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Madhya Pradesh High Court Rejects Mosque Claim, Declares Bhojshala A Saraswati Temple, Grants Hindus Daily Pooja Rights

Madhya Pradesh High Court Rejects Mosque Claim, Declares Bhojshala A Saraswati Temple, Grants Hindus Daily Pooja Rights

In a major judgment on one of central India’s most contested religious and heritage disputes, the Indore Bench of the Madhya Pradesh High Court on Friday, 15 May 2026, declared that the disputed Bhojshala-Kamal Maula complex at Dhar is fundamentally a Bhojshala with a temple dedicated to Goddess Vagdevi (Maa Saraswati), established in 1034 AD by Raja Bhoj of the Paramara dynasty as a centre of Sanskrit learning, as reported in OpIndia.

A Division Bench comprising Justices Vijay Kumar Shukla and Alok Awasthi accepted the pleas of the Hindu petitioners and rejected the claims advanced by the Muslim side that the structure was inherently or exclusively a mosque. The court also upheld the site’s status as a centrally protected monument under the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act, 1958.

The judgment was delivered in a batch of writ petitions and a writ appeal, including the lead petition filed by Hindu Front for Justice. The bench said its conclusions were based on historical records, archaeological material, the 2024 Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) scientific survey ordered by the court, revenue documents, inscriptions and constitutional principles concerning religious and cultural rights.

The court partially quashed the 7 April 2003 order issued by the ASI Director that had restricted Hindu worship while permitting Friday namaz by the Muslim community in the disputed premises. Hindus have now been granted the right to conduct daily pooja without restriction, while the government has been directed to create a trust for temple administration and pursue efforts to repatriate the Saraswati idol currently housed in the British Museum.

Court Relies On Historical And Literary Records

The High Court placed substantial reliance on historical literature, inscriptions and epigraphic material to conclude that Raja Bhoj had constructed the Bhojshala in 1034 AD as both a Sanskrit Gurukul and a temple dedicated to Goddess Saraswati.

The judgment referred to sources including the Imperial Gazetteer of India (1908), the Royal Asiatic Society Journal (1904), and G. Yazdani’s Mandu: The City of Joy (1929), along with inscriptions such as the Sarpabandha grammatical charts and the Vijayasrimatika drama fragment. According to the court, these materials described the site as a Saraswati temple containing sculptures, educational inscriptions and Sanskrit-learning material.

The bench observed that the structure contained features associated with Vedic sciences, grammar, astronomy and poetics, which it said were incompatible with original mosque architecture. It also recorded that later Muslim rulers, including Allauddin Khilji in 1305 AD and Mahmood Shah Khilji in 1514 AD, damaged portions of the temple but reused temple pillars, slabs and carvings in later construction.

The court further noted Sanskrit grammar inscriptions, Prakrit verses, references to Raja Bhoj, inscriptions praising Paramara rulers and Sanskrit dramatic compositions embedded in the structure. It referred to findings of the Royal Asiatic Society describing serpent-shaped Sanskrit grammatical diagrams and educational carvings connected to Sanskrit learning.

According to the bench, these inscriptions and carvings were characteristic of a Sanskrit educational and religious institution rather than a mosque.

ASI Survey Finds Temple Remains Beneath Structure

A central basis for the ruling was the 2024 ASI scientific survey and excavation conducted under directions of the High Court. The investigation, which included multiple-volume reports, found evidence of a pre-existing Paramara-period temple structure beneath the current building.

The court recorded that the structure contained carved Hindu pillars, temple-style ceilings, mutilated Hindu idols, Vishnu-related inscriptions, Sanskrit inscriptions, temple architectural fragments, Hindu iconography and reused temple material in later construction phases.

The ASI report identified 94 sculptures and fragments depicting Hindu deities, including Vishnu and Narasimha, along with mutilated human and animal figures. It also documented 106 temple-style pillars and pilasters reused from an earlier structure. Other findings included Havan Kunds, Jal Kunds, Shikhara motifs, pranala water spouts and Kirtimukha carvings associated with Hindu temple architecture.

The court also referred to stratigraphic analysis, GPR-GPS surveys and epigraphic studies that identified a 15th-century Khilji-period inscription referring to the destruction of idols and conversion of a temple into a mosque. It further noted that earlier excavations conducted during 1972-73 had uncovered temple fragments and a Vishnu sculpture.

Based on these findings, the bench held that the present structure had been modified from and built over an original Bhojshala temple complex and was not originally constructed as a mosque. The court stated that the structure contained “all trappings” of a Hindu temple and substantially accepted the petitioners’ argument on that point.

Revenue Records Mention “Bhojshala & Temple”

The High Court also relied on revenue records produced by the State Government, which consistently described the disputed property as “Bhojshala & Temple” up to 1935-36. The bench noted that these records contained no reference to a “Jama Masjid” or mosque.

The judgment further recorded that the dargah of Hazrat Kamaluddin Chishti stood on a separate survey number outside the Bhojshala complex itself. Accepting the State Government’s submissions, the court held that the Bhojshala land had remained under the ownership and management of the State Government and ASI since before Independence.

The bench said the property had never belonged to any Muslim individual or entity in a manner that would permit valid waqf dedication under the Waqf Act. It treated the revenue records as corroborative evidence supporting the archaeological and historical conclusion that the site retained its character as a Hindu temple and Sanskrit learning centre.

Court Rejects Waqf Claim

The bench rejected the mosque’s claim over the property on grounds rooted in Muhammadan Law and Hindu jurisprudence. It observed that a valid mosque requires waqf property dedicated by its owner to the Almighty and said no evidence existed of any such dedication over the Bhojshala land.

The court held that after Pran Pratishtha, the property vested perpetually in the deity of Goddess Saraswati and that damage or reuse of temple material by invaders did not extinguish those rights. The judgment also noted that graves and maqbara structures adjacent to the site were later additions that could not alter the original religious character of the premises.

