-reliance is the ability to participate in global markets from a position of strength.

India does not need to manufacture everything domestically merely because it can. It needs to possess enough technological, industrial and strategic capability that dependence on external suppliers does not become a vulnerability. At the same time, Indian companies must be capable of exporting competitive products to demanding international markets.

That is why the evolution from Make in India to Make for the World is so important.

The reforms surrounding manufacturing have also mattered. GST, insolvency reforms, labour-code rationalisation, the National Single Window System, PM Gati Shakti, industrial corridors and improvements in logistics have collectively attempted to reduce the friction associated with doing business in India.

Yet India should not become complacent.

The numbers are impressive, but manufacturing remains a fiercely competitive global arena. China possesses enormous scale. Vietnam, South Korea, Taiwan, Japan, Mexico and other economies have developed deeply integrated industrial ecosystems. India must compete not only on labour costs, but on productivity, quality, reliability, infrastructure, innovation and speed.

The next decade therefore requires a second-generation manufacturing strategy.

India needs substantially greater investment in research and development. Universities and industry must collaborate more closely. Technical education must produce workers capable of operating and designing advanced industrial systems. Small and medium enterprises need easier access to finance, technology and global supply chains. Logistics must become faster and cheaper. Regulatory predictability must remain a priority.

Most importantly, domestic value addition must rise.

A country cannot become a technological power if it merely becomes the preferred location for final assembly. The objective must be to create Indian companies, Indian intellectual property, Indian components, Indian design capabilities and Indian brands that can compete globally.

This is where the true test of Modinomics lies.

The first phase was about changing the direction of policy. The second was about attracting investment and creating capacity. The emerging third phase must be about deeper localisation, deeper innovation, deeper supply chains and deeper integration with global markets.

India has already demonstrated that large-scale industrial transformation is possible. The smartphone revolution, the emergence of semiconductor facilities, the rise in defence production and the indigenous assembly of the C-295 demonstrate that the old assumption that India cannot manufacture sophisticated products at competitive scale is increasingly outdated.

But history will ultimately judge Make in India not by the number of factories built during this decade, but by what those factories enable in the decades that follow.

The foundation has been laid. The challenge now is to build the superstructure.

India’s manufacturing journey has moved from aspiration to measurable achievement. The next destination should be unmistakable: a Bharat that does not merely manufacture for itself, but designs, innovates and manufactures for the world.

Dr. Prosenjit Nath is a techie, political analyst, and author.

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Vijay May Be Secular, But His Govt Is Not, It Is Peak Christutva

Vijay May Be Secular, But His Govt Is Not, It Is Peak Christutva

C. Joseph Vijay is a Christian. His name says so. Days before filing his nomination, he knelt before the altar at St. Antony’s Church, Trichy, advancing on his knees like any devout parishioner. That is who he is, and there is nothing wrong with a Christian holding the office of Chief Minister.

But the same man also goes to Tiruchendur. He went to Shirdi Sai Baba’s shrine days before the 2026 election results. He turned up at Kollur Mookambika on 12 June 2026, weeks into his term as CM. Kneel at the altar one week, stand at the Murugan shrine the next – Vijay, personally, hedges both ways.

Forget his personal rituals. Look at what his government has actually done in three months. The Christutva pattern coming out of Fort St. George seems to tell us who his government actually answers to.

The Speaker Reads the Bible

A career lay evangelist JCD Prabhakar, who has run his own Bible-distribution ministry since 2004, from 50 Bibles on Chennai city buses to 5,000 a month, by his own count, sat on the Speaker’s chair on 12 May 2026. He opened Assembly proceedings by reading Bible verses from the Chair. First time that’s happened in the history of the Tamil Nadu Assembly.

That wasn’t a one-off. On 9 June 2026, addressing the Tamil Nadu Christian Churches Federation, Prabhakar said the government has shown “abundant signs demonstrating its genuine concern for the minority population” and told them to “make the best use of this opportunity.” Then he read out their wishlist: fast-tracked NOCs for church construction, dedicated burial grounds for independent churches in every district, monthly stipends for evangelists, a pilgrimage subsidy to Israel he wants hiked from ₹37,000 to ₹1 lakh, liquor shops shut on Good Friday and promised to carry it to Vijay personally.

On 25 July 2026, at a film trailer launch for a Jesus biopic, Prabhakar claimed the state is entering “an era where proclaiming the Gospel is becoming increasingly difficult.” This is the Speaker of the Assembly, playing persecuted minority, in a state whose Chief Minister is Christian.

“We Are Happy About It”

Vijay didn’t leave this to his Speaker. He said it himself. Minutes after winning the floor test on 13 May with 144 votes, he told the House: “if anyone considers this as a minority government, we are happy about it. We ourselves are saying, this is a minority government.” On his swearing-in day, he’d already told the public: “My minority brothers and sisters, the TVK government will stand firmly with you.”

That same day, Leader of the Opposition Udhayanidhi Stalin closed his own speech with a call to eradicate “Sanatanam.” Vijay said nothing. A Chief Minister who brands his own government “minority” on day one and lets a call to wipe out the majority faith tradition pass unchallenged on the same day, isn’t being ambiguous. He’s telling you exactly where he stands.

More Christian Members In The Cabinet & Other Departments

On 7 August 2026, Vijay appointed party spokesperson and YouTuber Felix Gerald as Chairperson of the Tamil Nadu State Minorities Commission for three years.

The government’s Finance Minister is a Christian himself – a fundamentalist at that. N. Marie Wilson, defending his poor Tamil in the Assembly, didn’t apologise, he pulled rank on his faith instead: “My Christianity has taught me the language of love, peace, and compassion — things that half the people here wouldn’t understand, no matter how much Tamil they have studied. I have read this in the Bible; I am a born Christian.” A Finance Minister invoking scripture to dodge a language competence question, in the Tamil Nadu Assembly, is not a gaffe. It is an attempt to turn a simple question into a question of his religion.

The FCRA Resolution 

On 10 August 2026, Vijay met a delegation of Christian and Muslim minority organisations to discuss the FCRA Amendment Bill. Preacher-evangelist Paul Dhinakaran was in that room.

Twenty-four hours later, the Tamil Nadu Assembly took up a resolution opposing the Bill. Not a coincidence. The FCRA Amendment was brought in to tighten checks on foreign funding into religious and “welfare” organisations: funding that has repeatedly turned up in investigations into unlawful conversion. A state government using its own Assembly to fight tighter scrutiny of that money, hours after meeting an evangelist about it, is not neutral governance. It’s a government taking instructions and delivering.

Vijay May Be Secular, But His Government Is Not

Vijay may insist that he is secular, and his visits to every religious institution may suggest an attempt to maintain a secular public image. But governments are judged not by where their Chief Minister kneels or bows, but by what they do with power. And in three months, the signals from Fort St. George have been remarkably consistent: a Speaker openly advancing Christian demands, Bible verses being read from the Assembly Chair, Christian voices receiving access to the government, a Christian activist appointed to the Minorities Commission, a Finance Minister invoking his faith when questioned, and the government moving against tighter scrutiny of foreign funding immediately after meeting an evangelist delegation.

At some point, the coincidences become a pattern.

Vijay may be personally secular. His government, however, is showing every sign of being peak Christutva.

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