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Hindu Activist Rama Ravikumar Slams DMK MLA Abdul Wahab’s Patta Demand For People Living On Encroached Temple Land

Hindu activist Rama Ravikumar has strongly objected to a demand raised by DMK legislator Abdul Wahab in the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly seeking the issuance of pattas to thousands of residents across multiple localities in Tirunelveli district, stating that the demand includes land belonging to an ancient Hindu temple.

Abdul Wahab, while speaking in the Assembly, urged the government to immediately grant pattas to families living without land titles, building permissions, electricity connections, or access to bank loans. He listed several areas in his constituency, including the Seventh Ward under the Urban Habitat Development Board, Palaiyankuttai Manalavalampillai Nagar, wards 4, 5, and 6 of Thimmarajapuram, land under the control of the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Department earmarked for Backward Classes welfare, waterbody poramboke land in Ward 5, and residential areas such as Kakkan Nagar, Anna Nagar, Indira Nagar, Periyar Nagar, and Nesaniyar Temple Street. He appealed for pattas to be issued on humanitarian grounds.

Reacting to the speech, Rama Ravikumar shared a video of Abdul Wahab’s remarks on social media and accused the MLA of attempting to legitimise illegal occupation of temple land. Ravikumar stated that the Arulmigu Kalyana Srinivasa Perumal Temple located in Thimmarajapuram, Tirunelveli district, was built by a Nayak ruler named Thimma Raja and is estimated to be between 500 and 1,000 years old.

He wrote, “The Arulmigu Kalyana Srinivasa Perumal Temple located in the village of Thimmarajapuram in Tirunelveli district is a temple built by a Nayak king named Thimma Raja. This temple is approximately 500 to 1,000 years old. The properties belonging to this temple including house plots and agricultural lands, are of considerable value. It is wholly unacceptable and deserves strong condemnation that a DMK legislator named Abdul Wahab has raised a demand in the Legislative Assembly seeking that pattas be issued to persons who are illegally residing on temple land with the intention of encroachment, by extending support to those who have constructed houses and are living on land belonging to the temple. The owner of every temple is not the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Department. There is no such thing as property belonging to the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Department. In every village, the presiding deity enshrined in the temple is the true owner of that particular temple. Kings and our ancestors had endowed properties to temples so that worship and charitable activities could be carried out properly. Speaking in favour of persons who intend to illegally encroach upon such properties, merely because it is election time and with the narrow-minded objective of securing votes, reflects selfish politics on the part of a legislator of the so-called Dravidian Model government. Those who are illegally residing on temple lands should, in accordance with the law and through the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Department, become lawful tenants, pay the rent that is due to the temple, and refrain from encroaching upon temple properties. Giving such sound advice is what the duty of an elected legislator ought to be. Instead of that, demanding that pattas be granted to illegal occupants of Hindu temple properties is contrary to constitutional principles. Abdul Wahab, who speaks in the Assembly claiming concern for the poor and demanding the issuance of pattas – If you truly wish to show compassion, you may relocate such residents to your own property, or to properties belonging to the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, or to Wakf Board properties, and issue pattas there, and then claim titles as a protector of the poor. But seeking to hand over Hindu temple property to others, like someone claiming that even the ghee in another man’s house belongs to his own wife, is an extremely wrong and dangerous approach. What answer is the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Minister going to give on this issue?”

 

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Supreme Court Issues Notice To Centre, TN Govt On Plea Seeking ASI Takeover Of Thirupparankundram Temple,

Supreme Court Issues Notice To Centre, TN Govt On Plea Seeking ASI Takeover Of Thirupparankundram Temple,

The Supreme Court on Friday, 23 January 2026, issued notice on a plea filed by a Madurai-based Hindu rights organisation seeking directions to the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) to take over the administration of the Thirupparankundram Subramania Swamy Temple, which has been at the centre of a dispute over the lighting of a traditional lamp atop an ancient stone pillar known as a deepathoon.

A bench comprising Justices Aravind Kumar and Vipul M Pancholi issued notices to the Union of India, the Tamil Nadu government, the ASI, and other concerned parties on the plea filed by the Hindu Dharma Parishad.

During the hearing, the court was informed that the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court had already disposed of the matter on 6 January 2026. Counsel appearing for the petitioner submitted that the parties were contemplating filing a Special Leave Petition, noting that the High Court’s division bench had permitted the lighting of the lamp. The counsel requested the Supreme Court to issue notice in the matter, following which the bench proceeded to do so after hearing brief submissions.