The bench further observed that records did not establish continuous ancient namaz at the site and said permissions for Friday prayers originated only from a 1935 Dhar State notification and the 2003 ASI order. According to the court, neither of these could override the site’s original temple identity.

Kamal Maula Maqbara Constructed Later, Court Says

The High Court accepted the historical timeline advanced by the Hindu petitioners concerning the Kamal Maula maqbara. According to the judgment, Maulana Kamaluddin died in 1310 AD in present-day Ahmedabad and was buried there. The maqbara at Dhar bearing his name was constructed only in 1514 AD by Mahmood Shah Khilji.

The bench said the maqbara was built more than 200 years after Kamaluddin’s death and on a separate adjacent plot outside the main Bhojshala temple complex. The court observed that the graves and tombs in the area were later additions made after Muslim rulers damaged parts of the original temple.

The judgment stated that the mere existence of the later maqbara could not convert the original Bhojshala temple into a mosque or extinguish the deity’s rights over the property.

Court Recognises Continuity Of Hindu Worship

The High Court observed that Hindu worship at the Bhojshala complex had continued since its establishment in 1034 AD despite invasions, desecration and administrative restrictions. The bench recorded that devotees continued to regard the premises as a temple of Goddess Vagdevi and conducted rituals such as Havan and offerings at the Jal Kund during occasions like Basant Panchami.

The judgment referred to a 1997 writ petition filed by Vimal Kumar challenging restrictions on Hindu entry and worship. The court held that the 2003 ASI order restricting Hindu pooja to Tuesdays and Basant Panchami while permitting Friday namaz imposed impermissible limitations that could not override the site’s original character or extinguish rights protected under Article 25 of the Constitution.

By quashing the restrictive portions of the 2003 order, the court restored the right of Hindus to perform daily pooja, darshan and rituals without limitation. The bench said continuity of worship had remained unbroken in practice and legal assertion.

Court Invokes Constitutional Duty To Correct Historical Wrong

The judgment also invoked Articles 25 and 29 of the Constitution concerning religious freedom and protection of cultural heritage. The court described the temple’s desecration as a “continued trauma” for Hindu worshippers extending over centuries.

Invoking Article 13(1), the bench observed that pre-Independence wrongs involving destruction and partial conversion of sacred sites required rectification in the post-Constitutional era. The court acknowledged submissions by Jain petitioners concerning shared educational and religious heritage but ultimately affirmed the dominant Saraswati temple character based on the evidence before it.

The High Court rejected arguments that the monument’s protected status or earlier ASI notifications conclusively established mosque character, holding that administrative labels could not override scientific and historical findings.

In its final directions, the court declared the disputed area a Bhojshala with Saraswati Temple, quashed the restrictive portions of the 2003 ASI order and directed the formation of a trust under the Indian Trusts Act, 1882, for temple administration and Sanskrit education while retaining ASI custodianship over the protected monument.

The Madhya Pradesh Government has also been asked to consider alternative arrangements for Muslim prayer if a valid claim is pursued, while the monument itself will continue to remain protected from unauthorised alterations.

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How Adani’s $10 Billion US Investment Pledge Was Twisted As “Unusual Offer” In NYT Report

How A $10 Billion US Investment Pledge Was Twisted As “Unusual Offer” In NYT Report

After more than 18 months of legal scrutiny in the United States, American authorities have moved toward resolving the criminal and civil proceedings against Indian billionaire Gautam Adani and his nephew Sagar Adani. Reports indicate that the US Department of Justice is preparing to drop bribery and fraud charges filed against the Adanis and other associated executives, while the US Securities and Exchange Commission has proposed a settlement in a parallel civil case involving financial penalties totalling $18 million, as reported in OpIndia.

NYT Frames $10 Billion Investment As Key Factor In Settlement

At the centre of the controversy is a report published by The New York Times, which suggested that a $10 billion investment commitment by the Adani Group in the United States played a role in the American government’s decision to resolve the cases.

On 14 May 2026, the newspaper published a report titled “U.S. Set to Drop Charges Against Indian Billionaire Accused of Fraud,” claiming that US authorities moved toward dropping the case after a lawyer representing Gautam Adani made what it described as an “unusual offer” during a meeting with Justice Department officials.

Source: OpIndia

According to the report, one presentation slide shown during the meeting stated that if prosecutors dropped the charges, Adani would be willing to invest $10 billion in the American economy and create 15,000 jobs. The article further stated that prosecutors later informed Adani’s legal team that the proposed investment “would play no role in the resolution of the criminal case,” although one senior Justice Department official reportedly reacted favourably to the proposal.

Source: OpIndia
Indian And Foreign Media Amplify The Narrative

The narrative was rapidly amplified by multiple Indian and international media outlets. The Indian Express carried a report headlined “US set to drop charges against Gautam Adani after lawyer makes $10-bn offer: NYT Report.”

Source: OpIndia

Hindustan Times similarly reported that US authorities were planning to drop the charges following Adani’s “willingness” to invest and create jobs in America.

Source: OpIndia

Leftist rag The Wire also circulated the narrative that the settlement was linked to the investment proposal.

Source: OpIndia

Foreign media outlets including Deutsche Welle highlighted the same angle in their coverage.

Source: OpIndia
Rahul Gandhi Targets PM Modi Over Reports

The developments also triggered political reactions in India. Congress scion Rahul Gandhi, who has repeatedly used the phrase “Modani” to allege proximity between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Gautam Adani, reacted on social media by alleging that the Prime Minister had secured a bargain for Adani’s release rather than a trade agreement.

Adani’s Legal Team Presented Jurisdictional Defence

However, documents released by the SEC and details contained within the New York Times report itself indicate that the investment commitment was not a newly proposed deal made in exchange for settlement.

In April 2026, a legal team led by prominent American lawyer Robert J. Giuffra Jr. met officials at the Department of Justice headquarters in Washington.

