Facebook Instagram X Youtube
Sunday, July 5, 2026
Facebook Instagram X Youtube
Home Blog Page 52

TN Govt Is Training YouTubers. DMK Started It, TVK Continues It – For Skill Development Or Propaganda Infrastructure?

By
The Commune
-
TN Govt Is Training YouTubers. DMK Started It, TVK Continues It - Skill Development Or Propaganda Infrastructure?

The Entrepreneurship Development and Innovation Institute – Tamil Nadu (EDII‑TN), a government institute under the MSME department, has announced a three‑day “Create Your Own YouTube Channel” training programme from 25–27 May 2026 at its Ekkattuthangal campus in Chennai. The course runs 10 a.m. to 5 p.m., charges ₹5,000 for three days (hostel extra), and promises lunch, tea, snacks, a government‑issued certificate and even guidance on loan schemes.

 

View this post on Instagram

 

A post shared by EDII TN (@edii_tn)

On the brochure, it reads like a regular harmless skill‑development initiative. But in a state where TVK’s shock rise is reported to be because of an aggressive online campaign, it is hard not to see this as something more than “just” entrepreneurship. When the state trains citizens in the precise tools that today’s parties use to manufacture virality and crush dissent, ought we to treat it as neutral capacity building – or as quiet investment in a propaganda infrastructure that survives electoral change?

What makes this continuity especially striking is that the idea did not begin with TVK. EDII‑TN’s YouTube training courses started under the previous DMK government and has simply rolled over into the new regime.

Government press‑release archives show EDII‑TN running a three‑day “Create Your Own YouTube Channel and Marketing” course as far back as 2023. EDII‑TN’s own training pages list multiple batches of YouTube‑themed Entrepreneurship Development Programmes in 2023–24 and 2024–25, all under DMK’s watch.

In July 2025, the institute proudly announced it had “successfully concluded” a three‑day EDP titled “Create Your Own YouTube Channel & Market Your Products Using Internet & YouTube” at the Chennai campus.

 

View this post on Instagram

 

A post shared by EDII TN (@edii_tn)

Today, an internal “Training of Trainers (EDP)” document lists “Create your own YouTube Channel” as a standard, digitised EDII‑TN module alongside bakery and advanced digital marketing. In other words, the DMK government did not merely allow one off‑beat workshop; it helped institutionalise state‑run YouTube training inside a permanent government framework.

Look at the skill set being sold for ₹5,000. The current programme offers promotion of videos and slideshows, social‑media marketing and platform integration, strategies to increase “customer network” and “audience reach,” effective promotional techniques, and online marketing fundamentals, alongside domain, hosting and basic website design. This is textbook digital‑marketing content. It is also exactly what political IT cells use daily to engineer trends, suppress uncomfortable stories and keep their leader’s face on every screen.

Recent reports have flagged how TVK supporters allegedly weaponise this ecosystem – from coordinated online abuse to mass reporting of critical accounts. Analyses of the election have highlighted how Vijay’s party rode a wave of YouTube videos, Shorts and Reels carefully crafted to present a heroic narrative and drown out counter‑voices. In that context, a government institute training a new cohort in social‑media promotion and audience‑reach tactics is not a politically innocent act. It creates a ready‑to‑tap pool of technically skilled creators who owe their certificate, contacts and in some cases hostel and loan guidance to the state.

When the state invests in shaping this cohort’s skills, without parallel investment in media ethics, fact‑checking or hate‑speech awareness, whose interests are ultimately served?

To be clear: there is no public proof that EDII‑TN graduates from the DMK years were formally absorbed into party IT cells, nor that TVK has a documented plan to turn the May 2026 batch into an official digital army. But the structural risk is obvious. The state has built and is now preserving a taxpayer‑supported training line that produces exactly the skills required for sophisticated political propaganda, with no visible firewall against partisan use.

A few questions follow naturally. What safeguards exist to ensure that EDII‑TN’s YouTube alumni are not informally channelled into the ruling party’s online campaigns? Has any government issued clear guidelines preventing state‑trained digital entrepreneurs from being turned into unpaid party amplifiers? And if the concern is genuinely entrepreneurship, why do we not see equally aggressive state programmes on media literacy, verification and democratic responsibilities of content creators?

On this issue at least, DMK and TVK begin to look less like ideological opposites and more like successive managers of the same state‑run digital machine – one that can, at any moment, be tuned from “capacity building” to “narrative management” without ever needing a new policy note.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

1946: Malabar Backed Jinnah. 2026: IUML Picks Kerala’s CM

By
The Commune
-
1946: Malabar Backed Jinnah. 2026: IUML Picks Kerala’s CM

Kerala’s latest power struggle has thrown up an uncomfortable truth that many would rather dress up in secular jargon: in 2026, a party born out of the pre-Partition Muslim League is effectively acting as veto power over who becomes Chief Minister of a Hindu-majority state. This is not just about coalition compulsions; it is about historical memory, political asymmetry, and a long habit of treating Hindu votes as negotiable while treating minority blocs as sacrosanct.

1946: When Malabar voted with Jinnah

Let us start with the history lesson the forwards talk about – because unlike many secular homilies, this one at least gets the basic outline right. Elections were held to the provincial assemblies in early 1946 under the British, with separate electorates for Muslims. Congress campaigned for complete independence and a united India; the All India Muslim League under Jinnah made Pakistan its central political project and sought to prove it represented Muslims as a whole.

The numbers are stark. Across British India, the Muslim League won 429 of 492 Muslim-reserved seats – a near sweep in its category, giving it the legitimacy to sit across the table with the British and Congress as “the” Muslim voice. In the Madras Presidency, which then included Malabar, the League won all the Muslim seats – 28 out of 28. Malabar Muslims did not vaguely “sympathise” with Jinnah; they voted in disciplined fashion for the party whose declared programme was the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan.

While Congress leaders were in and out of prison, and while many Hindu voters were trusting the “national movement” to deliver freedom, a significant chunk of Muslims, including in Malabar, were building an alternative political project that ended with India being cut in two. That has consequences for trust, for memory, and for how we understand “minority rights” today.

1947: They Stayed, The Party Stayed, The Leverage Stayed

The slogan goes: “Malabar Muslims voted for Pakistan, but after Pakistan was formed, they never left India.” It is crude, but the core point is difficult to deny. There was no mass migration of Kerala Muslims to Pakistan. Instead, the same social base that had made the Muslim League unbeatable in the Muslim constituencies stayed put, reorganised and adapted to the new Indian reality.

The Indian Union Muslim League that emerged in the early 1950s was not some brand-new organisation born out of thin air. It was built by the same leadership layers and social networks that had worked under the pre-Partition League, especially in Malabar. The name changed, the flag changed, the rhetoric was tuned to “constitutional participation”, but the core logic remained: a religiously defined political bloc bargaining with the state for maximum advantage.

Over time, IUML embedded itself as the permanent Muslim bargaining agent in Kerala politics. It pushed for a separate Malappuram district, used its clout in education and minority welfare, and made itself indispensable in coalition arithmetic. None of this makes it “holy” or “moderate” in some abstract sense; it simply shows a hard-nosed power strategy: convert disciplined community voting into permanent leverage in a fragmented multi-party system.

2026: Congress Majority, IUML Supremacy

Fast forward to 2026. Kerala votes the Congress-led UDF back to power after a decade of Left rule. On paper, Congress has the numbers to form government. In reality, three camps inside the party – backing K. C. Venugopal, V. D. Satheesan and Ramesh Chennithala – are locked in a power struggle that paralyses decision-making. Into this vacuum walks IUML, with its solid block of MLAs and its swing vote in Malabar, essentially saying: “No CM without our consent.”

Reports from national media speak openly of IUML “blocking” certain names and “signalling approval” for others. KC Venugopal – blocked. Ramesh Chennithala – blocked. V. D. Satheesan – after weeks of back and forth, finally green-lit. Congress has the majority; IUML has the decisive veto.

This is not a neutral fact of coalition politics. It means that in a state like Kerala, the final say on who heads the government is being shaped by a party whose reason for existence is to maximise the interests of one religious community and whose organisational ancestry lies in the very movement that demanded the carving up of India. This is not “inclusive democracy”; it is asymmetric democracy, where Hindu voters are expected to behave like a diffuse, divided majority, while Muslim voters are encouraged to consolidate behind a communally defined formation and then dictate terms.

The Double Standard Hindus Must Name

If a Hindu party today ran explicitly as the “Hindu Union League”, claimed to represent all Hindus, and openly bargained for ministries and CM posts on that basis, it would be called communal, majoritarian, dangerous. It would be lectured on the need to “rise above identity” and “respect the secular fabric.” Yet IUML’s entire political brand is precisely that – a religiously defined formation, speaking explicitly in the name of Muslims, wielding bargaining power over state policy – and it is treated as a normal, even respectable, coalition partner.

The same ecosystem that screams about “Hindu majoritarianism” has no problem with a party structurally locked into Muslim communitarian politics deciding who can and cannot be Chief Minister. Hindus are told to forget 1946, forget Partition, forget the ideological roots of the League, and see IUML as just another regional outfit like any other. But history does not evaporate simply because the English commentary class finds it inconvenient.

Kerala Hindus have every right to remember that Malabar’s Muslim League once voted overwhelmingly with Jinnah, that its successors stayed back, rebranded and now exercise kingmaker power; they have every right to question why their votes end up subordinated to a party that never hides its communitarian basis.

To “connect the dots” is not to call for hatred or violence. It is to recognise the political reality: when Hindus remain divided, ashamed to organise as Hindus, and happy to outsource their representation to “national” parties that are terrified of being called communal, space opens up for disciplined, communally organised blocs like IUML to punch far above their numerical weight. In 1946, that logic helped birth Pakistan. In 2026, it allows a party with roots in that very history to sit in judgement over Kerala’s Chief Minister.

The question is not whether the past can be changed; it cannot. The question is whether Hindus in Kerala will continue to pretend this asymmetry does not exist – or whether they will finally name it, confront it, and vote with the clarity that their opponents have displayed for nearly a century.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

Death Knell For TN’s Development: Joseph Vijay Reportedly Halts Chennai’s New Airport At Parandur?

By
The Commune
-
TVK Vijay’s Parandur Airport Protest: Ignorance Or Political Opportunism?

The reported decision by the new Joseph Vijay government to place the proposed Parandur Greenfield Airport project under “status quo” is not merely an administrative pause. He was against it even when he was just a party chief. But it seemed more like an ignorant take.

If the project is ultimately shelved or indefinitely delayed, it could trigger long-term economic, industrial, infrastructure and employment consequences for Tamil Nadu – especially for Chennai and the broader Chennai-Bengaluru industrial corridor.

The issue is not simply about building another airport. It is about whether Tamil Nadu is willing to prepare for the next 30 years of economic growth or surrender its competitive advantage to states like Karnataka, Telangana and Gujarat.

Chennai Is Already Falling Behind Other Metro Cities

Among India’s major metro cities, Chennai already has the weakest future airport expansion trajectory.

The current projected passenger handling capacities are approximately:

  • Delhi NCR: ~137 million passengers annually
  • Bengaluru: ~90 million
  • Mumbai Metropolitan Region: ~80–90 million
  • Hyderabad: ~40–45 million
  • Chennai: ~35 million

The existing Chennai International Airport is already handling more than 2.2 crore passengers annually and is steadily approaching saturation. The Parandur project was specifically conceived as a long-term dual-airport system to prevent Chennai from becoming aviation-constrained.

If Parandur stalls permanently without a viable replacement, Chennai risks becoming the only major southern metro without a scalable second aviation hub.

Why A Second Airport Was Considered “Urgent”

The official pre-feasibility report explicitly states that there is an “urgent requirement” for an additional airport in Chennai because of future traffic growth and rising economic demand.

The report argues that aviation infrastructure is central to tourism, global trade, industrial growth, exports, international commerce, logistics, employment generation, investment attraction, and regional economic expansion.

The proposed airport was planned in four phases with a final passenger handling capacity of 100 million passengers annually.

That scale was intended to place Chennai in the same long-term league as Delhi and Bengaluru.

Without such expansion, Chennai could gradually lose international airline connectivity, cargo competitiveness,
global investor preference, conference and tourism traffic, aviation-linked manufacturing, and future multinational investments.

Why Parandur Was Chosen After Multiple Studies

A major misconception being spread politically is that Parandur was selected arbitrarily.

In reality, multiple locations were studied:

  • Parandur
  • Pannur
  • Thiruporur
  • Padalam

The Airports Authority of India (AAI) conducted technical pre-feasibility studies after being asked by the Tamil Nadu government in October 2021.

The studies concluded that Padalam and Thiruporur were not feasible due to Indian Air Force airspace restrictions, Kalpakkam nuclear proximity, and runway conflicts with Chennai Airport operations.

Pannur had major constraints including Extra High Tension towers, nearby industries, land acquisition complications,
and insufficient free land for future expansion.

Parandur emerged as the preferred site because it offered better airspace availability, superior runway orientation, lower infrastructure complications, better connectivity, fewer displaced families compared to Pannur, and greater future expansion potential.

The report specifically notes that 1005 families would be displaced at Parandur versus 1546 families at Pannur.

It also states Parandur was strategically closer to the upcoming Chennai–Bengaluru Expressway.

This was not a random political choice – it was the outcome of technical elimination of alternatives.

The Economic Stakes Are Massive

The proposed airport carried an estimated project cost of approximately ₹29,143 crore.

The project was expected to generate direct employment,
indirect employment, aviation ecosystem jobs, logistics and warehousing growth, hotel and tourism industries, commercial real estate expansion, export-linked infrastructure, and industrial corridor development.

The report estimates around 8,000 construction workers alone during the construction phase.

The airport was also envisioned as a major catalyst for Chennai-Bengaluru Industrial Corridor, Sriperumbudur manufacturing belt,
electronics and semiconductor industries, and future export-oriented investment.

If the project is frozen indefinitely, investors may increasingly perceive Tamil Nadu as a state where large infrastructure projects can be reversed after political transitions.

That perception itself can become economically damaging.

The Bigger Fear: Policy Instability

Infrastructure projects of this scale require decade-long planning,
investor confidence, central coordination, global financing,
and administrative continuity.

If governments cancel mega projects after land acquisition, clearances and years of technical studies, it creates a signal of policy unpredictability.

Reports already suggest that over 60% of the required land had been acquired under the previous administration. If true, abandoning the project now could result in sunk acquisition costs,
stalled compensation frameworks, legal disputes, investor hesitation, and years of lost planning.

More importantly, if Parandur is scrapped without a concrete alternative, Tamil Nadu may have to restart site selection from scratch, potentially delaying a second airport by another 5–10 years.

In aviation infrastructure terms, that is an enormous setback.

The Environmental And Displacement Concerns Are Real, But So Are The Constraints

The opposition to Parandur is not baseless.

The project documents themselves acknowledge water bodies within the project zone, agricultural land impact, tree cutting,
and displacement concerns.

The report states 1425 acres of water bodies would be affected,
approximately 36,635 trees may be impacted.

These are serious concerns.

However, the uncomfortable reality is that building a world-scale airport near Chennai without touching agricultural land, settlements or water systems is almost impossible.

Every alternative site studied had major operational or environmental trade-offs.

The question therefore is not whether impact exists but whether the state is capable of compensation, rehabilitation, environmental mitigation, and balanced infrastructure planning.

The Risk To Chennai’s Future

If Bengaluru expands to 90 million capacity while Chennai stagnates at around 35 million, the long-term consequences may include airlines preferring Bengaluru hubs, international transit losses, slower multinational expansion into Chennai, weaker aviation-linked industries, and migration of skilled youth toward other states.

For a state that speaks about a $1 trillion economy, global manufacturing leadership, semiconductor ambitions,
and export growth, halting its largest aviation infrastructure project without a replacement strategy creates a major contradiction.

A Defining Test For The New Government

The Parandur issue is no longer just about one airport.

It has become a test of infrastructure vision, policy continuity,
investor confidence, and Tamil Nadu’s long-term economic ambition.

If the project is paused temporarily for improved rehabilitation, transparency and environmental safeguards, the debate remains manageable.

But if Tamil Nadu ultimately abandons the project without a technically viable alternative, the consequences may extend far beyond aviation; it could be a death knell for TN’s development.

It could reshape Chennai’s economic trajectory for decades.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

‘Thooyasakthi’ TVK’s Kinathukidavu MLA Vignesh Says He Is A ‘Tea Stall Owner’s Son’; Affidavit Reveals ₹3 Crore Assets

By
The Commune
-
'Thooyasakthi' TVK's Kinathukidavu MLA Vignesh Says He Is A ‘Tea Stall Owner’s Son’; Affidavit Reveals ₹3 Crore Assets

A few days ago, TVK Kinathukidavu MLA Vignesh delivered an emotional speech portraying himself as a man who rose from extreme poverty and a tea shop background to the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly, is now facing scrutiny after his own election affidavit revealed assets worth several crores of rupees.

Speaking to reporters a few days ago, Vignesh said, “When I was about to go inside that Legislative Assembly, I had no confidence in myself. Because I, Vignesh, am not the son of some wealthy family, nor do I come from a big political lineage where my grandfather was a minister or my father was an MLA or anything like that. Vignesh is the son of an ordinary tea shop owner; I am a boy whose mother worked in that shop. When a boy like that gets such an opportunity, it means history is trying to say something; this era, this soil is trying to say something. When I went there, the first thing I saw was the place where Arignar Anna sat, the place where Kalaignar Ayya sat, the place where Perunthalaivar Kamarajar sat, and likewise the place where Puratchi Thalaivar MGR sat. In the same places where such great leaders, such giants, sat, I too am sitting now. At that moment, even this morning, I went to the temple and prayed to God, thinking: ‘I have already won in my life.’ A person like me who was on the street, who lived in a hut, has now got the chance to go to the Fort and sit in the Legislative Assembly at the age of 38—if I have got such an opportunity, then I have already won in my life. From now on, my entire life must be only for these people, for those suffering people whom I have seen with my own eyes and felt pain for. That is my only goal.”

But his affidavit tells a different story. According to the affidavit, the MLA and his spouse together declared total assets exceeding ₹3 crore. The documents show movable assets worth more than ₹1.54 crore and immovable assets valued at approximately ₹1.65 crore officially declared in the affidavit records.

Source: MyNeta

The affidavit also lists:

  • Multiple bank accounts and investments,
  • Shares and securities,
  • Gold holdings,
  • Insurance policies,
  • Vehicles including an Innova Crysta,
  • Residential and non-agricultural properties in Coimbatore district.
Source: MyNeta
Source: MyNeta
Source: MyNeta

Income tax details disclosed in the affidavit show annual taxable income running into several lakhs over the past five financial years. The records indicate that Vignesh K declared income ranging from around ₹6 lakh to ₹7 lakh annually, while his spouse declared income crossing ₹10 lakh in certain years.

Source: MyNeta

Similar to other TVK MLAs like Rajmohan, ‘Auto driver’ Vijay Dhamu, former driver’s son Sabarinathan, barefooted MLA Thendral Kumar, Vignesh also portrays himself as someone from a poor background.

All these TVK MLAs have been attempting to construct a misleading “poor common man” image despite possessing substantial wealth and assets.

Additionally, the declared figures only account for assets officially disclosed in the affidavit and do not include any possible assets held in the names of parents, siblings or extended family members.

It is noteworthy that majority of the TVK MLAs possess enough wealth and cannot claim to be poor.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

TVK Govt Invokes Goondas Act In ‘Jana Nayagan’ Leak Case Days After Aadhav Arjuna Promised Goondas Act For Drug Peddlers

By
The Commune
-
TVK Govt Invokes Goondas Act In ‘Jana Nayagan’ Leak Case Days After Aadhav Arjuna Promised Goondas Act For Drug Peddlers

Just days after TVK minister Aadhav Arjuna publicly declared that drug peddlers would be detained under the Goondas Act as part of the party’s crackdown on narcotics and illegal activities, the Tamil Nadu government has now invoked the same stringent law against three individuals accused in the online piracy and leak of the film Jana Nayagan raising fresh concerns over the expanding use of preventive detention laws under the new TVK administration.

According to officials, three accused S. Prashanth, S. Selvam and Bala alias Balakrishnan were detained under the Tamil Nadu Prevention of Dangerous Activities Act, commonly known as the Goondas Act, in connection with the alleged piracy and illegal online dissemination of Jana Nayagan. The State Cyber Crime Wing had registered the case on April 11 following complaints regarding the circulation of the film through digital platforms, as reported in The Hindu.

Police stated that the detention orders were executed on May 13 after investigators collected technical evidence and concluded that the accused were allegedly involved in organised digital piracy activities, including theft, processing and online distribution of the pirated version of the movie.

However, the move has triggered criticism over what many see as the increasingly aggressive and sweeping use of the Goondas Act by the TVK-led government.

Only days earlier, Aadhav Arjuna, while addressing reporters after a review meeting in Chennai’s Villivakkam constituency, had announced that drug sellers would be booked under the Goondas Act in order to “eliminate drug culture.” He had also spoken about shutting down TASMAC outlets, arresting operators of illegal liquor shops, enforcing surveillance through CCTV cameras across police stations and streets, and ensuring stricter policing mechanisms, as reported in Tamil ABP Live.

One wonders whether a law originally intended for habitual offenders and threats to public order is gradually being normalised for a widening range of offences – from narcotics cases to digital copyright violations.

It is observed that preventive detention laws like the Goondas Act allow authorities to imprison individuals for extended periods without a regular criminal trial, based on the claim that their activities threaten public order. Such laws are vulnerable to misuse, especially when governments begin applying them beyond violent or organised criminal activity.

The detention of piracy accused under the same law that TVK ministers recently vowed to use against drug networks has intensified concerns that the Vijay-led administration may be moving toward an increasingly surveillance-heavy and punitive model of governance, where extraordinary legal provisions are becoming routine administrative tools.

While online piracy is unquestionably illegal and punishable under existing criminal and cyber laws, invoking preventive detention legislation in such cases raises serious questions about proportionality, due process and the future scope of state power under the new government.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

Couple With Sri Lankan Citizenship Arrested After Allegedly Voting in Thiruvadanai Constituency In 2026 TN Polls

By
The Commune
-
Sri Lankan Couple Arrested After Allegedly Voting in Thiruvadanai Constituency In 2026 TN Polls

Following the recently concluded Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, immigration authorities and police have reportedly intensified scrutiny over foreign passport holders accused of illegally voting in the state using old Indian voter identity cards, as reported in Daily Thanthi.

The development comes after the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), led by Joseph Vijay, emerged as the single largest party and formed the government in Tamil Nadu, with Vijay assuming office as Chief Minister after proving majority support in the Assembly.

According to reports, an unusually large number of overseas Indians travelled to Tamil Nadu during the election period to cast their votes. Suspecting possible electoral irregularities, the Election Commission is said to have discreetly alerted immigration authorities at airports to monitor individuals returning abroad after polling.

Based on the instructions, immigration officials at airports including Chennai, Tiruchirappalli, Coimbatore and Madurai reportedly began closely examining passengers travelling overseas. Authorities specifically checked passengers’ fingers for indelible ink marks used during voting.

Officials reportedly subjected individuals with voting ink marks to detailed questioning. During the inquiry, authorities allegedly found that several persons holding foreign citizenship had cast votes in Tamil Nadu using old Indian voter identity cards, despite no longer being legally eligible to vote in India.

Such individuals were reportedly identified, and details regarding the constituencies where they voted were collected before they were handed over to the respective local police stations for legal action. Cases were registered against them, and they were later released on conditional bail after arrest procedures.

In one such case, immigration officials at Madurai Airport intercepted a couple from the Thiruvadanai region of Ramanathapuram district while they were preparing to travel to Sri Lanka.

The couple, identified as 65-year-old Mohamed Subair and his wife Ahana Beevi, aged 56, allegedly had indelible ink marks on their fingers. During document verification, officials reportedly found that both had obtained Sri Lankan citizenship. However, the inquiry allegedly revealed that they had voted in the Thiruvadanai Assembly constituency during the Tamil Nadu elections.

Following the discovery, the couple was handed over to the Avaniyapuram Police. Police registered a case against them, arrested them and later released them on conditional bail.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

‘Thooyasakthi’ TVK’s Minister Rajmohan Claimed He Couldn’t Pay Rent, His Affidavit Says Otherwise

By
The Commune
-

Joseph Vijay claims often that simple and poor people were made MLAs by the people and hence the public can rest assured that the MLAs are here to serve them.

But day in and day out, one TVK MLA after other claims they are poor and did not have money like the rest of the candidates.

KV Kuppam MLA Thendral Kumar

A few days ago, we saw TVK MLA from KV Kuppam claiming he was a poor man, did not own a car and walked without slippers and travelled by the MLA Special bus. A look at his affidavit exposed his lie – his affidavit stated he was worth ₹2.75 crore.

The Humble Driver Who Became The Benami?

One of the most popular personal background stories of the TVK candidates was that of Vijay’s former driver Rajendran’s son getting a ticket.

Now one would think this was very magnanimous of Vijay to recognise the driver’s services. But company filings tell a very different story. Rajendran, presented publicly as merely a driver, appears in Ministry of Corporate Affairs records as a director and shareholder in Vijay-linked firm Jaya Nagar Properties alongside Joseph Vijay and Sangeetha Vijay.

Auto Driver With Luxury Car Royapuram MLA

One of TVK’s most marketable stories was the rise of K.V. Vijay Damu, celebrated as an “ex-auto driver” who defeated heavyweight rivals in Royapuram. But news reports indicate that the same MLA does not own an auto and instead owns an Innova Crysta, undercutting the simplicity of the narrative that helped sell him to voters. If one thought he purchased the vehicles with a loan, no, the affidavit does not show a debt even.

His affidavit on Myneta identifies him as the TVK candidate from Royapuram, lists his profession as “Auto Consulting Business,” and shows total assets of roughly Rs 28.86 lakh.

He also has 4 criminal cases on himself. Well, owning a luxury vehicle does not by itself establish wrongdoing, but it does show that the public-relations image surrounding him deserves far more scrutiny than the slogan-driven storytelling it received during the campaign.

Illegal Quarrying Tirunelveli MLA

The more serious concern comes from Tirunelveli – R.S. Murugan, a TVK MLA publicly linked by anti-corruption campaigners to quarry-related allegations. Jayaram Venkatesan of Arappor stated that a quarry run in the name of Murugan’s wife, Sindhu, was accused of illegal quarrying of 96,000 cubic metres of rough stone, with a reported penalty of Rs 5.7 crore cited from an official report.

Rajmohan

Next in line is Egmore TVK MLA Rajmohan who was also sworn in as a minister in Joseph Vijay’s cabinet. Speaking at an event in Villivakkam, he claimed he was struggling to pay his mother’s house rent, but lo and behold, he was blessed with an MLA seat. But his affidavit says a different story.

At the event, Rajmohan said, “My heart swells. What do I say, what do I leave out? On counting day, what this man Aadhav sir did… Loyola College counting centre had, on one side, Egmore; on another, our constituency; on another, our leader’s constituency Perambur; and on another, Kolathur. Counting was going on everywhere. We went there early morning, completely tensed. First round finishes – we hear the whistle sounds. Second round finishes – again whistles. In the third round we came outside. I saw my dear brother Aadhav, he came running, hugged me and said, ‘Raj, we are leading.’ My eyes filled with joy. Then he said, ‘Do you know something else? In Kolathur also it is only whistle sounds.’ The whistle you blew in Villivakkam travelled through Egmore and continued into Kolathur. I can never forget that day. I spent the night sleepless, wondering what would happen. You asked so many questions in Villivakkam – can we even appoint booth agents, will money reach us? You brought the money, you poured it in, brother, you poured it into Villivakkam. We asked only one question: you gave 100‑crore worth of money to buy votes; if you had spent the same money for doing good in the constituency, would people have voted for you or not? They would have, right? But no. Our people are very sharp.”

He added, “Do you know what they did, these wise people? They took the money you gave and then voted for us. Victory, victory, victory – wherever we turned there was victory. For the first time the Assembly saw a revolution. I got a call. My leader who is the sone of a dharma‑thai, a son borne out of penance, my leader, spoke: ‘I have kept a gift for you, come tomorrow.’ I thought maybe he would give me a pen or something. Next morning I saw a dignified police vehicle coming in front, they said it was the petrol vehicle. They saluted, everyone joined their hands to me. I was happy: fine, I have become an MLA. I went inside the House, and on that seat it was written: ‘Honourable Minister’ – and this poor man’s name was written there. With just one phone call… The previous month I had been wondering what to do to pay the rent for my mother’s house next month. The pride of making me a minister belongs only to my leader and to no one else.”

 

View this post on Instagram

 

A post shared by Polimer News (@polimernews)

According to the affidavit, Rajmohan declared total assets exceeding ₹2 crore, including movable assets worth around ₹1.64 crore and immovable assets valued at ₹39 lakh. The affidavit also shows that he owns a residential apartment in Natesan Nagar, Virugambakkam.

Source: MyNeta

The property details in the affidavit mention a flat located at “L Block Second Floor, Door No. 9, LIG Taisha West, Natesan Nagar, Virugambakkam,” purchased in March 2025 for ₹30 lakh, with the current declared market value listed at ₹32 lakh.

Source: MyNeta

Now one wonders why Rajmohan would struggle to pay rent if he already owned a residential property in Chennai.

The affidavit further states that Rajmohan declared taxable income of ₹23.7 lakh for the financial year 2024–25, compared to ₹9.2 lakh in 2023–24 and ₹11.38 lakh in 2022–23.

Source: MyNeta
Source: MyNeta

His declared movable assets include:

  • Bank deposits of around ₹2.2 lakh
  • Gold jewellery weighing 800 grams valued at approximately ₹1.08 crore
  • Around 4 kg of silver valued at nearly ₹9.8 lakh
  • A Ford Figo Aspire car valued at ₹7 lakh
  • LIC insurance policy worth ₹10 lakh

The affidavit also records total liabilities of approximately ₹30 lakh.

Yet again, another lie about humble backgrounds gets exposed.

For a party that built much of its image around simplicity, honesty and “ordinary people” entering politics, such contradictions risk damaging credibility. Repeatedly projecting wealthy candidates as financially helpless “common men” amounts to emotional political branding rather than transparency. In the end, one question lingers: if affidavits and speeches tell two different stories, which version should the public believe?

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

From Praising Prophet To Engaging With Jamaat For ‘Political’ Reasons, Is VD Satheesan Congress’s Symbol of Kerala’s Minority‑Appeasement?

By
The Commune
-
From Praising Prophet To Engaging With Jamaat For 'Political' Reasons, Is VD Satheesan Congress's Symbol of Kerala’s Minority‑Appeasement?

VD Satheesan, one of the most prominent faces of the Congress party in Kerala, has emerged as the central figure in the United Democratic Front’s (UDF) political resurgence and is the Chief Minister-designate following the coalition’s 2026 Assembly victory.

Born on 31 May 1964 in Nettoor in Ernakulam district, Satheesan entered politics through the Kerala Students Union (KSU) and steadily rose through the ranks of student and youth politics before becoming a full-time Congress leader. A lawyer by profession, he first won the Paravur Assembly constituency in 2001 and has retained the seat ever since.

Within the Kerala Assembly, Satheesan built a reputation as an aggressive debater and organisational strategist. In 2021, despite never having served as a minister, he was chosen as Leader of the Opposition, a move seen as a generational shift within the Kerala Congress.

However, alongside his rise in state politics, Satheesan has also found himself at the centre of multiple controversies involving religion, minority politics, secularism, and alleged political opportunism.

Prophet Muhammad Remarks Trigger Backlash

One of the biggest controversies erupted in April 2026 after a viral video clip showed Satheesan praising Prophet Muhammad for allegedly predicting scientific facts centuries before modern science confirmed them.

In the clip, Satheesan stated: “Even in the era when people widely believed that the Earth was flat, the Prophet said that it is a sphere revolving around the Sun in an orbit. Science proved that only later.”

The remarks triggered criticism on social media, with opponents accusing the Congress leader of making exaggerated religious claims to appease Muslim voters and the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), a crucial UDF ally.

Jamaat-e-Islami Controversy

Satheesan also came under fire over the Congress party’s political engagement with Jamaat-e-Islami-backed groups in Kerala. The controversy intensified after Jamaat-e-Islami leader Shaikh Muhammed Karakunnu publicly defended the concept of an “Islamic Republic” in a Facebook post in January 2026.

Satheesan’s earlier defence of accepting support from Jamaat-e-Islami-linked organisations can be pointed out here. Satheesan had argued that the group had changed its ideological position and was no longer advocating a theocratic state.

“They are not raising the demand for a theocratic state anymore. They have made significant changes to their stance. Their support is now purely political,” Satheesan had said.

Remarks on Arrested Nuns

In 2025, Satheesan strongly criticised the arrest of two Malayali nuns in BJP-ruled Chhattisgarh, calling it a “mob trial” and alleging police persecution under the BJP government.

He claimed clergy had advised nuns not to wear religious habits in public due to fear and threats and described the situation as evidence of rising religious intolerance.

The remarks were welcomed by Christian organisations and opposition supporters, but BJP leaders accused him of politicising the issue and attacking BJP-ruled states for ideological reasons.

Bogus Voter ID Allegations

Satheesan’s name also surfaced in a political controversy ahead of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections after Kerala BJP president K. Surendran alleged that Congress leaders, including Satheesan and K C Venugopal, were aware of a large-scale fake voter ID card operation linked to Youth Congress internal elections.

According to the allegations, over 1.25 lakh fake voter ID cards were allegedly created using a mobile application associated with Congress functionaries. Complaints from Youth Congress election candidates reportedly claimed forged identity cards were used to manipulate internal party elections.

Congress’s New Power Centre

Despite the controversies, Satheesan has successfully consolidated himself as the dominant face of the Kerala Congress, especially after internal leadership battles involving senior leaders such as Ramesh Chennithala and K. C. Venugopal.

His rise is mostly through his balancing of minority appeasement politics with aggressive anti-BJP positioning to strengthen the Congress-led UDF coalition in Kerala.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

‘Faced Humiliation, Dissatisfied Experience In Temple, Islam Felt Like Yoga’, Says Actor Jai On Why He Converted

By
The Commune
-
'Faced Humiliation, Dissatisfied Experience In Temple, Islam Felt Like Yoga', Says Actor Jai On Why He Converted

A decade or so ago, there was a buzz in the media about actor Jai frequenting dargahs often very much similar to singer Yuvan Shankar Raja. It is noteworthy that Yuvan Shankar had then converted to Islam.

Following suit, Jai too announced his conversion to the abrahamic religion. This change was seemingly seen even before his role in the film Thirumanam Ennum Nikkah where he immersed himself in an Islamic environment in an attempt to woo the heroine.

Cut to 2026, in an interview with film critic Baradwaj Rangan, Jai shared what made him change his religion.

When asked whether he changed his religion because he was going through troubles in life, Jai said, “It is not like that. You mentioned 2016, but I actually started following it with interest from 2011. So, even before that, the change came. There were many things. I have worn mala for Sabarimala. Then I have worn the rosary mala for Jesus and done fasting for one year. For me, I was following everything as ‘all gods are okay.’ But at one time, there were some humiliating experiences, and in some temples there was a kind of unexpected dissatisfaction. Many such things kept happening. Then one time when I went to a mosque, everyone stood in a line and prayed. It was my first time going there, and everyone was praying. Everyone there knew I was an actor, but no one inside the mosque came and spoke to me. Only after coming out, people spoke to me very politely. No one asked to take a photo with me. So I felt, maybe there is an equality here, that everyone is seen as equal. That was the first strong feeling I got. Plus, I realized that for them only God is big; no matter how big a celebrity comes there, they do not treat them as bigger than God. I understood that when we want to ask for what we wish for, they give us space and time to do that. We can pray for whatever we think in our hearts, and no one will say, ‘Enough, stop praying and leave.’ We can pray as long as we want and then go. All this made me feel, this is nice, this is great, it feels like yoga. That is how I initially understood it at that time. Then, as I continued to follow it, even my personal character slowly started to change.”

It is noteworthy that Jai acted in the Dravidoid propaganda film where he played the role of ‘Farhaan’ and was the heroine Annapoorani, a Brahmin’s bestie. In the film, he eggs the girl to defy her parents’ wishes regarding her choice between studying for an MBA or catering, citing that she should not listen to her parents anymore and should start following her own desires. He even justified meat consumption by “quoting” slokas from Valmiki Ramayana, highlighting instances of Rama, Lakshmana hunting animals in the forest and eating meat with Devi Sita; that Lord Murugan disguised as a hunter (vedan) in one of his avatars, and Kannappa Nayanar offering pork to Lord Shiva. This “convinces” our heroine to touch and taste meat and achieve her goal of becoming a world-class chef.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

“Rahul Can’t Become PM, Modi’s Return “Difficult”, Vijay’s Astrologer Radhan Pandit Predicts PM Bid In 2029

By
The Commune
-
“Rahul Can’t Become PM, Modi’s Return “Difficult”, Vijay’s Astrologer Radhan Pandit Predicts PM Bid In 2029

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Joseph Vijay’s astrologer and the one who was appointed (and then revoked) as an OSD Radhan Pandit has sparked fresh political debate after making a series of predictions about Vijay’s future role in national politics during an exclusive interview with Thanthi TV.

Speaking during the interview, Radhan Pandit claimed that “It will be difficult for Modi to become Prime Minister in 2029…” and said, “Rahul possesses only a quarter of the astrological fortune that Modi enjoys. In 2029, Modi will be undergoing his ‘Rahu Dasha’ and ‘Rahu Bhukti’ periods. It will be difficult for him to become Prime Minister. A ‘Third Front’ is certain to emerge. At that time, Vijay will be at the very pinnacle of his astrological fortune.”

He further stated, “CM Vijay has the fortune to become PM…” and added, “Chief Minister Vijay possesses the fortune to rise to the level of Prime Minister. CM Vijay’s horoscope shines with a brilliance equivalent to about one-quarter of PM Modi’s own radiance. For the next 30 to 40 years, he will remain unrivaled.”

Radhan Pandit also claimed that he had predicted Vijay’s political rise long before the actor entered active politics. According to him, he had told Vijay after the launch of TVK that “even if you sleep and wake up on 15 May 2026, you will become Chief Minister,” suggesting that Vijay’s rise was destined regardless of political groundwork.

During the interview, Pandit said he had continuously motivated members of the party by repeatedly predicting Vijay’s victory at a time when, according to him, few others believed it was possible.

His remarks also included sharp observations on national opposition politics. He claimed that Rahul Gandhi did not possess the “luck” required to become Prime Minister, despite Rahul Gandhi being among the first national leaders to publicly support TVK and attend Vijay’s swearing-in ceremony.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

1...515253...1,918Page 52 of 1,918
TheCommune
The Commune is a news and views portal focusing on social and political issues of the southern part of India with a focus on Tamil Nadu.
Contact us: thecommune.news@gmail.com
Facebook Instagram X Youtube

NATIONAL NEWS

NHRC Complaint Seeks Probe Into Kurnool's St Anthony's Orphanage Over Alleged Illegal Child Care Operations, FCRA Irregularities

NHRC Seeks Action Taken Report Over Illegal Child Care Operations, FCRA...

The Commune - 0
The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has taken cognisance of a complaint filed by NGO watchdog Legal Rights Protection Forum alleging serious violations at...
© The Commune 2025. All Rights Reserved.