The plea seeks a direction for the ASI to assume control of the Thirupparankundram Lord Murugan Subramania Temple in Madurai. It also seeks permission for a lamp to be permanently lit for 24 hours daily atop the deepathoon located on Thirupparankundram Hill. Additionally, the petition calls for the entire hill to be illuminated with lamps every year on the day of Karthigai in the Tamil month of Karthigai, and for Muruga devotees to be allowed to worship without restriction.

On 6 January 2026, the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court upheld an earlier order directing that the traditional Karthigai Deepam be lit on the hilltop, dismissing an appeal filed by the Tamil Nadu government and the temple administration. The state government had subsequently announced its intention to approach the Supreme Court challenging the verdict.

The High Court’s judgment was delivered by a division bench comprising Justices G Jayachandran and KK Ramakrishnan, which reaffirmed the order passed by single judge Justice GR Swaminathan. The bench held that the stone pillar located near the Sikkandar Dargah on the hill was a deepathoon, an ancient structure historically meant for lighting ceremonial lamps.

Justice Swaminathan, in his earlier order, had directed temple authorities to permit the lighting of the ceremonial lamp on the hilltop deepathoon during the annual Karthigai Deepam festival, acting on a petition filed by a Hindu outfit activist. The petitioner had argued that the practice was a long-standing religious tradition associated with the temple and had historical backing.

The Tamil Nadu government, opposing the writ petition through the temple administration, had contended that there was no conclusive proof establishing the existence of a lamp pillar on the hilltop as claimed. The government had also expressed apprehension that lighting a lamp near the Sikkandar Dargah could lead to law-and-order issues, given the shared religious presence on the hill.

Rejecting these arguments, the High Court criticised the DMK government’s stance, describing as “ridiculous” the claim that lighting the lamp would disturb public peace. The division bench made it clear that the site where the stone pillar stands belongs to the Sri Subramania Swamy Temple.

With the Supreme Court now issuing notice, responses have been sought from the Centre, the Tamil Nadu government, the ASI, and other respondents on both the question of administrative control of the temple and the continuation of lamp-lighting practices at the deepathoon.

Source: ETVBharat

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Sri Venkateswara Temple In North Carolina Vandalised; Police Probe Underway

Sri Venkateswara Temple In North Carolina Vandalised; Police Probe Underway

The Sri Venkateswara Temple of North Carolina in Cary was vandalised last week, with damage reported to one of the temple’s Dvarapalakas, or sacred guardian deity statues, near the Raja Gopuram entrance. The incident occurred on January 18 and was reported immediately to local law enforcement, according to Hindu advocacy groups.

The Hindu American Foundation stated that the Cary Police Department has initiated an investigation and is reviewing surveillance footage from the temple premises. Authorities indicated that while physical damage was caused to the statue, the spiritual sanctity of the temple had not been affected.

Temple officials said restoration work on the damaged statue is being carried out in accordance with traditional agamic practices. The incident was also reported by New India Abroad.

Several Hindu advocacy organisations condemned the vandalism and called for a thorough investigation. The Hindu American Foundation described the incident as an attack on a religious community and urged law enforcement to take the matter seriously, warning against minimising such acts.

HinduPACT’s American Hindus Against Defamation characterised the damage to the place of worship as abhorrent and demanded that those responsible be identified and prosecuted. The group also offered support to the temple and its community and reached out to local authorities and federal officials, including FBI Director Kash Patel.

Both organisations stated that the incident should not be viewed as an isolated case of property damage, arguing that it raises broader concerns about the safety of Hindu places of worship in the United States and warrants examination of any potential bias-driven motive.

As of 22 January 2026, police have not announced any arrests and have not released information regarding suspects or possible motives.

The incident has renewed attention to concerns raised by Hindu groups over repeated acts of vandalism targeting temples across the United States in recent years.

The Sri Venkateswara Temple serves as a major spiritual and cultural centre for Hindus in North Carolina’s Research Triangle region, hosting religious services, festivals, educational programmes, and community events. Temple leadership has urged devotees to remain calm while the investigation continues.

Source: Times of India

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Whistle Symbol Turns Into Public Nuisance – Vijay’s TVK Accused Of Creating Chaos

TVK Cadres Accused Of Creating Public Disorder Following Whistle Symbol Allotment

A section of the public in Tamil Nadu has expressed anger toward the Election Commission of India following the allotment of an election symbol to actor-turned-politician Vijay’s political party, Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam (TVK). The discontent is not related to allegations of electoral malpractice but to the consequences of the symbol chosen for the party.