During the meeting, Giuffra reportedly delivered a 100-slide presentation arguing that prosecutors lacked sufficient evidence, that the United States lacked jurisdiction because the alleged conduct occurred entirely in India, that the bonds involved were not listed on US exchanges, and that investors had been repaid in full.

One of the presentation slides referenced a previously announced Adani Group investment plan in the United States valued at $10 billion and projected to create approximately 15,000 jobs.

$10 Billion Investment Was Publicly Announced In 2024

That pledge had already been publicly announced months earlier.

On 13 November 2024, shortly after Donald Trump won the US presidential election, Gautam Adani posted on X congratulating Trump and stating that the Adani Group intended to invest $10 billion in US energy security and resilient infrastructure projects.

Source: OpIndia

The New York Times itself acknowledged that the investment commitment was not new and merely echoed the earlier public pledge made after Trump’s election victory.

The newspaper also acknowledged that prosecutors explicitly informed Giuffra that the investment proposal would have no bearing on the criminal case resolution.

Despite this, the report framed the investment discussion as a key turning point in the decision to resolve the proceedings, creating the impression that the settlement emerged because of the investment offer.

SEC Says Adanis Neither Admitted Nor Denied Allegations

The SEC’s own statement did not indicate that the settlement was tied to any investment commitment.

On 14 May, the Commission stated that it had moved for entry of final judgments by consent against Gautam Adani and Sagar Adani in connection with allegations that they made false and misleading statements linked to a 2021 bond offering by Adani Green Energy Ltd.

The SEC stated that both men neither admitted nor denied the allegations while consenting to proposed final judgments subject to court approval.

According to the SEC, the proposed judgments would permanently restrain the two from violating Section 17(a) of the Securities Act of 1933 and Section 10(b) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 along with Rule 10b-5.

If approved by the court, Gautam Adani would pay a civil monetary penalty of $6 million while Sagar Adani would pay $12 million.

The SEC statement specifically noted that the proposed settlement was entered into “without admitting or denying the allegations in the complaint.”

Source: OpIndia
Adanis Had Challenged SEC Lawsuit In Federal Court

The development came after the Adanis challenged the SEC’s lawsuit in federal court in Brooklyn earlier this year and sought dismissal of the case.

Their filings argued that the matter improperly attempted to apply US law extraterritorially because the defendants were Indian nationals, the securities were not traded in the United States, and the alleged conduct occurred entirely within India.

Background Of The Criminal Charges Against Adani

The criminal and civil cases originated from an indictment unsealed on 20 November 2024 in federal court in Brooklyn.

US prosecutors alleged that Gautam Adani, Sagar Adani, Adani Green Energy executive Vneet Jaain and others orchestrated a scheme involving more than $250 million in alleged bribes to Indian government officials to secure solar energy supply contracts projected to generate billions in profits.

American authorities further alleged that the defendants concealed the alleged bribery scheme from investors while raising more than $3 billion in capital from international and US investors, leading to charges under securities fraud laws, wire fraud statutes and the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.

The Adani Group repeatedly denied the allegations, describing them as baseless and maintaining that American authorities lacked jurisdiction over the matter.

None of the defendants appeared physically before a US court, as all remained in India, making extradition proceedings difficult under the US-India extradition treaty.

The charges had originally been brought under the supervision of former Eastern District of New York US Attorney Breon Peace.

NYT’s Framing Fuels Political Controversy

The latest move by the Department of Justice and SEC came roughly a month after a federal judge granted the defendants’ request for a pre-motion conference as part of their effort to dismiss the SEC lawsuit.

In their submissions before the court, the Adanis argued that there were no plausible allegations directly linking Gautam Adani to the drafting, approval or review of the alleged misstatements cited in the complaint.

The New York Times report additionally described the April meeting at the Justice Department as a “previously unreported meeting,” a framing that critics argue created an impression of secrecy and an attempt to secure a private backdoor arrangement.

The sequence of events, however, indicates that the $10 billion US investment pledge had already been publicly announced in November 2024 and was later cited by Adani’s legal team during a broader legal presentation focused primarily on jurisdictional and evidentiary arguments.

Prosecutors themselves reportedly clarified during the meeting that the investment pledge would not influence the resolution of the criminal proceedings.

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TVK Supporter Allegedly Grew Ganja Plant In Balcony, Defended It As ‘Medicinal’ After Getting Caught

TVK Supporter Allegedly Grew Ganja Plant In Balcony, Defended It As ‘Medicinal’ After Getting Caught
Image Source: Tamil Samayam

Concerns over the rising use of narcotic substances in Tamil Nadu continue to grow, with social activists repeatedly warning that preventing the younger generation from falling into drug addiction is a collective social responsibility. Amid this backdrop, a fresh controversy has erupted after a supporter of the ruling Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) government was allegedly caught growing a ganja (cannabis) plant on the terrace of his house in Chennai, as reported in Tamil Samayam.

The incident took place in New Washermenpet, where Edwin Raj Brando, identified as a supporter of TVK, was reportedly cultivating a ganja plant among other terrace plants at his residence. In metropolitan cities like Chennai, many residents commonly maintain terrace gardens and grow ornamental plants for relaxation and aesthetic purposes. However, according to reports, Edwin allegedly concealed the ganja plant among other greenery and even covered parts of the balcony with clothes to avoid attracting suspicion from neighbours.

Despite the attempts to hide it, the distinctive smell reportedly emanating from the plant is said to have alerted people in the locality, eventually leading to police action. The accused was reportedly caught and the ganja plant was seized by authorities.

The incident has since gone viral on social media, triggering widespread debate and criticism.

Further controversy erupted after Edwin Raj Brando spoke publicly following the incident. In videos circulating online, he allegedly described it as a “medicinal plant” and claimed that he worshipped it like a deity. He reportedly stated that consuming it gave him peace of mind and argued that he had been suffering from mental distress.

