Home Blog Page 3

Illegal Lottery Sale: Three Held Near Thiruthuraipoondi Bus Stand

Illegal Lottery Sale: Three Held Near Thiruthuraipoondi Bus Stand

Three persons were arrested in Tiruvarur district for allegedly selling lottery tickets illegally, police said. During the operation, officials seized cash worth Rs 2.43 lakh along with lottery tickets and other materials connected to the racket.

According to police, information was received that banned lottery tickets were being sold in the Thiruthuraipoondi area. Acting on the tip-off, a special team led by Special Sub-Inspector Karthik conducted a raid near the old bus stand in Thiruthuraipoondi, where a man identified as Sekar of Thatta Street was found behaving suspiciously.

During questioning, police obtained information that led them to search Sekar’s residence. The search reportedly uncovered illegal lottery tickets and large amounts of cash hidden inside the house.

Police later identified the other accused as Subash Chandrabose, Kaliaperumal and Pakkirisamy Paneerselvam, all natives of the Pangal area in Thirukkuvalai taluk of Nagapattinam district.

Officials seized 160 lottery tickets, Rs 2,43,700 in cash, four mobile phones, three ATM cards and 10 bank passbooks from the accused. The three persons were subsequently handed over to the Thiruthuraipoondi police station, where further investigation is under way.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsAppTelegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

“We’ve The Same Policy”: Joseph Vijay’s Minister Aadhav Arjuna Justifies Udhayanidhi Stalin’s “Eradicate Sanatana Dharma” Hate Speech

In a fresh escalation of the ongoing row over Sanatana Dharma, Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) leader and newly sworn-in Minister Aadhav Arjuna who is also Joseph Vijay’s close aide, has defended the ideological stance behind DMK Leader of Opposition Udhayanidhi Stalin’s controversial remarks, effectively signaling ideological convergence between the two parties.

Udhayanidhi Stalin, in his maiden speech as Leader of Opposition in the Tamil Nadu Assembly on May 12, reiterated his call that “Sanatana Dharma, which divides people, must be eradicated.” The remarks echo his 2023 comments comparing Sanatana Dharma to diseases like dengue and malaria that need to be eliminated rather than merely opposed.

TVK MLA V.M.S. Mustafa had earlier stoked the fire by stating that his party had “entered the field to eradicate Sanatana,” invoking EV Ramasamy Naicker (known as ‘Periyar’ by his followers) and Ambedkar. Ironically he’s the MLA of Madurai Central where the world-famous historic Madurai Meenakshi Amman Temple is located.

Amid backlash, Aadhav Arjuna stepped in to clarify and contextualize the position.

Speaking to the media, Arjuna asserted that TVK is “not against Hindus, but against Hindutva.” He argued that the term ‘Sanatana Dharma’ carries different connotations regionally: in the North, it broadly means Hinduism, while in Tamil Nadu, it refers to caste hierarchy and inequality. “Hindus, Muslims, Christians — we treat everyone equally. That is the Indian Constitution,” he emphasized.

“Even with Udhyanidhi also.. The same policy. We don’t have any different policy.”, he said coming across as supporting Udhayanidhi Stalin’s hate speech.

Arjuna further stated that TVK stands firmly against the caste system and inequality while ‘respecting every religion’.

Joseph Vijay Doesn’t Object To Eradicate Sanatana Dharma Hate Speech

On 12 May 2026, leader of opposition and DMK scion Udhayanidhi Stalin once again triggered controversy after reiterating remarks against Sanatana Dharma during his speech in the Assembly, while Chief Minister Joseph Vijay was looking on in the House.

“Victory to Tamil. Long live Tamil Nadu. Sanatanam, which divides the people, must certainly be eradicated. Thank you, greetings.”, Udhayanidhi Stalin said.

However, Vijay nodded and greeted Udhayanidhi with his hands folded as the latter concluded the speech.

Vijay has maintained silence on the entire hate speech against Sanatana Dharma while his lieutenants have been speaking the same language as DMK.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsAppTelegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

Urdu Is the Second Dominant Language In Karnataka, Andhra, Telangana; Telugu Second Most Dominant In Tamil Nadu

Dravidianist Tamil Nadu’s political discourse has spent decades warning about “Hindi imposition.” From anti-Hindi agitations to opposition against the three-language formula and NEP, Dravidian parties have consistently portrayed Hindi as a threat to Tamil identity and regional autonomy.

But the demographic reality tells a far more uncomfortable story.

A linguistic map based on 2011 Census data and Lok Sabha constituency-level language patterns shows that across 92 constituencies in Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, not a single seat has Hindi as its second-largest linguistic community. Instead, Urdu dominates large parts of the South, including several regions in Tamil Nadu itself.

That raises a difficult question for Tamil Nadu’s language politics: if the state can comfortably accommodate Urdu and other non-Tamil languages, why is Hindi alone treated as unacceptable?

In Karnataka, Urdu is the second-largest linguistic community in 18 out of 28 Lok Sabha constituencies. In Andhra Pradesh, that number rises to 21 out of 25. Tamil Nadu reflects a similar pattern: Urdu and Telugu dominate as the major secondary linguistic communities across much of the state, while Hindi does not emerge as the second-largest language group in even a single constituency.

Kerala stands apart, where neither Hindi nor Urdu reportedly dominates as the largest secondary linguistic bloc in any Lok Sabha seat.

The Tamil Nadu numbers are politically significant because Dravidian parties have spent decades portraying Hindi as an existential threat to Tamil identity. Yet the actual demographic footprint of Hindi speakers in the state remains relatively limited compared to other non-Tamil linguistic groups such as Urdu and Telugu speakers.

That is where the contradiction becomes difficult to ignore.

Tamil Nadu has historically accommodated multiple linguistic communities with little political hostility. Urdu-medium schools, Urdu-speaking Muslim communities, Telugu-speaking populations and other non-Tamil linguistic groups have functioned comfortably within the state’s social fabric for decades.

Yet Hindi alone continues to trigger political agitation, protests and accusations of “imposition.”

The contradiction becomes difficult to ignore when one looks at the broader linguistic reality of Tamil Nadu. Political parties routinely warn about “Hindi imposition,” organise protests, and frame Hindi as a threat to Tamil identity. But at the same time, several other non-Tamil languages have existed, expanded and functioned comfortably within the state for decades without triggering comparable outrage.

Urdu is perhaps the clearest example. Across many constituencies in South India, including parts of Tamil Nadu, Urdu emerges as a major second-language community presence. Urdu-medium institutions, Urdu signage, Urdu cultural spaces and Urdu-speaking populations are accommodated with relatively little political hostility. Telugu-speaking populations too have long enjoyed social acceptance and cultural integration in Tamil Nadu.

Yet Hindi alone is treated as uniquely dangerous.

That raises an uncomfortable but legitimate question: if Tamil Nadu can coexist with other non-Tamil linguistic communities, including languages that did not originate in Tamil soil, why is Hindi consistently singled out as unacceptable?

Hindi is not a foreign language to India. It is one of the country’s most widely spoken Indian languages and functions as a practical link language across many states. Millions of Indians use it for work, travel, business and communication. Tamil Nadu has the highest enrollment rate at Hindi Prachar Sabha compared to the other states. Demand for private Hindi tuition classes also continues to exist despite the political rhetoric surrounding the language.

And yet, politically, Hindi continues to be portrayed as though it is an invading force.

This selective outrage seems to be less about protecting Tamil and more about preserving a decades-old Dravidianist political narrative. The Dravidian movement historically built much of its mobilisation around anti-Hindi sentiment, and that emotional framework still remains electorally useful. Hindi is not merely treated as another language; it is treated as a political symbol around which identity-based resistance can be organised.

But the demographic reality increasingly complicates that narrative.

If the concern were genuinely about resisting all “outside linguistic influence,” then similar political resistance would logically extend to every major non-Tamil language presence. That clearly does not happen. The accommodation shown toward Urdu and other linguistic minorities demonstrates that Tamil society is fully capable of multilingual coexistence when politics does not actively weaponise the issue.

A state that comfortably accommodates multiple linguistic communities often treats only one Indian language differently from all others – not because of fear of Tamil disappearing, but because Hindi remains politically valuable as a symbol of resistance.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsAppTelegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

17 Foreign Passport Holders Detained Over Suspected Illegal Voting In Tamil Nadu Polls

17 Foreign Passport Holders Detained Over Suspected Illegal Voting in Tamil Nadu Polls

At least 17 foreign passport holders, including a woman, have been detained by immigration authorities in Tamil Nadu on suspicion of illegally voting in the recently concluded Assembly elections using forged documents, officials said, as per a Times of India report.

Fifteen individuals were intercepted at Chennai International Airport over the past few days while attempting to travel back to countries including Canada, Sri Lanka and Australia. Two others were detained separately at Madurai airport.

According to officials, the passengers came under suspicion during routine immigration screening after officers noticed indelible ink marks on their fingers, typically used to identify voters who have cast their ballots during Indian elections.

The immigration department subsequently alerted local police authorities, following which the detained individuals were handed over to the respective crime branches of the Tamil Nadu Police for further questioning.

Preliminary investigations are reportedly focusing on whether the foreign nationals had fraudulently obtained voter identification documents or other supporting records enabling them to participate in the Assembly polls.

The Chennai Police have launched a detailed probe into the matter. Authorities are also expected to examine possible document forgery networks and determine whether local facilitators were involved in securing electoral credentials for the detained individuals.

Officials have not yet disclosed the identities of those detained or clarified whether any arrests have formally been made in connection with the case.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsAppTelegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

Make-up Artist & Distortionist Ruchika Sharma Claims ‘Brahmins Benefited From Exploitative Devadasi System’; Temple Records Tell A Different Story

Make-up Artist & Distortionist Ruchika Sharma Claims 'Brahmins Benefited From Exploitative Devadasi System'; Temple Records Tell A Different Story

A social media post by make-up Artist & distortionist Ruchika Sharma, who makes ridiculous comments on historical subjects online, sparked criticism after she made sweeping claims about Brahmins and the Devadasi system during the Chola period without presenting inscriptional evidence to substantiate the allegations.

In the now-circulating post shared on X, Sharma claimed that “Brahmins lived most comfortably in most of Indian history” and alleged that rulers “from Ashoka to Aurangzeb” patronised Brahmins through tax-free land grants. Citing historian RS Sharma, she further claimed that under the Guptas, Brahmins were allegedly “free to exploit the peasant on his Agrahara, evict them at will, and charge a number of extra cesses.”

She also alleged that “Brahmins were the benefactors of the deeply dehumanizing Devadasi system, especially under the Cholas,” calling the system “sexually exploitative” and accusing Brahmins of living “a lavish life of doing nothing but having everything.”

The remarks triggered a strong response online, with several users accusing Sharma of spreading historically inaccurate claims regarding the Devadasi system during the Chola era.

There is “zero evidence” supporting the allegation that the Devadasi institution under the Cholas was a “dehumanising” system controlled by Brahmins. There are multiple Chola-period inscriptions which refer to temple dancers as “Devar Adiyars”, servants of the deity, occupying recognised and respected institutional roles within temple society.

The Devadasis or Devaradiyars attached to temples during the Chola period primarily functioned as dancers, musicians and ritual functionaries serving the temple establishment, with inscriptions referring to them with dignity and formal institutional recognition.

The Rudra Kanyas, as they were called in Agamic traditions, underwent formal Diksha before entering temple service. The Kamika Agama describes the initiation procedures connected with them, including ritual worship associated with the kol (staff/stick). Due to this association, they were also referred to as Dandini, while the Tamil usage employed the term Koli, and the head of the dancers bore the title Thalaikoli.

Many women attached to Chola temples carried the prefix “Nakkan” in inscriptions. The famous Thalichery inscription of Rajaraja Chola I at the Brihadisvara Temple records the appointment of around 400 temple dancers to the temple establishment. Many among them carried the prefix “Nakkan,” which is evidence of institutional organisation and formal integration into temple administration. All of them were provided accommodation and remuneration for their services.

Another inscription from the Thiruvorriyur temple belonging to the Raja Narayana Sambuvaraya period indicates that there were three categories of Devaradiyars performing distinct duties within the temple.

According to the inscription, the Pathiyilars performed ‘Sokkam’, described as Suththa Nruthyam in Tamil, while the Rishabha Taliyalars provided vocal support and also performed ‘Agamarkam’ and ‘Varikkolam’ dances. The third category of Devaradiyars performed ‘Sandikkunippam,’ a dance form conducted within the shrine of the goddess. The inscription also documents additional responsibilities carried out by them, including ‘Tiruvalagu’ (sweeping), ‘Tirumezhuku’ (cleaning with cow dung), ‘Taligaivilakku’ (cleaning utensils) and rice cleaning duties.

Multiple inscriptions record donations made by Devaradiyars themselves to temples. One inscription at Thiruvalanjuzhi reportedly records a Devaradiyar named ‘Atkondan Thevu’ granting donations for Nithya Pooja, while another inscription at Thiruvakkarai refers to a land donation made by a Devaradiyar named ‘Seerazhvi.’

Additionally, there are inscriptions suggesting that some Brahmins themselves became Devadasis and performed temple service. One inscription refers to a “Devaradiyal of Tillai Piran Bhattar Nambimar, who was Sentiyan Mangaiyarkarasi,” identifying her as belonging to a Brahmin lineage while also recording the gifts she made.

Based on these inscriptions, it is quite clear that portraying Brahmins as the architects of a “dehumanising” Devadasi system during the Chola period lacks evidentiary basis and ignores inscriptional records which, according to them, demonstrate that Devaradiyars held recognised, organised and respected positions within temple institutions during that era.

(This article is based on an X Thread By Author/Historian TS Krishnan)

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsAppTelegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

Joseph Vijay Wearing Aragaja Tilak To Ward Off Evil Eye And Negative Energy

Joseph Vijay Wearing Aragaja Tilak?

Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) chief and TN CM Joseph Vijay has sparked discussion after appearing in public wearing a dark-coloured tilak on his forehead along with his now-familiar formal “coat suit” attire following his emergence as a major political figure in Tamil Nadu.

According to TVK functionaries, the mark applied on Vijay’s forehead is an “Aragaja” tilak, traditionally prepared using aromatic substances such as punugu, javvadhu, pachai karpooram (green camphor) and vetiver roots, as reported in Dinamalar.

The Aragaja tilak is commonly used as part of temple rituals and abhishekam offerings in several Hindu traditions. Many devotees believe that applying the tilak on the forehead helps ward off evil eye, negative energy and harmful influences.

Against this backdrop, Vijay’s decision to sport the Aragaja tilak has become a talking point in Tamil Nadu political and social circles, with supporters and observers closely discussing its cultural and symbolic significance.

 

View this post on Instagram

 

A post shared by Chanakyaa (@chanakyaa_tv)

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsAppTelegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

Viral Video Claimed T Nagar TASMAC Outlet Near A School Was Shut After Vijay’s Order, But Ground Reality Differs

Viral Video Claimed T Nagar TASMAC Outlet Near A School Was Shut After Vijay's Order, But Ground Reality Differs

Newly sworn-in Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Joseph Vijay ordered the closure of 717 state-run TASMAC liquor outlets located near schools, places of worship and bus stands, marking the first major administrative decision of his government since assuming office earlier this week.

According to an official press release issued by the Tamil Nadu government on Tuesday, the affected outlets were identified as TASMAC retail shops operating within 500 metres of educational institutions, temples, churches, mosques and bus stands across the state. Authorities have been directed to complete the closure process within two weeks.

However, even as the announcement drew praise from sections of the public, confusion and political controversy emerged over claims that several shops had already been shut down.

A video circulated widely on social media showed the founder of Shrine Velankanni School in Chennai’s T Nagar, thanking the new government and claiming that a TASMAC outlet located a few buildings away from the school had finally been closed after nearly four decades of complaints.

“In this place, there has been this TASMAC shop for almost 40 years. Now they have locked it. Many thanks to the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu,” she said in the video while pointing towards the liquor outlet and the nearby school campus.

She further stated that women and schoolchildren had suffered for years because of the outlet’s presence in the locality.

“My children, many children, used to go through this street. After 6 p.m., women could not walk here. Many people would be lying drunk on the roads,” she said, adding that successive governments had failed to act despite repeated appeals.

The video was subsequently amplified by several TVK supporters online as evidence of the new administration’s swift action against TASMAC outlets.

However, another video recorded on Wednesday (13 May 2026) afternoon challenged those claims, showing the same TASMAC outlet on Dhandapani Street in T Nagar continuing to function normally with customers purchasing liquor.

A local later shared a video alleging that false claims were being spread online regarding the shop’s closure.

“They have posted a video saying this wine shop has been closed. The wine shop is open. I am a resident of T Nagar from the same constituency. Where have they closed it?” a commuter said.

Employees at the outlet reportedly stated that they had not yet received any official closure notice from authorities.

India Today reported shared the status of the said TASMAC outlet stating that as of 12:10 PM on 14 May 2026, the shop was still operational and has not been closed. Officials were reportedly given two weeks to shut down all 700+ TASMAC shops.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsAppTelegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

RJ Balaji Who Made A Career Out Of Trolling Films Wants People To ‘Stop Being Judgemental’ About His Latest Film Karuppu

RJ Balaji Who Made A Career Out Of Trolling Films And Supported Politically Motivated Protests Wants Political Netizens To Not Roast Films, Fears Being 'Branded' For Showing Indian Flag

For years, RJ Balaji built his career by mocking, ridiculing and intellectually posturing over commercial cinema. He positioned himself as the “smart observer” above the masses, sneering at films, fan culture and larger-than-life entertainers while cultivating an audience that enjoyed looking down upon mainstream cinema. But today, with his own directorial film Karuppu hitting theatres (albeit delayed), the same RJ Balaji suddenly wants audiences to “stop being judgmental” and treat films as “mere entertainment.” The hypocrisy is impossible to ignore.

The Man Who Built a Brand on Mockery

Five years ago, RJ Balaji used a major public platform to mock Telugu cinema and caricature its style, humour and mass appeal in order to score laughs and applause. The message was clear: Telugu commercial films were supposedly loud, exaggerated and intellectually inferior. That brand of smug elitism became part of his identity. Yet today, the same man is aggressively promoting his films in Telugu markets and seeking acceptance from the very audience culture he once looked down upon.

The irony writes itself, but let’s write it anyway.

Two Speeches, One Weekend, Zero Self-Awareness

On 11 May 2026, at the Telugu trailer launch of Veera Bhadrudu, Balaji stood in Hyderabad and stated that the film was “not made for people on social media.” He dismissed critics preemptively, framing the film as a pure theatrical mass entertainer bringing back the vintage Suriya of Ayan and Singam days. In other words: don’t think, just feel.

Days later as his own directorial Karuppu is waiting to be released, what was his message to audiences? Please “stop being judgmental.” Treat movies as “mere entertainment.” Karuppu, he said, is made for people who genuinely celebrate cinema inside theatres and experience films emotionally.

The man held up the exact shield he spent years smashing within days.

This isn’t the first time he said this. He seems to be repeating this plea every time his film releases.

Where Was This Wisdom During Animal?

When Sandeep Reddy Vanga’s Animal released, Balaji was among the loudest voices framing it as culturally dangerous, morally regressive, and unworthy of celebration. Not a whisper then about “letting audiences enjoy what they enjoy.” Not a single sentence about the arrogance of social media gatekeeping.

Animal was a mass entertainer made for theatrical experience, loved by millions inside cinema halls, and enjoyed by its audience. By every standard Balaji is now asking the audience to apply to Karuppu and Veera Bhadrudu, Animal deserved exactly the same charity. He gave it none.

The pattern is unmistakable: judgment is a tool when it serves his brand, and wisdom is a costume when it serves his box office.

A Telugu Release Without a Telugu Apology

Perhaps the most brazen detail in this entire saga is geography. The man who ridiculed Telugu cinema’s sensibilities is releasing films in Telugu, launching trailers in Hyderabad, and courting the very audience he once treated as a punchline. No acknowledgment. No reckoning. Not even the performative two-line tweet that passes for accountability in this industry.

He doesn’t owe Telugu audiences a masterclass in humility. He owes them something far simpler – an apology.

The Selective Empathy of RJ Balaji

On the morning of Karuppu’s release (14 May 2026), the shows collapsed in real time. A major financial settlement issue between the production side and financiers forced last-minute cancellations of morning and noon shows, throwing fans across cities into confusion and anger. Bookings were scrapped, screens went dark, and social media was flooded with frustrated posts from people who had travelled, taken leave, or rearranged their day to catch the first shows.

In response, RJ Balaji released an emotional Instagram video.
Tearful and visibly shaken, he apologised to fans, admitted “it shouldn’t have happened”, and said audiences shouldn’t have to experience “stress” just to watch a film meant to help them forget life’s problems. He promised the issues would be resolved by evening and expressed hope that the film would finally make it to theatres for later shows worldwide.

The empathy for the audience in that video is real. He acknowledges travel, effort, expectation, and the emotional reality of being a fan who just wants to sit in a theatre and enjoy a movie. But that is precisely what makes his earlier posture so jarring: at the Hyderabad pre-release event, he declared that Karuppu “is not made for people on social media, it is made for those who celebrate cinema and not for those who dissect films,” implicitly dismissing the same online audience that now became his lifeline and pressure point when the release imploded.

When it was Animal, he could stand at a distance and say he “felt bad” that people enjoyed such films, condemning the audience’s taste without even watching the movie himself. When it is his film, he suddenly discovers nuance: he asks people not to come with preconceived notions, to watch with an open mind, to enjoy first and then critique later. When others make mass films, audience enjoyment is a sickness to be diagnosed; when he makes one, audience enjoyment is a sacred emotional bond that must be protected at all costs.

The crisis morning of Karuppu shows something important: RJ Balaji understands perfectly well what cinema means to people, how deeply they feel about shows, screens, and heroes. That makes his years of moral grandstanding and social-media sneering feel less like conviction and more like convenience.

The Real Damage

This isn’t just about one director’s inconsistency. Balaji was influential. His commentary shaped how a generation of young Tamil viewers related to pan-Indian cinema, dismissively, superiorly, with a readymade vocabulary of condescension. That cultural damage doesn’t disappear because he’s now personally invested in box office collections.

You don’t get to spend years telling audiences how to watch films, mock the ones that don’t meet your shifting standards, and then turn around and beg those same audiences to switch off their brains for your movie.

Convenience is not wisdom. Silence is not accountability.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsAppTelegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

After Getting Votes Of Hindus Claiming To Be ‘Secular’, Joseph Vijay Allows Attack On Sanatana Dharma Go Unchallenged

TVK chief and now Tamil Nadu CM Joseph Vijay carefully cultivated an image that appealed to large sections of voters in Tamil Nadu – this includes the majority Hindu population as well. He projected himself as “secular,” above divisive politics, respectful of all faiths, and different from the openly anti-Hindu rhetoric often associated with sections of the Dravidian political ecosystem. Many Hindus, especially younger voters disillusioned with both the DMK and AIADMK, bought into that image. They saw Vijay as an icon rather than an ideological activist.

Vijay ran on a platform of “inclusivity for all communities.” He positioned TVK as the antidote to both the DMK’s identity politics and the BJP’s communal mobilisation. Tamil Nadu’s Hindu voters, who constitute over 87% of the state’s population, gave him a historic mandate: 108 seats in TVK’s debut election. They were told this was a new politics. But he betrayed the majority Hindus.

The political betrayal did not announce itself. It arrived quietly, dressed in the language of secularism, civility, and governance. Joseph Vijay’s silence on May 12 as Udhayanidhi Stalin stood in the Tamil Nadu Assembly and called for the eradication of Sanatana Dharma, again, in a hall Vijay now leads as Chief Minister, was exactly that kind of betrayal.

Present in the Hall, Absent in Conscience

The critical detail is not just that Udhayanidhi made the remark. It is that he made it in Vijay’s presence and Vijay did nothing. He did not intervene. He did not rebuke. He was reportedly seen smiling as Udhayanidhi quipped that “DMK is the senior batch in governance and we are ready to teach you.” The Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu sat through a call for the abolition of a faith practised by the overwhelming majority of his electorate and offered the hall his smile.

Vijay could have asked the Speaker to expunge the remarks. He did not. Worse, a TVK MLA went further and echoed the same rhetoric, declaring: ‘We also have Periyar, Ambedkar and we’ve entered the field to eradicate Sanatana.’

Udhayanidhi Stalin did not merely criticise caste discrimination. He once again declared that “Sanatana Dharma, which divides people, must certainly be abolished.” This was not a stray remark. It was a deliberate reiteration of his infamous 2023 statement comparing Sanatana Dharma to diseases like dengue and malaria that needed eradication. That earlier statement triggered nationwide outrage, multiple legal challenges, and even a Madras High Court observation in 2026 describing the remark as hate speech against Hindus.

Yet when the slogan returned inside the Tamil Nadu Assembly itself, what followed was remarkable not only for who supported it, but for who chose silence.

Vijay neither condemned Udhayanidhi nor his own party MLA for making those hurtful remarks. This, despite it becoming a national issue once again.

The Limits of Vijay’s ‘Secular’ Balancing Act

This silence matters because Vijay is no longer merely a film star. He is the face of a political party that asked for the trust of millions of Tamil voters, a substantial majority of whom are Hindus. He is the Chief Minister of a state that is a majority Hindu state. A party leader can hide behind ambiguity. A Chief Minister cannot. He cannot indefinitely survive on carefully managed ambiguity while every major ideological confrontation in Tamil Nadu passes by unanswered.

The larger issue is not whether Vijay personally supports Sanatana Dharma. The issue is whether he is willing to politically defend Hindu civilisational identity when it is openly targeted in public discourse, given the fact that he himself is a believer and was on a temple run following the April 23 elections.

Tamil Nadu’s Hindus were told they were getting a new politics. What they appear to have gotten is the old politics, with better branding and a Chief Minister who smiles through the controversy and looks away.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsAppTelegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

Loyola Alumni Association Slammed For Claiming CM Vijay As “Distinguished Alumnus” Despite Him Never Completing His Degree

A social media post by R. Joseph D’ Kennedy, Indian Representative of ECA Global (Ending Clergy Abuse) and a Loyola College alumnus himself, has called out the Loyola Alumni Association for what he describes as a “shameless PR stunt”, claiming Chief Minister C. Joseph Vijay as a “distinguished alumnus” of the institution, when Vijay never completed his degree there.

The post was prompted by a widely circulated poster put out by the Loyola Alumni Association following the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly election results. The poster, titled “From Students of Loyola to Leaders of Tamil Nadu,” features Chief Minister Vijay, Leader of Opposition Udhayanidhi Stalin, and Assembly Speaker J.C.D. Prabhakar – all three identified as Loyola alumni.

The problem, as Kennedy points out, is straightforward: Vijay enrolled in the Bachelor of Visual Communication programme at Loyola College but left early, without completing his degree, to pursue acting. He debuted as a lead hero at the age of 18 and never returned to finish his studies.

“Vijay leaving Loyola to chase his dreams — that’s entirely his story to own,” Kennedy wrote. “But Loyola claiming him as their ‘distinguished alumnus’ is nothing but stealing credit for a journey they had absolutely no part in.”

The Bootlicking That Came Before

Kennedy’s criticism goes beyond the poster. He draws pointed attention to Loyola’s Jesuit administration’s track record of political alignment with the outgoing DMK government – and the speed with which it has now repositioned itself with the new establishment.

At the centre of his critique is Fr. C. Joe Arun SJ, Director of the Loyola Institute of Business Administration (LIBA) and Former Chairman of the Tamil Nadu State Minorities Commission – a post to which he was appointed by the DMK government. At a Christmas rally in Tirunelveli in December 2025, Fr. Joe Arun made an explicit electoral appeal for Christians and Muslims to vote DMK in the 2026 elections, concluding with the words: “Just as God is with us, we too are with him. Just as Jesus is with us, he too is with us” – drawing a direct parallel between Chief Minister MK Stalin and Jesus Christ.

The statement, reported by The Commune at the time, drew widespread criticism for its conflation of religious authority with electoral mobilisation. That it was made by a Jesuit priest holding a government-appointed position made it all the more significant.
“This is the same Jesuit institution that was bootlicking the DMK government right up to election day,” Kennedy wrote, “and has now wasted no time repositioning themselves with the new establishment. Pure political weather-watching.”

A Ranking In Freefall

Adding to the critique is Loyola’s own academic performance record. The National Institutional Ranking Framework (NIRF), the Government of India’s official college ranking system, shows a sustained decline over the past three years:

A drop of ten places in three years – from one of India’s top five colleges to outside the top ten.

“When your academic credibility is in free fall, you parade someone else’s success story for desperate PR,” Kennedy noted.

A Caution To TVK

Kennedy’s post also carries a direct warning to the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam and the new Chief Minister.

“Institutional church doesn’t do loyalty — it does opportunism,” he wrote. “They used DMK. They’ll use you too. Stay alert.”

The warning comes from a place of institutional familiarity. Kennedy, who completed his degree at Loyola College, has been at the forefront of accountability efforts targeting the institution’s Jesuit administration – filing complaints with the NHRC, UGC, and the Superior General of the Jesuits in Rome over issues ranging from unauthorised foreign MoUs to electoral partisanship.
“PS: I say this as a proud Loyola alumnus — one who actually completed his degree,” he signed off.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsAppTelegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.