The Commission is understood to have acted within its mandate while allocating symbols to newly registered political parties. However, the impact of the decision has resulted in public inconvenience in several parts of the state.

TVK was recently allotted the whistle symbol, one of the options sought by the party. Soon after the announcement, complaints began to surface alleging that party supporters had started using whistles aggressively in public spaces. However, the symbol has encouraged excessive noise-making during political mobilisation, particularly in crowded areas.

Residents have reported that whistle-blowing by party cadres has disrupted public movement, with elderly people, women, and daily commuters being particularly affected. It has been alleged that supporters blow whistles at close range while chanting Vijay’s name, creating discomfort and panic in some cases. These actions have been cited as contributing to public frustration directed at the Election Commission’s decision.

A young lady shared a video of the harassment and disturbance TVK cadre were causing to the public. She says, “TVK has been given the whistle symbol and already they are stopping/obstructing buses blowing whistles continuously. I can’t even talk; the whistle sound is so overpowering and loud. They (TVK cadre) are stopping every bus and creating a disturbance”

 

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This conduct was being justified by party supporters as part of taking the election symbol “to the people.”

The chief of Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam, Vijay, seems to have failed to instill basic discipline among the cadres. Over time, one thing is becoming clear, the party has become a recurring public nuisance, if we take into account the past instances of disorder at public meetings, including damage to public infrastructure, climbing electric poles, and incidents of crowd mismanagement in Karur that resulted in injuries and deaths.

The whistle symbol has intensified these problems, with supporters reportedly using it indiscriminately in public spaces. The party has come to be viewed as a source of persistent disturbance due to the inconvenience caused to the public – Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam becomes Thalaivali Vettri Kazhagam.

One can reminisce a song from the Tamil film Manavan, written by lyricist Vaali and sung by P Susheela and TM Soundararajan – they lyrics of which caricatured the behaviour of fan groups who engage in disruptive conduct a long time ago. The song fits the bill perfectly for the current conduct of TVK supporters.

 

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Draupathi 2 Review: Mohan G Delivers Tamil Cinema’s Kantara Moment With A Bold Historical Film That Pushes Back Against Dravidianist Tropes

After four hard-hitting films that took social issues head-on, director Mohan G returns with a historical that is not interested in comfort, consensus, or cosmetic neutrality. Draupathi 2 is not merely a sequel, it is a continuation of a worldview: that history matters, memory matters, and silence has a cost. When cinema in Tamil Nadu predominantly revolves around fake manufactured Dravidianist tropes, Draupathi 2 stands out as the lone film rooted in civilisational consciousness.

Story & Premise

The film opens in contemporary Tamil Nadu, where a familiar but rarely discussed reality confronts the audience – ancestral Hindu land abruptly falling under Waqf claims, leaving rightful heirs dispossessed and helpless. Against this backdrop, two young women from abroad arrive in the village, hoping to renovate a dilapidated temple. One of the women becomes possessed, serving as the narrative bridge between the present and the 14th century. With this, the film establishes a link between Draupathi 1 and Draupathi 2.

What unfolds is the tale of Veera Simha Kadava Raya (also played by Richard Rishi), a warrior who protected his land, people, and temples during the turbulent period when southern India was not insulated from Islamic invasions, contrary to popular belief.

History Without Apology

One of Draupathi 2’s greatest strengths is its refusal to sanitize history.

Tamil cinema has produced historical fiction before, but it has largely shied away from depicting the brutalities of Islamic invasions, especially in the south. Mohan G breaks that silence.

Yes, we may have heard of Malik Kafur’s invasions, the brutalities, the looting of temples, the massacre of 12,000 Vaishnavites in Srirangam and so on… but that is just a portion of what happened in Tamil Nadu. What happened after is long forgotten.

Mohan G has woven history of the Madurai Sultanate & the Delhi Sultanate and into his story to achieve the impact he sought out to bring in the film.

The film places Vallala Maharaja (Vallalar III) at the centre of resistance, a ruler of the Hoysala dynasty remembered not only in chronicles but also in living Hindu geography, such as the gopuram he commissioned at the Arunachaleswarar Temple in Tiruvannamalai.

Women, Faith, And Nation

What marks the film out within Mohan G’s own filmography is the way it handles women and the idea of feminism. His films have always carved space for women as moral centres, but here the bar is raised: there is a scorching moment where a woman asks how she can worry only about her husband’s safety when so many women are facing Islamist violence.

Whether it is a mother enduring painful labour to ensure her child is born at the right moment, destined for valour, or a woman willing to give up her own life for honour and the nation, the film places women at the moral centre of history.

The film’s value system is explicit: the nation comes first, then personal comfort, and women are no less compared to men in defending dharma. The confrontation where Kadavarayan offers his life to Vallala Maharaja and is backed, unflinchingly, by his pregnant wife Draupathi, delivers genuine goosebumps; it becomes a statement on shared sacrifice, and Vallala’s subsequent reflection on women’s power deepens that emotional hit rather than feeling like token rhetoric. The interaction between Draupathi and Vallala Maharaja is simply one of the film’s most powerful emotional high points especially when he says, “Not only must the courage of men be praised, but also the sacrifice of women like you.”

In Karnan, the Kaatupechis exalted to the status of gods are victims of injustice. In Draupathi 2, it draws upon the memory of women who laid down their lives resisting invaders, later venerated as village goddesses and protectors of their people. In doing so, it pushes back against the Dravidianist ecosystem’s attempt to pit local folk Hindu deities against so-called “Brahminical” Hindu gods. The film presents this as a living tradition of remembrance and resilience.

Sequences That Stood Out 

While the entire film was good, there were some scenes that stood out.

In a scene from the initial parts of the film, one character mocks another for still doing his “kula thozhil”, the other retorts, “It is my ancestral occupation, how can I let go of it?” – this seemed like a dig on the ruling DMK government’s stand against the Vishwakarma Scheme of PM Modi.

The sequence in which Vallala’s forces encircle the invaders’ territory (Battle of Kannanur) and choke them without overt violence is conceptually strong, and his eventual capture and execution are staged to feel brutal without resorting to indulgent gore, keeping the focus on humiliation and betrayal instead of splatter.

The film features use of guerrilla style tactics to attack the enemy, they are ingenious.

Some hidden nuances like when Vallala Maharaja says “Vandheri Sultan” – it refers to the foreign invader, the use of Vandheri is important here as the Dravidianists often use this as a slur against Brahmins.

The appearance of the Ramnami tribe in the trailer initially leaves the viewer curious about how they fit into the story. The film answers that question with a powerful sequence that weaves in their deep devotion to Lord Rama. The Ramnamis are shown worshipping a khandith—a beheaded idol of Lord Rama—not as a symbol of defeat, but of faith that refuses to die. With the help of Kadavarayan, they perform Pran Prathishta once again, restoring the deity and the sanctity of worship. Mohan G seems to have been touched by their faith that he found a way to include them in the film. This stands in stark contrast to how Dravidianist filmmakers often deploy imagery like the beheaded Buddha—stripped of context and frozen in victimhood—to suggest an alleged ‘Brahminical’ onslaught.

The film clearly shows how Hindus were treated – be it the use of the word ‘kaffir’, the emphasis on worshipping one God, and how Islamic invaders were interested in wealth and viewed Hindus as ‘stone worshippers’.

Dialogues like “This is Annamalaiyar’s land”, “There is only one clan, but not just one God” – These are important highlights of the film that emphasise the Hindu identity and a direct dig at monotheistic cultures and the Dravidianist ecosystem.

While they do not show the torture of the Prince Virupaksha, he is visibly broken and yet he does not agree to the Islamist’s order of converting to save his life – that was good but could have been powerful.

Overall, the Hindu symbolism is present, unapologetically.

Performances, Music, & Action

The film rests on Richard Rishi and Rakshana Indhudhar who plays Draupathi, and both rise to the challenge, fiercely. In fact, Rakshana embodies Draupathi in her scenes. Both share almost equal screen time and emotional load; they carry the conviction that the screenplay needs.

Natty, as an ageing Vallala Maharaja, brings gravitas without theatrics.

Action sequences were par excellence – very well choreographed and were not even a bit sloppy.

Ghibran’s music is a triumph, it is fantabulous. From war themes to devotional blends that fuse Middle Eastern motifs with Rama bhakti, the score elevates the film consistently. The new singer singing Emkoney is a pleasant surprise, it is seamless and soulful. Background score is outstanding and shows why people hated Chaava but will love Draupathi 2’s score – the music elevates the film, the story, and the characters. Kadavarayan’s entry scene is especially whistle-worthy music.

Ghibran’s use of the violin is praiseworthy, it just amplifies the scenes notches higher. The after-seige celebration song is predominantly the flute, amazing use of instruments. Tarasuki featuring Ulugh Khan is peppy and foot-tapping.

Not Without Flaws

The film is not without shortcomings. The English subtitles are poorly translated. There is a notable use of AI in the film while narrating sequences but given the budget, it is understandable.

There are noticeable continuity lapses in a few scenes.

The second half lags a bit, with antagonist Damghani portrayed more as a womaniser than the brutal tyrant that he really was – a few more brutality scenes would have done great justice.

The film’s emphasis on religious conversion is alright, but it becomes the central theme – the brutalities should have been shown a bit more, atleast what we saw in Chaava, show it without showing it.

The rivalry between Tughlaq and Damghani is introduced but not sufficiently explored, leaving noticeable loose ends.

Ulugh Khan’s (Tughlaq) item song also felt out of place with him dancing to choreographed steps.

Yet these flaws do not dilute the film’s intent or impact.

A Counter To Dravidianist Filmmakers

Draupathi 2 stands apart from the strain of contemporary Tamil cinema dominated by filmmakers like Pa Ranjith, whose work often function less as cinema and more as ideological pamphlets. Where his films flatten history into grievance narratives and reduce Hindu civilisation to a villainous abstraction focusing on manufactured “Brahminical” evil, Mohan G does the opposite, he restores complexity, agency, and memory. Instead of manufacturing outrage through selective victimhood and modern political templates imposed on the past, Draupathi 2 insists on historical continuity, civilisational context, and lived faith.

In Thangalaan, Pa Ranjith focused on how Brahmincal forces suppressed Buddhism in India, and specifically how a king beheads a Buddha statue after being urged by a Brahmin priest – Ranjith, who showed such manufactured “atrocities” against Buddhism turned a blind eye to the desecrations and brutalities of the Islamic invaders towards Hindus. A Mari Selvaraj or a Pa Ranjith would never dare touch a topic such as the one in Draupathi2.

Draupathi 2 – Tamil Cinema’s Kantara Moment

“Draupathi 2” is, in many ways, the Tamil land’s answer to what “Kantara” did for coastal Karnataka. Where “Kantara” fused daiva tradition, land, and lineage into a cinematic ritual, “Draupathi 2” binds temple, territory, and ancestry into a fierce act of remembrance. Draupathi 2 argues, clearly and unapologetically, that today’s Hindus exist because of the sacrifices of forgotten ancestors; faith endured because ordinary people chose suffering over surrender, just as in Kantara the deity’s pact with the people is renewed through blood, devotion, and memory.

This is not just a film about the past, but a reclamation of erased histories that makes the viewer consciously grateful for what we are today: Hindus in a free country, still able to stand before the same deities in the same temples, in the same forms our ancestors once worshipped, much like Kantara’s villagers guarding their sacred grove and daiva from encroachment. Mohan G does not claim invention, he claims remembrance. He stages forgotten kings, buried murtis, and silenced resistances the way Rishab Shetty staged daiva kola: as living, throbbing memory that refuses to be domesticated into footnotes.

For that alone, “Draupathi 2” deserves to be watched, argued over, and passed down, preferably in theatres, and with families who will talk about it on the way back, the way Kantara became a conversation in homes about land, gods, and gratitude. This is cinema as memory. And memory, as the film reminds us, is resistance and in its own Tamil idiom, no less potent than Kantara’s.

Hydra is a political writer.

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Villagers Accuse HR&CE Of Ignoring Devotees’ Needs In ₹45-Lakh Renovation Of 900-Year-Old Shiva Temple In Nallichery, Thanjavur

Villagers Accuse HR&CE Of Ignoring Devotees’ Needs In ₹45-Lakh Renovation Of 900-Year-Old Shiva Temple In Nallichery, Thanjavur

Residents of Nallichery village near Ayyampettai in Thanjavur district have raised objections to the renovation works being carried out by the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Department at a centuries-old Shiva temple, alleging that the proposed works do not address the actual needs of devotees and the local community.

Villagers stated that the temple, identified as the Akhilandeswari Sametha Jambunathaswamy Temple, is nearly 900 years old and is currently undergoing renovation based on an estimated budget of ₹45 lakh. They alleged that the manner in which the renovation was planned and executed contained several shortcomings, prompting repeated protests and representations to the authorities.

According to residents, rainwater regularly stagnates in the inner prakaram (inner corridor) of the temple, making it difficult for devotees to circumambulate the shrine. They said granite flooring was required in the inner prakaram to prevent water stagnation and improve accessibility. However, HR&CE officials have proposed laying granite flooring only in the outer prakaram, citing the original estimate.

Villagers argued that the outer prakaram was surrounded largely by agricultural fields and was rarely used by devotees. They said laying granite flooring in that area would serve no practical purpose, while the inner prakaram, where devotees actually walk, would remain unsafe and inconvenient, especially during the monsoon.

Residents also objected to a proposal to dig an agazhi (moat or pond) around the temple. They said maintaining such a structure would be difficult for the village, posed safety risks to children, and was unnecessary given the temple’s limited income. They demanded that funds earmarked for the moat be diverted instead to essential repairs within the inner prakaram, including flooring and the restoration of damaged doors and entrances.

Villagers stated that while they were not opposed to renovation work itself, they had informed officials that works carried out in unused areas would not benefit the temple or devotees. They alleged that officials responded by saying they were authorised to carry out only the works specified in the estimate and could not alter the plan.

Another resident stated stated that senior officials, including an Assistant Director (AD), had visited the site, heard the villagers’ concerns, and assured them they would return, but no concrete changes had followed so far.

Villagers said they would not permit granite flooring or other works to be carried out in the outer prakaram and reiterated that renovation should be undertaken only in areas that directly benefit devotees and ensure safety within the temple.

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GIRI Trading Opens New Showroom In Kumbakonam, Donates Cow Ghee To 21 Temples

GIRI Opens New Showroom In Kumbakonam, Donates Cow Ghee To 21 Temples

Giri Trading Agency Private Limited has inaugurated a new showroom in Kumbakonam, expanding its retail presence in one of Tamil Nadu’s most prominent temple towns. The showroom was opened in January 2026 as part of the company’s continued expansion in spiritually significant locations across the state.

The inaugural event was attended by religious dignitaries including Sabapathi Tambiran Swamigal, Adhipar of Thiruppanandal Kasi Mutt, and Sri Chendalankara Sampath Kumara Ramanuja Jeeyar Swamigal of Mannargudi. Their presence marked the formal opening of the showroom in the historic temple city.

As part of the inauguration, the company donated pure cow ghee to 21 temples in and around Kumbakonam. According to the organisers, the ghee will be used for daily poojas, deepa aradhanai, and prasadam preparation, supporting the continuation of regular temple rituals. The initiative also marked the launch of a programme titled “Giri to Society”, under which the company plans to provide essential materials and offerings to temples across Tamil Nadu.

Speaking on the occasion, Sabapathi Tambiran Swamigal said such initiatives help preserve sacred traditions through service, while Sri Chendalankara Sampath Kumara Ramanuja Jeeyar Swamigal stated that acts of devotion of this nature strengthen dharma and sustain temple culture.

The newly opened showroom offers a range of religious and cultural products, including brass, silver, and clay idols, items used for festivals and Golu, organic food products, wellness items, handicrafts, spiritual books and music, and traditional clothing. The store has been positioned as a central destination for devotees, particularly ahead of upcoming festive seasons in the region.

Company representatives stated that opening a showroom in Kumbakonam carried both responsibility and significance, given the city’s religious importance, and reiterated their commitment to serving temples and preserving India’s spiritual heritage.

Founded in 1951, GIRI operates more than 35 showrooms across several Indian states, including Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Telangana, Puducherry, Maharashtra, and Delhi, and also caters to customers in the USA, UK, Australia, and the UAE. The company was awarded the “Best Tourist Friendly Shopping Centre in Tamil Nadu” in 2019.

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“Whistle Adikira K*njugal”: TN Congress Head Selvaperunthagai’s Indirect Jibe At TVK Vijay

"Whistle Adikira K*njugal": TN Congress Head Selvaperunthagai's Indirect Jibe At TVK Vijay

Tamil Nadu Congress Committee (TNCC) president Selvaperunthagai on Friday, 23 January 2026, launched an indirect attack on Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) and its leader Vijay, using the phrase “Whistle adikira k*njugal” while speaking in the Legislative Assembly during a discussion on a government resolution.

Speaking in support of a resolution, Selvaperunthagai said, “This kind of resolution has never been brought in any legislative assembly in India till now. The Hon’ble Chief Minister has understood what a noble scheme this is and has brought it forward.” He added that attempts to undermine Tamil Nadu’s welfare would not succeed, stating, “Whoever may try to mortgage the welfare of the people of Tamil Nadu to New Delhi, whether indirectly or from behind a mask, we are duty-bound to once again express our thanks to the Hon’ble Chief Minister, who has taken a firm vow that, as a leader standing alone, he will protect Tamil Nadu.”

The TNCC president went on to praise the people of the state and the Chief Minister’s leadership, saying, “All the people of Tamil Nadu are fearless people, brave people, people who protect the poor and the humble.” Referring to images and lessons highlighting Tamil Nadu’s legacy, he said the Chief Minister repeatedly proved his commitment to that tradition.

In an apparent dig aimed at TVK’s whistle symbol and its leadership style, Selvaperunthagai remarked, “Because the proud history of Tamil Nadu is not of people who just whistle in a crowd (Whistle adikira kunjugal) or of someone who merely leads such a crowd; through this very resolution he has proved that he is the leader of self-respecting Tamils.”

While Selvaperunthagai did not name TVK or Vijay directly, the reference to whistling was widely interpreted as an indirect jibe at the newly formed TVK party and its symbol, the whistle.

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“They Created Problem Of Lighting Lamp At Thirupparankundram, Didn’t Even Spare Judiciary To Appease Their Votebank”, PM Modi Fires Salvo At DMK

"They Created Problem Of Lighting Lamp At Thirupparankundram, Didn't Even Spare Judiciary To Appease Their Votebank", PM Modi Fires Salvo At DMK

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Friday, 23 January 2026, addressed a National Democratic Alliance (NDA) public meeting at Madurantakam, launching a sharp attack on the ruling DMK and asserting that Tamil Nadu was ready for a change in governance ahead of the 2026 elections.

PM Modi stated that bravery and patriotism ran through the veins of the people of Tamil Nadu and claimed the NDA alliance was gaining popular support in the state. “The people like the NDA alliance. Tamil Nadu is ready for a change in governance. The countdown for the DMK government has begun,” he said, adding that leaders on the stage would shape Tamil Nadu’s future.

Calling for a corruption-free and development-oriented administration, the Prime Minister accused the DMK government of backing corruption, mafia elements, and criminal activities. “This is a government that supports CMC – corruption, mafia, and criminality. Even children in Tamil Nadu know where corruption exists. This is a government run by one family. This is an undemocratic government,” he said.

Modi further accused the DMK of insulting Tamil culture and said the state must be liberated from what he described as the party’s oppressive rule. “The DMK government mocks culture. We will free Tamil Nadu from the DMK’s cruel rule,” he said.

Highlighting Centre–State relations, the Prime Minister said the BJP-led Union government had provided three times more funds to Tamil Nadu over the last 11 years than what was given during Congress rule. “We have given three times more funds to Tamil Nadu than the Congress government did. The BJP government has delivered unprecedented development. Today, Tamil Nadu’s growth is moving backward. The people want a double engine government,” he said.

Modi said the NDA would stand firmly with farmers and fishermen and stressed the importance of youth and women in Tamil Nadu’s development. Expressing concern over substance abuse, he said, “Our children are being destroyed by addiction right before our eyes. Tamil Nadu needs a state government that works in coordination with the Central government.”

Praising former Chief Minister Jayalalithaa, Modi said crimes were kept under control during her tenure and described her governance as effective. He reiterated his admiration for Tamil language and culture and accused the DMK of practising vote-bank politics. “I love Tamil language and Tamil culture. The DMK is the enemy of Tamil culture,” he said.

Referring to the controversy over lighting the Karthigai Deepam at Thiruparankundram hill, Modi accused the DMK of politicising religious traditions. He said the party had even disrespected the judiciary to appease its vote bank.

Elaborating on the issue, PM Modi said, “Friends, we are not people who merely make speeches about Tamil culture; we are firmly committed to protecting it. Just a few days ago, lighting a lamp for our Lord Murugan was turned into a controversy. At that time, all our leaders raised their voices for the rights of devotees. But the DMK, which is anti-Tamil, and its allies did not even spare the judiciary in their attempt to appease their vote bank. They insulted it. The DMK created a problem out of lighting the lamp at Thiruparankundram hill. The DMK is the enemy of Tamil language, Tamil people, and Tamil culture.”

Modi also accused the Congress and the DMK of humiliating Tamil traditions by imposing a ban on Jallikattu. “It was the Congress and DMK that banned Jallikattu and insulted all of you. But our NDA government explored every legal avenue and brought Jallikattu back. Through this, we restored Tamil tradition and honoured Tamil youth,” he said.

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Kargil On The Streets For Tehran: The Rise And Reach Of The Imam Khomeini Memorial Trust

The Imam Khomeini Memorial Trust (IKMT), a Kargil-based religious organisation founded in 1989, has repeatedly come under public attention in recent years for organising protests and rallies linked to Iran, Palestine, and Shia religious causes. Between 2023 and 2026, the Trust has played a central role in multiple demonstrations across Ladakh, prompting questions about its leadership, activities, and ideological orientation.

14 January 2026 Protest in Kargil

On 14 January 2026, a large protest was held in Kargil district of Ladakh under the leadership of the Imam Khomeini Memorial Trust in support of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Thousands of local Shia Muslims participated in the demonstration, raising slogans against the United States and Israel.

The rally was organised under the banner of IKMT and led by its president Sheikh Sadiq Rajai. The demonstration began after congregational prayers at the Jama Masjid, Kargil, following which men, women, and youth marched through the main streets carrying placards and banners.

Participants alleged that the United States and Israel were interfering in Iran’s internal affairs and accused the US of causing hardship to ordinary Iranians through economic sanctions, while claiming that Israel was being openly supported in its policies against Iran.

The protest drew attention in the context of ongoing unrest inside Iran over inflation, unemployment, state repression, and protests in which more than 3,000 people have reportedly been killed.

Background and formation of IKMT

The Imam Khomeini Memorial Trust traces its origins to events following the death of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini on June 4, 1989.

According to the Trust’s records, news of Khomeini’s death led to the spontaneous closure of markets and establishments in Kargil. Black flags were hoisted on public institutions, Imambaras, and mosques. For 40 consecutive days, mourning assemblies (Majlis-e-Tarheem), Azadari, and Quranic recitations were held in a large pavilion in Kargil town.

The then Iranian Ambassador to India, Ibrahim Rahimpur, participated in the Chehlum (40th-day mourning ceremony). Following the conclusion of the mourning period, a meeting of Muslim youth was convened at Titichumik, near Kargil.

 

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Around 500 youth attended the meeting, where it was unanimously decided to establish an organisation to preserve and promote the principles and values associated with Ayatollah Khomeini. This led to the formal establishment of the Imam Khomeini Memorial Trust, Kargil, with an ad-hoc executive body and a signed resolution.

The stated objective of the Trust is to uphold the principles outlined in Khomeini’s last will and testament, particularly the unity of the Muslim Ummah and support for oppressed Muslims worldwide.

Key details of Imam Khomeini Memorial Trust
  • Name: Imam Khomeini Memorial Trust (IKMT)
  • Formation year: 1989
  • Legal status: Registered Trust
  • Headquarters: Kargil, Ladakh

Key Members

  • Sheikh Muhammad Hussain Zakiri – Founder and Chief Patron
  • Asgar Ali Karbalai
  • Sheikh Muhammad Mohaqiq
  • Sheikh Sadiq Rajai – Chairman

Subsidiaries and affiliated bodies

  1. Mutahhary Educational Society
  2. Baqiria Health Care & Research Centre
  3. Zanabia Women Welfare Society (Women’s Wing)
  4. Basij-e-Imam (Volunteers)
  5. Jamia-e-Zahra Women’s College (affiliated with Al-Mustafa International and Aligarh Muslim University)
  6. Jamia-e-Imam Khomeini Boys College (affiliated with Al-Mustafa International and Aligarh Muslim University)
  7. Lujnat-ul-Khaira
  8. Baseej-e-Rohani
  9. Voice of Ladakh (regional newspaper)
  10. Media Cell IKMT
  11. Bazm-e-Adab (Poetry Wing)
  12. Khawja Ghulam-us-Sayidain Library
Protests and Demonstrations Organised or Supported by IKMT (2023–2026)

#1 Demand for statehood and Sixth Schedule – 18 October 2025 – Kargil, Ladakh

IKMT supported a march organised by the Kargil Democratic Alliance and the Leh Apex Body, demanding full statehood, inclusion under the Sixth Schedule, and the release of detainees, including Sonam Wangchuk.

#2 Protest in support of Gaza – 7 August 2025 – Kargil, Ladakh

IKMT organised a protest rally in solidarity with Gaza. The march began at Zainabiya Chowk and concluded at Jamia Masjid Kargil, with participation from men, women, children, students, and elders. Schools under the Mutahhary Educational Society and students from Jamiat Fatima Zahra, