The hashtag #RahulLovesTerrorists surfaced on Twitter when Rahul Gandhi addressed Masood Azhar as “Masood Azhar ji.” Despite this, the Congress party’s substantive pro-terrorist policies overshadow a mere honorific. Sam Pitroda’s minimization of the Pulwama attack and disapproval of airstrikes seem comparatively insignificant in the face of other perilous actions and statements by the Congress Party, its leaders, and allies like the DMK.

Following the destructive Coimbatore bomb blasts on 14 February 1998, claiming 58 lives and endangering L K Advani, Congress President Sitaram Kesri shockingly accused the RSS. Despite legal action from the RSS, Kesri persisted in the allegation, revealing a lack of sensitivity.

Moreover, the Congress party openly endorsed Kesri’s claim, with the Tamil Nadu unit president suggesting a deliberate delay in Advani’s meetings. Despite the perpetrators’ links to Al-Umma and TNMMK, the Congress formed alliances with TNMMK in 2004 and 2006, overlooking its role in the tragic incident. Subsequently, TNMMK established the Manithaneya Makkal Katchi (MMK) in February 2009.

The 1998 Coimbatore blasts were a result of the pro-terrorist policies of the DMK Government. Preceding the blasts, clashes occurred in November 1997. Initially, a police constable named Selvaraj was killed by Muslim fanatics, and subsequent riots led to the death of 18 Muslims. Even the Communist magazine Frontline reported on these incidents.

 “The killing of Selvaraj was one singular incident that led to the polarisation of Coimbatore on communal lines. Al Umma cadres stabbed Selvaraj on the night of November 29 when he was regulating traffic at Kottaimedu, a Muslim-majority area…Earlier that day, Sub-Inspector M. Chandrasekaran of Bazaar police station near Kottaimedu detained Jehangir, an Al Umma office-bearer, and two other Muslim youth for riding on a motorcycle without a driving licence. Mohammed Ansari, who was then Al Umma State secretary, went to the police station and demanded their release. A row broke out between the S.I. and Ansari, with the latter threatening to “break Coimbatore in two”.

About an hour later, four Muslim youth stabbed 31-year-old Selvaraj, who was totally unconnected with the earlier incident. Al Umma men wanted to target a policeman because its members had been detained at the police station and Ansari was “humiliated” at the police station. Ironically, Selvaraj had stepped in to relieve another traffic constable.

The death of Selvaraj infuriated the police force. They struck work the following day and demanded the arrest of the assailants. They alleged that the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) government did not allow them to take action against Al Umma. They were also infuriated by the fact that four policemen and prison officers had been stabbed or murdered in Coimbatore and Madurai by Muslim extremists in the 18 months preceding the murder of Selvaraj. The policemen’s families also staged dharnas, demanding security for the law-enforcers. The situation was so grave that the government called out the Army and the Rapid Action Force to bring back normalcy to the city (Frontline, December 26, 1997).”

Hence, the DMK meddled in the police operations, restraining them from taking stringent action against Al-Umma, which was not banned by the DMK Government until the Coimbatore blasts on February 14, 1998. The DMK Government imposed a ban on Al-Umma only after the blasts. Following the Coimbatore clashes of November 1997 and the subsequent blasts, the Gokulakrishnan Commission was appointed to investigate. In its June 2000 report, even Frontline magazine acknowledged the findings.

  “The Gokulakrishnan Commission of Inquiry blames security lapses for the explosions.

The report comes down heavily on the police for their failure to search the Babulal Complex building on Tirumal Street before the blasts even though they had information about the clandestine movement and storing of bombs by “terrorist groups” at an abandoned building near Saravana Metal Mart. If they had searched and combed the nearby area, they would have unearthed the plot by Al-Umma men, arrested the terrorists and seized the bombs prior to February 14. This would have aborted the conspiracy, the report says.

Swift action by the police in the early hours of February 15 led to the unearthing of the plot to create terror in Coimbatore, the arrests of Al-Umma cadres and the seizure of detonators and lethal weapons. “The major part played in this storming operation” by Sub-Inspector M. Chandrasekaran “at the risk of his life” not only saved the lives of police personnel and the public but became “an eye-opener to the Special Investigation Team to nab the terrorists and unearth the concealed bombs”, the report says. “

The Police were eager to take action but were restrained by the DMK Government before the blasts. Even Frontline held the DMK Government responsible for not averting the Coimbatore blasts, stating, “The crackdown initiated by the Tamil Nadu Government following the blasts was doubtless effective, but it could not absolve it of the criticism that it had failed to prevent the terrorist attack by acting on intelligence reports and following up on earlier seizures of explosives. It seems fair to state that the DMK Government failed to differentiate between the large mass of innocent Muslims and the small number of fundamentalist Muslim leaders who have exploited and preyed on the feelings of insecurity among innocent Muslims. It should have shown a greater sense of urgency in isolating the hardcore of Muslim fundamentalists and taking action against them.”

India Today, in an article by L. R. Jagadheesan and K. M. Thomas, reported shortly after the Coimbatore blasts:

 “The Opposition has accused the Government of failure to anticipate the violence and the blasts and take preventive steps…Stung by criticism, the Government took some decisive, though belated, action against those suspected to be behind the blasts. It ordered a ban on two Muslim fundamentalist organisations, Al Umma and the Jehad Committee. Some of their leaders, including Al Umma President S.A. Basha were detained. The chief minister’s (Karunanidhi’s) stern warnings to them were followed by raids on several extremist hideouts on February 15. Eight people arrested in the raid were later identified as Al Umma activists. Post-blast violence too was swiftly contained with the deployment of the Army and paramilitary forces.

Intensified patrolling proved fruitful on February 16, when the police found 60 kg of explosives in a car in a residential area. It took two days to defuse the bombs…The extremists’ menace had been looming large for quite some time in the state, but political compulsions prevented the state Government from taking decisive action. Police sources in Coimbatore say the Government was well aware of the movement of Muslim fundamentalists, but fearing a minority community backlash during the polls, it delayed action against them.

The charges seem to have rattled the ruling combine in the state, and fearing electoral repercussions, it has roped in actor Rajnikanth for damage control. In repeated telecasts on the DMK-owned Sun TV, the celluloid superstar has blamed the BJP and Jayalalitha for fomenting trouble. He said the blasts were the handiwork of those interested in an AIADMK-BJP government at the Centre. Congress President Sitaram Kesri has squarely blamed the RSS for the blasts. Denying the charge, however, the RSS has filed a defamation suit against Kesri.”

The sequence of events leading to the Coimbatore blasts, including the delayed police action, recovery of a substantial amount of arms and explosives, and arrests of Islamic radicals, is detailed here. The timeline reveals that the DMK government could have taken preventive measures well before the blasts but allowed terrorist organizations like Al-Umma to operate due to its pro-Muslim policies.

While the DMK Government eventually banned Al-Umma and took action post-blasts, the Congress Party persisted in defending the terrorists and, remarkably, accused the RSS of orchestrating the blasts.

While most political leaders and parties expressed shock and revulsion over the blasts, the then President K.R. Narayanan and Prime Minister I.K. Gujral conveyed their dismay. DMK president and TN Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi attributed the blasts to a conspiracy by foreign forces to disrupt the electoral process. Union Home Minister Indrajit Gupta and CPI(M) general secretary Harkishan Singh Surjeet also suspected a foreign hand behind the blasts, with Gupta blaming the ISI for attempting to disrupt the election process in India. However, even in this case, the Congress descended to an unimaginably low level.

The DMK assumed power in Tamil Nadu in May 1996. Towards the end of 1996, G. Bhoopalan, a warder in the Coimbatore Central Prison, was killed by Muslim militants in a petrol bomb attack within the prison. During the AIADMK rule, the RSS office bomb blast in Chennai in August 1993, which claimed 14 lives, led to a crackdown on fundamentalist organizations, particularly Al-Umma. However, under DMK rule, 16 Al-Umma individuals detained under TADA for their alleged involvement in the August 1993 RSS office blast and possession of weapons were released on bail in January 1997, as the DMK Government prosecutor did not oppose their bail.

The lax policy persisted even after Tamil Nadu police commandos, acting on a tipoff, confiscated a substantial arsenal including gelatin sticks, detonators, iron pipes, PVC pipes, alarm clocks, cables, wires, soldering equipment, saws, and testers – all materials used in bomb-making. This seizure occurred on March 11, 1997, from a house in Kodungaiyur, a suburb of Chennai. Two fundamentalists affiliated with the Al-Umma group, Mohammed Khan alias Sirajuddin (26) and Shahul Hameed alias Aftar (22), were arrested. Mohammed Khan is the brother of S.A. Basha, one of the founders of Al-Umma.

A series of bomb explosions shook Tamil Nadu in November-December 1997, just two months before the Coimbatore blasts. On 6 December 1997, the anniversary of the Babri Masjid demolition, explosions targeted the Cheran Express, Pandyan Express, and Alleppey Express trains, claiming nine lives. The police attributed these explosions to the Islamic Defence Force of Kerala, a clandestine outfit.

On 10 January 1998, a blast occurred under the Anna flyover in Chennai, with the Islamic Defence Force claiming responsibility. Subsequently, a powerful blast occurred in a rice mill at Saliyamangalam, near Thanjavur, on 8 February. The police seized a significant cache of explosives and detonators from the mill. Investigation revealed the connection of Abdul Khader, the son of the mill owner Abdul Hameed, to Muslim fundamentalist organizations. Both were arrested, with Abdul Khader seriously injured in the blast. The police later seized hundreds of detonators from Vepery and Tambaram in Chennai, connected to two Muslims associated with militant organizations. This seizure included approximately 84 gelatin sticks, 50 kg of sulphur, 11.5 kg of ammonium nitrate, 100 detonators, two country pistols, and bottles containing nitric and sulphuric acid.

Despite the series of blasts and incidents, there was no crackdown, let alone a ban, on Al-Umma, not even after the significant blast on 8  February. The State Government’s failure to take decisive action despite indications and warnings of potential trouble represents a significant lapse in preventive measures.

The president of the banned fundamentalist outfit Al-Umma, SA Basha, openly threatened to kill the then Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi if he visited Coimbatore in July 2003. This threat was made by Basha and eight others while speaking to journalists in the Coimbatore court premises after their conviction and life imprisonment in a case related to the murder of a Hindu Munnani leader. It is noteworthy that Al-Umma and its leader were allowed to operate openly by the DMK Government until the Coimbatore blasts on 14 February 1998.

Diehard anti-RSS magazines like Outlook and Frontline also acknowledged the role of the Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhagam (TNMMK) in these blasts. In March 1998, Frontline reported, “Within hours of the blasts, the Tamil Nadu Government banned Al-Umma and the Jihad Committee. Al-Umma founder-president S.A. Basha and 12 other members of the organization were arrested in Chennai; explosive materials and weapons were seized from his house in Triplicane, Chennai. Leaders of the Jihad Committee and the Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhagam (TMMK) were arrested in a State-wide crackdown. Among those arrested were Jihad Committee president R.M. Haniffa, general secretary Mohammed Haniffa, student wing secretary Akram Khan, TMMK president and college lecturer M.H. Jawahirulla, and treasurer G.M. Pakkar. Over the next few days, over 100 activists of the three organizations were arrested at Keezhakkarai, Devakottai, Dindigul, Nagapattinam, Thanjavur, Nagercoil, Melapalayam, and Udumalpet. About 1,000 others were detained as a precautionary measure…”

Even Outlook acknowledged TNMMK’s involvement in the Coimbatore blasts. It said:

 “As the crackdown following the February Coimbatore blasts continues, it is disturbingly clear that the ordinary Muslim is becoming increasingly alienated. Every day the police recover quintals after quintals of explosives hidden by the ‘fringe’ Islamic fundamentalist group, Al Umma—which, as it now turns out, is in fact a rather well connected terrorist outfit…

Initially the Muslim groups were splintered into as many as 10 major outfits. However, after the November riots in Coimbatore most of them started working in tandem. The most significant groups are: the Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhagam, All India Jihad Committee, Al Umma, Tamil Islamic Peravai, Sunnath Al Jammath Youth Front, SIMI (Students Islamic Movement of India), Students Organisation of Islam, Muslim Protection Force and the JAQH (Jamiathul Ahle Quaran Wal Hadis).

…According to arrested members of the Al Umma, the ISI had suggested the elimination of the Hindu Munnani leader, Rajagopal, in Madurai in 1994. And the RDX used to blast the RSS office (August 1993) and the Hindu Munnani office (1995) was supplied by the ISI.

…By December 15, they (Al Umma men) also managed to get the support of the People’s Democratic Party chairman Abdul Nasser Mahdani—a radical Islamic figure of Kerala—in mobilising additional explosives. According to police sources, explosives weighing nearly 1,000 kg were accumulated in four weeks.”

The DMK, Congress, and Left parties supported Abdul Mahdani and the TNMMK, despite evidence of their involvement in the Coimbatore blasts. The Congress and DMK continued their association with Mahdani and TNMMK, raising concerns about their stance on terrorism.

Upon returning to power in Tamil Nadu in May 2006 after a five-year rule by AIADMK from 2001-06, the DMK faced criticism for reportedly providing favorable treatment to the Coimbatore terror accused. The Indian Express, on 24 July 2006, reported in an article titled: “DMK turns the jail into a spa for Coimbatore terror accused.”

“Introduction: Ayurvedic massages for Abdul Nasser Mahdani paid for by taxpayer, wife facing arrest warrant has free access, no checks

One man has reason to laugh at all the tough talk on the need to crack down on terror: Abdul Nasser Mahdani, key accused in the 1998 Coimbatore serial blasts that targeted BJP leader L K Advani and killed 58 people and left several more injured.

For, ever since he (Karunanidhi) was sworn in as Chief Minister, the atmosphere has been upbeat in the high-security prison here, housing Mahdani and 166 Al Umma prisoners, mostly arrested for the Coimbatore blasts. Thanks to Karunanidhi, a team of 10 masseurs and four senior Ayurvedic doctors began their “high quality treatment” on Mahdani, who has been housed in the prison’s hospital wing since 2001…

While the prison manual says that a prisoner pays for the cost of any private medical treatment he avails, the Tamil Nadu government is using taxpayers’ money to pick up the bill for Mahdani’s “dhara” and “pizhichil” (the ayurvedic massages)…

But what has infuriated investigating officers in the blast case is the move by the Chief Minister’s Office to quietly lift the ban under Section 268 CrPC, restricting Mahdani’s movements within the prison.

“Soon after the DMK came to power, there were attempts to move him out of the prison and get him treatment outside, preferably in Kerala. We strongly resisted such a move. With a friendly government in Kerala, we can never hope of seeing him again, particularly when the trial (in a special court) is likely to end in three months’ time and a verdict is expected soon,” pointed out a senior police officer on the condition that he be not named…In fact, in the pre-blast days, the DMK, then ruling Tamil Nadu (1996-2001), was accused of flirting with Muslim militancy and turning a blind eye to the activities of Jehadi groups like the Al Umma.”

While the DMK initially took action against Islamic radicals following the Coimbatore blasts and temporarily deviated from an openly pro-terrorist policy during its alliance with the BJP at the Centre from 1999 to 2003, it reverted to its original stance from 2004 onwards. In the 2004 Lok Sabha polls and the 2006 Assembly polls in Tamil Nadu, the DMK once again secured the support of TNMMK, ultimately winning the latter.

Barely two weeks after being sworn in for its term starting May 2006, Tamil Nadu’s DMK government ordered the dropping of cases against 12 Muslim fundamentalists, all followers of Kichaan Buhari, an Al-Umma sympathizer and a key accused in the Coimbatore serial blasts. The Indian Express reported on 8 August 2006.

“…Senior Policemen in Thirunelveli were shocked by what they termed the DMK Government’s ‘blatant sympathy’ for the Muslim fundamentalists. Obviously, the accused committed the offence with the grave intention to create law and order problems and disrupt peace in Tirunelveli district, known to be communally sensitive. Also, all of them have links with Muslim fundamentalist outfits. The government should have allowed the law to take its natural course. For a new government to resort to such a move is rather demoralising for the police force,” said a senior police officer in Tirunelveli.

Police officials say that in one of the cases, Crime No. 15 of 2001 registered at the Melapalayam police station, while two of the five accused were juveniles and let off given their age, the other three, including M S Syed Mohammed Buhari, Sheik Hyed and Jafer Ali had “admitted to the offence”. “Despite this, the government ordered the withdrawal of cases against them,” an officer said… There are also allegations that the ruling DMK was bending backwards to appease its electoral ally, the Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhagam (TMMK). A section of the police believe that the dropping of the six cases by the DMK government could be part of a pre-poll deal with the TMMK.”

The TNMMK wasn’t just an alliance partner of the DMK; it was also affiliated with the Congress. The Congress, as part of the Democratic Progressive Alliance (DPA) alliance in Tamil Nadu with the DMK, had the TNMMK as a partner as well. While forming alliances with mainstream parties with a few members linked to past terrorism involvement might be one thing, aligning with a radical pro-terrorist party and yielding to pressure by releasing terrorists and withdrawing cases against them is another.

At that time, the DMK had 97 MLAs out of 234 in the Tamil Nadu Assembly, with the Congress holding 33. The DMK-Congress alliance had a comfortable majority without needing the support of any other allies, and the TNMMK did not have a single MLA, although it supported the DMK-led Congress-affiliated DPA.

This misplaced sympathy for the sake of vote banks was evident in the DMK government’s refusal to appeal against the acquittal of Abdul Nazar Mahdani in the 1998 Coimbatore blasts case.

In 2006, the Congress Legislature Party in the Kerala Assembly passed a resolution advocating the release of Abdul Mahdani, who had been in a Coimbatore jail since 1999. This resolution gained unanimous support from the Left, as the Kerala Legislative Assembly passed it without a single MLA opposing it on 16 March 2006. It’s worth noting that Mahdani later faced accusations in the 2008 Bangalore bomb blasts, which occurred during an IPL game. Despite a resolution demanding his release in March 2006 (before his acquittal), Abdul Mahdani was eventually released on 1 August 2007 after being acquitted in the Coimbatore blasts case. Subsequently, he became involved in another attack in 2008.

The Indian Express reported on 25 July 2006: “While the DMK government in Tamil Nadu is facilitating Ayurvedic massages for Abdul Nasser Mahdani, an accused in the 1998 Coimbatore blast, the Left and the Congress in Kerala have been figuratively prostrating at his feet.”

Subsequently, the DMK-Congress Government released Coimbatore blast convicts prematurely in 2009, drawing criticism from the BJP.

In September 2005, the TNMMK openly demanded the lifting of the ban on SIMI, even though SIMI was proven to be involved in bomb blasts across the country at that time. Remarkably, the TNMMK was an ally of the Congress in Tamil Nadu. According to a Times of India report from May 2006:

“Terming the AIADMK as a “proxy” to the BJP, Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhagam (TMMK) on Monday said it has decided to extend its support to the DMK-led Democratic Progressive Alliance (DPA) in the May 8, 2006 assembly polls. TMMK activists would work in all the 234 constituencies in the state to ensure the victory of the DPA, TMMK President M H Jawahirullah and its General Secretary S Haider Ali, told reporters in Chennai.”

This party announced a boycott of the 1998 Lok Sabha polls in Tamil Nadu on 4 Feb 1998, just a few days before the Coimbatore blasts, citing the ‘communal riots of 1997 in Coimbatore.’ In the 1999 Lok Sabha, 2001 Assembly, and 2004 Lok Sabha polls, TNMMK was aligned with the Congress alliance. In 2001, AIADMK was also with the Congress. After the deadly bomb blasts in Mumbai on 11 July 2006, which claimed 187 lives, then BJP President Rajnath Singh criticized the Congress and DMK for their associations with the TNMMK.

Even today, after numerous years, the Congress has not offered an apology for its unfounded and audacious accusation that the RSS was responsible for the 1998 Coimbatore blasts. Neither has it condemned the TNMMK nor explained its alliance with the party or the specific connection between them.

It is essential to explicitly ask Rahul Gandhi and the Congress to apologize for their false charges against the RSS or, at the very least, provide a clear stance on the perpetrators of the 1998 Coimbatore blasts. More than using respectful terms like ‘Ji’ for terrorists, the Congress and its allies, such as the DMK, should be exposed comprehensively for such actions.

(with inputs from OpIndia)

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