He also claimed that he was not a criminal and questioned how he alone could be blamed when, according to him, such substances are widely available. Even when informed that cultivating cannabis is illegal in India, he allegedly continued to defend its usage in the viral video.

The remarks sparked shock and criticism online, with many social-media users expressing concern over the open defence of narcotic substances.

Reports also noted that a TVK flag was seen tied outside Edwin’s residence, leading to questions about whether he held any official position in the party. However, Edwin reportedly denied being an office-bearer or even a primary member of the party, while admitting that he supported the newly formed Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam government.

The incident has intensified discussions about narcotic abuse in Tamil Nadu and demands for stricter enforcement against drug cultivation and usage. Critics have also pointed to the controversy while questioning the ruling party’s “change” and “Thooya Sakthi” narrative, arguing that the government must take strong action to curb both drug abuse and narcotics-related activities.

The controversy comes at a time when the Tamil Nadu government has already announced the closure of nearly 700 liquor outlets, with several voices now demanding similarly aggressive measures to eliminate narcotics usage across the state.

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Thooya Sakthi Or VIP Sakthi: Thirupparankundram Temple Reportedly Kept Open Beyond Closing Time For TVK Minister CTR Nirmal Kumar; Cadres Accused Of Filming Near Sanctum

Thooya Sakthi Or VIP Sakthi: Thirupparankundram Temple Reportedly Kept Open Beyond Closing Time For TVK Minister CTR Nirmal Kumar; Cadres Accused Of Filming Near Sanctum

The delayed closure of the Thirupparankundram Subramaniya Swamy Temple in Madurai for the visit of Tamil Nadu minister CTR Nirmal Kumar has triggered controversy and drawn criticism from devotees, with allegations that Agama rules were violated to accommodate the minister and his entourage.

According to devotees, the temple, which is usually closed at 1:00 PM and reopened only at 4:00 PM, remained open until around 1:30 PM on the day of the minister’s visit. Devotees alleged that the temple administration delayed the closure exclusively for the minister’s darshan, sparking complaints of preferential treatment for ruling-party figures.

The Thirupparankundram Murugan Temple, regarded as the first of Lord Murugan’s six sacred abodes, witnessed the minister’s first visit after he assumed office in the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam government. CTR Nirmal Kumar, who was elected MLA from the Thirupparankundram constituency, arrived in Madurai yesterday and proceeded directly from the airport to the temple for darshan.

As per normal temple procedure, entrances begin closing around 12:45 PM ahead of the 1:00 PM afternoon closure, and devotees inside are gradually asked to exit. However, the minister reportedly arrived at the temple around 12:57 PM.

Temple Deputy Commissioner Gnanasekar, Sivachariyars and temple officials were present to receive him. He was escorted inside the temple around 1:00 PM, where temple trustees, officials and party members welcomed him with shawls. Priests also accorded him Poorna Kumbha honours.

The controversy intensified after the minister reportedly entered the sanctum area and performed darshan after the scheduled closing time. Devotees alleged that large numbers of party workers accompanying him were allowed inside the temple even as ordinary devotees waiting in queues were affected.

According to reports, the minister completed his darshan and left around 1:20 PM, after which the temple doors were finally closed at approximately 1:30 PM.

The incident has led to allegations that Agama rules and long-standing temple procedures were selectively relaxed for a minister and members of the ruling party. Several devotees questioned whether ordinary worshippers would have been granted similar concessions.

Further controversy erupted after members of the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam accompanying the minister allegedly entered areas close to the sanctum and used mobile phones to take photographs and record videos for social-media reels inside the temple premises.

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Joseph Vijay Attacks Modi Govt For Fuel Price Hike But Seems To Have No Clue On Tamil Nadu’s Massive Fuel Taxes

Joseph Vijay Attacks Modi Govt For Fuel Price Hike But Seems To Have No Clue On Tamil Nadu’s Massive Fuel Taxes

Tamil Nadu’s new Chief Minister Joseph Vijay has chosen his first big political target: the recent ₹3 per litre hike in petrol and diesel by public sector oil companies. But a closer look at the numbers shows that his outrage is aimed in the wrong direction – and hides how much his own government gains from every litre sold in the state.

CM’s charge: Centre, Oil PSUs to Blame

In an official statement dated 15 May 2026, Vijay condemned the decision of Union Government-owned oil companies to raise fuel prices by ₹3 per litre on petrol and diesel. Calling the move “unacceptable,” he accused the companies of refusing to pass on benefits when international crude prices fall and instead “keeping the profits for themselves.”

He also linked the timing of the hike to the end of Assembly elections in five states, implying that prices were suppressed during polling and hiked immediately after. Vijay urged the Union Government to “immediately roll back” the hike, warning that higher fuel prices would hurt the poor, lower- and middle-income groups, and micro and small industries.

No New Central tax – But Global Costs Rising

However, the Chief Minister’s letter does not acknowledge a key fact: the latest increase has not come from any new Central tax decision, but from oil marketing companies adjusting pump prices to reflect higher global costs. The ongoing Iran–West Asia crisis has pushed up crude prices and sharply raised shipping and insurance costs, with global reports noting that freight and tanker rates have hit multi-year highs.

In response to this squeeze, the Union Government recently cut excise duty on petrol and diesel by ₹10 per litre to cushion consumers and absorb part of the shock. With excise on petrol brought down to around ₹3 and on diesel to zero in the latest round, there is limited Central tax left to cut further without blowing a hole in the Union budget.

State’s Tax Bite Bigger than Centre’s

While Vijay pins blame on Delhi and the PSUs, his statement is silent on the Tamil Nadu Government’s own share of fuel taxes. Data from official and independent trackers shows that Tamil Nadu levies 13% VAT plus a fixed ₹11.52 per litre on petrol, and 11% plus ₹9.62 per litre on diesel. Various breakdowns estimate that roughly half of the retail price of petrol in Tamil Nadu is tax, with the state’s VAT and surcharges giving it a larger share per litre than the reduced Central excise in the current regime.

For every litre of petrol, Tamil Nadu’s tax take is now in the ₹20–₹21 range, compared to roughly ₹13 from the Centre after the excise cut. On diesel too, the state’s bite remains substantial, with around ₹17–₹18 per litre coming to the exchequer through VAT and fixed components. The Petroleum Planning & Analysis Cell (PPAC) lists Tamil Nadu’s current tax structure on petrol as “13% + ₹11.52 per litre” – that is, a fixed component plus a 13% VAT on the price build-up (base + excise + dealer commission).

Vijay’s letter to the Prime Minister seems to be more posture than policy. If the Chief Minister genuinely believes fuel prices are “anti-people”, the quickest relief he can offer is to slash the state’s own VAT by ₹8–₹10 per litre – exactly what the Union Government has already done on excise.

It is noteworthy that Tamil Nadu continues to enjoy buoyant VAT collections from fuel even as it demands more sacrifice from Delhi.

In the end, Vijay’s intervention centres on demanding action from Delhi over fuel prices, even as Tamil Nadu continues to depend significantly on fuel-tax revenue.

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TN Govt Is Training YouTubers. DMK Started It, TVK Continues It – For Skill Development Or Propaganda Infrastructure?

TN Govt Is Training YouTubers. DMK Started It, TVK Continues It - Skill Development Or Propaganda Infrastructure?

The Entrepreneurship Development and Innovation Institute – Tamil Nadu (EDII‑TN), a government institute under the MSME department, has announced a three‑day “Create Your Own YouTube Channel” training programme from 25–27 May 2026 at its Ekkattuthangal campus in Chennai. The course runs 10 a.m. to 5 p.m., charges ₹5,000 for three days (hostel extra), and promises lunch, tea, snacks, a government‑issued certificate and even guidance on loan schemes.

 

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On the brochure, it reads like a regular harmless skill‑development initiative. But in a state where TVK’s shock rise is reported to be because of an aggressive online campaign, it is hard not to see this as something more than “just” entrepreneurship. When the state trains citizens in the precise tools that today’s parties use to manufacture virality and crush dissent, ought we to treat it as neutral capacity building – or as quiet investment in a propaganda infrastructure that survives electoral change?

What makes this continuity especially striking is that the idea did not begin with TVK. EDII‑TN’s YouTube training courses started under the previous DMK government and has simply rolled over into the new regime.

Government press‑release archives show EDII‑TN running a three‑day “Create Your Own YouTube Channel and Marketing” course as far back as 2023. EDII‑TN’s own training pages list multiple batches of YouTube‑themed Entrepreneurship Development Programmes in 2023–24 and 2024–25, all under DMK’s watch.

In July 2025, the institute proudly announced it had “successfully concluded” a three‑day EDP titled “Create Your Own YouTube Channel & Market Your Products Using Internet & YouTube” at the Chennai campus.

 

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Today, an internal “Training of Trainers (EDP)” document lists “Create your own YouTube Channel” as a standard, digitised EDII‑TN module alongside bakery and advanced digital marketing. In other words, the DMK government did not merely allow one off‑beat workshop; it helped institutionalise state‑run YouTube training inside a permanent government framework.

Look at the skill set being sold for ₹5,000. The current programme offers promotion of videos and slideshows, social‑media marketing and platform integration, strategies to increase “customer network” and “audience reach,” effective promotional techniques, and online marketing fundamentals, alongside domain, hosting and basic website design. This is textbook digital‑marketing content. It is also exactly what political IT cells use daily to engineer trends, suppress uncomfortable stories and keep their leader’s face on every screen.

Recent reports have flagged how TVK supporters allegedly weaponise this ecosystem – from coordinated online abuse to mass reporting of critical accounts. Analyses of the election have highlighted how Vijay’s party rode a wave of YouTube videos, Shorts and Reels carefully crafted to present a heroic narrative and drown out counter‑voices. In that context, a government institute training a new cohort in social‑media promotion and audience‑reach tactics is not a politically innocent act. It creates a ready‑to‑tap pool of technically skilled creators who owe their certificate, contacts and in some cases hostel and loan guidance to the state.

When the state invests in shaping this cohort’s skills, without parallel investment in media ethics, fact‑checking or hate‑speech awareness, whose interests are ultimately served?

To be clear: there is no public proof that EDII‑TN graduates from the DMK years were formally absorbed into party IT cells, nor that TVK has a documented plan to turn the May 2026 batch into an official digital army. But the structural risk is obvious. The state has built and is now preserving a taxpayer‑supported training line that produces exactly the skills required for sophisticated political propaganda, with no visible firewall against partisan use.

A few questions follow naturally. What safeguards exist to ensure that EDII‑TN’s YouTube alumni are not informally channelled into the ruling party’s online campaigns? Has any government issued clear guidelines preventing state‑trained digital entrepreneurs from being turned into unpaid party amplifiers? And if the concern is genuinely entrepreneurship, why do we not see equally aggressive state programmes on media literacy, verification and democratic responsibilities of content creators?

On this issue at least, DMK and TVK begin to look less like ideological opposites and more like successive managers of the same state‑run digital machine – one that can, at any moment, be tuned from “capacity building” to “narrative management” without ever needing a new policy note.

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1946: Malabar Backed Jinnah. 2026: IUML Picks Kerala’s CM

1946: Malabar Backed Jinnah. 2026: IUML Picks Kerala’s CM

Kerala’s latest power struggle has thrown up an uncomfortable truth that many would rather dress up in secular jargon: in 2026, a party born out of the pre-Partition Muslim League is effectively acting as veto power over who becomes Chief Minister of a Hindu-majority state. This is not just about coalition compulsions; it is about historical memory, political asymmetry, and a long habit of treating Hindu votes as negotiable while treating minority blocs as sacrosanct.

1946: When Malabar voted with Jinnah

Let us start with the history lesson the forwards talk about – because unlike many secular homilies, this one at least gets the basic outline right. Elections were held to the provincial assemblies in early 1946 under the British, with separate electorates for Muslims. Congress campaigned for complete independence and a united India; the All India Muslim League under Jinnah made Pakistan its central political project and sought to prove it represented Muslims as a whole.

The numbers are stark. Across British India, the Muslim League won 429 of 492 Muslim-reserved seats – a near sweep in its category, giving it the legitimacy to sit across the table with the British and Congress as “the” Muslim voice. In the Madras Presidency, which then included Malabar, the League won all the Muslim seats – 28 out of 28. Malabar Muslims did not vaguely “sympathise” with Jinnah; they voted in disciplined fashion for the party whose declared programme was the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan.

While Congress leaders were in and out of prison, and while many Hindu voters were trusting the “national movement” to deliver freedom, a significant chunk of Muslims, including in Malabar, were building an alternative political project that ended with India being cut in two. That has consequences for trust, for memory, and for how we understand “minority rights” today.

1947: They Stayed, The Party Stayed, The Leverage Stayed

The slogan goes: “Malabar Muslims voted for Pakistan, but after Pakistan was formed, they never left India.” It is crude, but the core point is difficult to deny. There was no mass migration of Kerala Muslims to Pakistan. Instead, the same social base that had made the Muslim League unbeatable in the Muslim constituencies stayed put, reorganised and adapted to the new Indian reality.

The Indian Union Muslim League that emerged in the early 1950s was not some brand-new organisation born out of thin air. It was built by the same leadership layers and social networks that had worked under the pre-Partition League, especially in Malabar. The name changed, the flag changed, the rhetoric was tuned to “constitutional participation”, but the core logic remained: a religiously defined political bloc bargaining with the state for maximum advantage.

Over time, IUML embedded itself as the permanent Muslim bargaining agent in Kerala politics. It pushed for a separate Malappuram district, used its clout in education and minority welfare, and made itself indispensable in coalition arithmetic. None of this makes it “holy” or “moderate” in some abstract sense; it simply shows a hard-nosed power strategy: convert disciplined community voting into permanent leverage in a fragmented multi-party system.

2026: Congress Majority, IUML Supremacy

Fast forward to 2026. Kerala votes the Congress-led UDF back to power after a decade of Left rule. On paper, Congress has the numbers to form government. In reality, three camps inside the party – backing K. C. Venugopal, V. D. Satheesan and Ramesh Chennithala – are locked in a power struggle that paralyses decision-making. Into this vacuum walks IUML, with its solid block of MLAs and its swing vote in Malabar, essentially saying: “No CM without our consent.”

Reports from national media speak openly of IUML “blocking” certain names and “signalling approval” for others. KC Venugopal – blocked. Ramesh Chennithala – blocked. V. D. Satheesan – after weeks of back and forth, finally green-lit. Congress has the majority; IUML has the decisive veto.

This is not a neutral fact of coalition politics. It means that in a state like Kerala, the final say on who heads the government is being shaped by a party whose reason for existence is to maximise the interests of one religious community and whose organisational ancestry lies in the very movement that demanded the carving up of India. This is not “inclusive democracy”; it is asymmetric democracy, where Hindu voters are expected to behave like a diffuse, divided majority, while Muslim voters are encouraged to consolidate behind a communally defined formation and then dictate terms.

The Double Standard Hindus Must Name

If a Hindu party today ran explicitly as the “Hindu Union League”, claimed to represent all Hindus, and openly bargained for ministries and CM posts on that basis, it would be called communal, majoritarian, dangerous. It would be lectured on the need to “rise above identity” and “respect the secular fabric.” Yet IUML’s entire political brand is precisely that – a religiously defined formation, speaking explicitly in the name of Muslims, wielding bargaining power over state policy – and it is treated as a normal, even respectable, coalition partner.

The same ecosystem that screams about “Hindu majoritarianism” has no problem with a party structurally locked into Muslim communitarian politics deciding who can and cannot be Chief Minister. Hindus are told to forget 1946, forget Partition, forget the ideological roots of the League, and see IUML as just another regional outfit like any other. But history does not evaporate simply because the English commentary class finds it inconvenient.

Kerala Hindus have every right to remember that Malabar’s Muslim League once voted overwhelmingly with Jinnah, that its successors stayed back, rebranded and now exercise kingmaker power; they have every right to question why their votes end up subordinated to a party that never hides its communitarian basis.

To “connect the dots” is not to call for hatred or violence. It is to recognise the political reality: when Hindus remain divided, ashamed to organise as Hindus, and happy to outsource their representation to “national” parties that are terrified of being called communal, space opens up for disciplined, communally organised blocs like IUML to punch far above their numerical weight. In 1946, that logic helped birth Pakistan. In 2026, it allows a party with roots in that very history to sit in judgement over Kerala’s Chief Minister.

The question is not whether the past can be changed; it cannot. The question is whether Hindus in Kerala will continue to pretend this asymmetry does not exist – or whether they will finally name it, confront it, and vote with the clarity that their opponents have displayed for nearly a century.

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Death Knell For TN’s Development: Joseph Vijay Reportedly Halts Chennai’s New Airport At Parandur?

TVK Vijay’s Parandur Airport Protest: Ignorance Or Political Opportunism?

The reported decision by the new Joseph Vijay government to place the proposed Parandur Greenfield Airport project under “status quo” is not merely an administrative pause. He was against it even when he was just a party chief. But it seemed more like an ignorant take.

If the project is ultimately shelved or indefinitely delayed, it could trigger long-term economic, industrial, infrastructure and employment consequences for Tamil Nadu – especially for Chennai and the broader Chennai-Bengaluru industrial corridor.

The issue is not simply about building another airport. It is about whether Tamil Nadu is willing to prepare for the next 30 years of economic growth or surrender its competitive advantage to states like Karnataka, Telangana and Gujarat.

Chennai Is Already Falling Behind Other Metro Cities

Among India’s major metro cities, Chennai already has the weakest future airport expansion trajectory.

The current projected passenger handling capacities are approximately:

  • Delhi NCR: ~137 million passengers annually
  • Bengaluru: ~90 million
  • Mumbai Metropolitan Region: ~80–90 million
  • Hyderabad: ~40–45 million
  • Chennai: ~35 million

The existing Chennai International Airport is already handling more than 2.2 crore passengers annually and is steadily approaching saturation. The Parandur project was specifically conceived as a long-term dual-airport system to prevent Chennai from becoming aviation-constrained.

If Parandur stalls permanently without a viable replacement, Chennai risks becoming the only major southern metro without a scalable second aviation hub.

Why A Second Airport Was Considered “Urgent”

The official pre-feasibility report explicitly states that there is an “urgent requirement” for an additional airport in Chennai because of future traffic growth and rising economic demand.

The report argues that aviation infrastructure is central to tourism, global trade, industrial growth, exports, international commerce, logistics, employment generation, investment attraction, and regional economic expansion.

The proposed airport was planned in four phases with a final passenger handling capacity of 100 million passengers annually.

That scale was intended to place Chennai in the same long-term league as Delhi and Bengaluru.

Without such expansion, Chennai could gradually lose international airline connectivity, cargo competitiveness,
global investor preference, conference and tourism traffic, aviation-linked manufacturing, and future multinational investments.

Why Parandur Was Chosen After Multiple Studies

A major misconception being spread politically is that Parandur was selected arbitrarily.

In reality, multiple locations were studied:

  • Parandur
  • Pannur
  • Thiruporur
  • Padalam

The Airports Authority of India (AAI) conducted technical pre-feasibility studies after being asked by the Tamil Nadu government in October 2021.

The studies concluded that Padalam and Thiruporur were not feasible due to Indian Air Force airspace restrictions, Kalpakkam nuclear proximity, and runway conflicts with Chennai Airport operations.

Pannur had major constraints including Extra High Tension towers, nearby industries, land acquisition complications,
and insufficient free land for future expansion.

Parandur emerged as the preferred site because it offered better airspace availability, superior runway orientation, lower infrastructure complications, better connectivity, fewer displaced families compared to Pannur, and greater future expansion potential.

The report specifically notes that 1005 families would be displaced at Parandur versus 1546 families at Pannur.

It also states Parandur was strategically closer to the upcoming Chennai–Bengaluru Expressway.

This was not a random political choice – it was the outcome of technical elimination of alternatives.

The Economic Stakes Are Massive

The proposed airport carried an estimated project cost of approximately ₹29,143 crore.

The project was expected to generate direct employment,
indirect employment, aviation ecosystem jobs, logistics and warehousing growth, hotel and tourism industries, commercial real estate expansion, export-linked infrastructure, and industrial corridor development.

The report estimates around 8,000 construction workers alone during the construction phase.

The airport was also envisioned as a major catalyst for Chennai-Bengaluru Industrial Corridor, Sriperumbudur manufacturing belt,
electronics and semiconductor industries, and future export-oriented investment.

If the project is frozen indefinitely, investors may increasingly perceive Tamil Nadu as a state where large infrastructure projects can be reversed after political transitions.

That perception itself can become economically damaging.

The Bigger Fear: Policy Instability

Infrastructure projects of this scale require decade-long planning,
investor confidence, central coordination, global financing,
and administrative continuity.

If governments cancel mega projects after land acquisition, clearances and years of technical studies, it creates a signal of policy unpredictability.

Reports already suggest that over 60% of the required land had been acquired under the previous administration. If true, abandoning the project now could result in sunk acquisition costs,
stalled compensation frameworks, legal disputes, investor hesitation, and years of lost planning.

More importantly, if Parandur is scrapped without a concrete alternative, Tamil Nadu may have to restart site selection from scratch, potentially delaying a second airport by another 5–10 years.

In aviation infrastructure terms, that is an enormous setback.

The Environmental And Displacement Concerns Are Real, But So Are The Constraints

The opposition to Parandur is not baseless.

The project documents themselves acknowledge water bodies within the project zone, agricultural land impact, tree cutting,
and displacement concerns.

The report states 1425 acres of water bodies would be affected,
approximately 36,635 trees may be impacted.

These are serious concerns.

However, the uncomfortable reality is that building a world-scale airport near Chennai without touching agricultural land, settlements or water systems is almost impossible.

Every alternative site studied had major operational or environmental trade-offs.

The question therefore is not whether impact exists but whether the state is capable of compensation, rehabilitation, environmental mitigation, and balanced infrastructure planning.

The Risk To Chennai’s Future

If Bengaluru expands to 90 million capacity while Chennai stagnates at around 35 million, the long-term consequences may include airlines preferring Bengaluru hubs, international transit losses, slower multinational expansion into Chennai, weaker aviation-linked industries, and migration of skilled youth toward other states.

For a state that speaks about a $1 trillion economy, global manufacturing leadership, semiconductor ambitions,
and export growth, halting its largest aviation infrastructure project without a replacement strategy creates a major contradiction.

A Defining Test For The New Government

The Parandur issue is no longer just about one airport.

It has become a test of infrastructure vision, policy continuity,
investor confidence, and Tamil Nadu’s long-term economic ambition.

If the project is paused temporarily for improved rehabilitation, transparency and environmental safeguards, the debate remains manageable.

But if Tamil Nadu ultimately abandons the project without a technically viable alternative, the consequences may extend far beyond aviation; it could be a death knell for TN’s development.

It could reshape Chennai’s economic trajectory for decades.

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‘Thooyasakthi’ TVK’s Kinathukidavu MLA Vignesh Says He Is A ‘Tea Stall Owner’s Son’; Affidavit Reveals ₹3 Crore Assets

'Thooyasakthi' TVK's Kinathukidavu MLA Vignesh Says He Is A ‘Tea Stall Owner’s Son’; Affidavit Reveals ₹3 Crore Assets

A few days ago, TVK Kinathukidavu MLA Vignesh delivered an emotional speech portraying himself as a man who rose from extreme poverty and a tea shop background to the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly, is now facing scrutiny after his own election affidavit revealed assets worth several crores of rupees.

Speaking to reporters a few days ago, Vignesh said, “When I was about to go inside that Legislative Assembly, I had no confidence in myself. Because I, Vignesh, am not the son of some wealthy family, nor do I come from a big political lineage where my grandfather was a minister or my father was an MLA or anything like that. Vignesh is the son of an ordinary tea shop owner; I am a boy whose mother worked in that shop. When a boy like that gets such an opportunity, it means history is trying to say something; this era, this soil is trying to say something. When I went there, the first thing I saw was the place where Arignar Anna sat, the place where Kalaignar Ayya sat, the place where Perunthalaivar Kamarajar sat, and likewise the place where Puratchi Thalaivar MGR sat. In the same places where such great leaders, such giants, sat, I too am sitting now. At that moment, even this morning, I went to the temple and prayed to God, thinking: ‘I have already won in my life.’ A person like me who was on the street, who lived in a hut, has now got the chance to go to the Fort and sit in the Legislative Assembly at the age of 38—if I have got such an opportunity, then I have already won in my life. From now on, my entire life must be only for these people, for those suffering people whom I have seen with my own eyes and felt pain for. That is my only goal.”

But his affidavit tells a different story. According to the affidavit, the MLA and his spouse together declared total assets exceeding ₹3 crore. The documents show movable assets worth more than ₹1.54 crore and immovable assets valued at approximately ₹1.65 crore officially declared in the affidavit records.

Source: MyNeta

The affidavit also lists:

  • Multiple bank accounts and investments,
  • Shares and securities,
  • Gold holdings,
  • Insurance policies,
  • Vehicles including an Innova Crysta,
  • Residential and non-agricultural properties in Coimbatore district.
Source: MyNeta
Source: MyNeta
Source: MyNeta

Income tax details disclosed in the affidavit show annual taxable income running into several lakhs over the past five financial years. The records indicate that Vignesh K declared income ranging from around ₹6 lakh to ₹7 lakh annually, while his spouse declared income crossing ₹10 lakh in certain years.

Source: MyNeta

Similar to other TVK MLAs like Rajmohan, ‘Auto driver’ Vijay Dhamu, former driver’s son Sabarinathan, barefooted MLA Thendral Kumar, Vignesh also portrays himself as someone from a poor background.

All these TVK MLAs have been attempting to construct a misleading “poor common man” image despite possessing substantial wealth and assets.

Additionally, the declared figures only account for assets officially disclosed in the affidavit and do not include any possible assets held in the names of parents, siblings or extended family members.

It is noteworthy that majority of the TVK MLAs possess enough wealth and cannot claim to be poor.

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TVK Govt Invokes Goondas Act In ‘Jana Nayagan’ Leak Case Days After Aadhav Arjuna Promised Goondas Act For Drug Peddlers

TVK Govt Invokes Goondas Act In ‘Jana Nayagan’ Leak Case Days After Aadhav Arjuna Promised Goondas Act For Drug Peddlers

Just days after TVK minister Aadhav Arjuna publicly declared that drug peddlers would be detained under the Goondas Act as part of the party’s crackdown on narcotics and illegal activities, the Tamil Nadu government has now invoked the same stringent law against three individuals accused in the online piracy and leak of the film Jana Nayagan raising fresh concerns over the expanding use of preventive detention laws under the new TVK administration.

According to officials, three accused S. Prashanth, S. Selvam and Bala alias Balakrishnan were detained under the Tamil Nadu Prevention of Dangerous Activities Act, commonly known as the Goondas Act, in connection with the alleged piracy and illegal online dissemination of Jana Nayagan. The State Cyber Crime Wing had registered the case on April 11 following complaints regarding the circulation of the film through digital platforms, as reported in The Hindu.

Police stated that the detention orders were executed on May 13 after investigators collected technical evidence and concluded that the accused were allegedly involved in organised digital piracy activities, including theft, processing and online distribution of the pirated version of the movie.

However, the move has triggered criticism over what many see as the increasingly aggressive and sweeping use of the Goondas Act by the TVK-led government.

Only days earlier, Aadhav Arjuna, while addressing reporters after a review meeting in Chennai’s Villivakkam constituency, had announced that drug sellers would be booked under the Goondas Act in order to “eliminate drug culture.” He had also spoken about shutting down TASMAC outlets, arresting operators of illegal liquor shops, enforcing surveillance through CCTV cameras across police stations and streets, and ensuring stricter policing mechanisms, as reported in Tamil ABP Live.

One wonders whether a law originally intended for habitual offenders and threats to public order is gradually being normalised for a widening range of offences – from narcotics cases to digital copyright violations.

It is observed that preventive detention laws like the Goondas Act allow authorities to imprison individuals for extended periods without a regular criminal trial, based on the claim that their activities threaten public order. Such laws are vulnerable to misuse, especially when governments begin applying them beyond violent or organised criminal activity.

The detention of piracy accused under the same law that TVK ministers recently vowed to use against drug networks has intensified concerns that the Vijay-led administration may be moving toward an increasingly surveillance-heavy and punitive model of governance, where extraordinary legal provisions are becoming routine administrative tools.

While online piracy is unquestionably illegal and punishable under existing criminal and cyber laws, invoking preventive detention legislation in such cases raises serious questions about proportionality, due process and the future scope of state power under the new government.

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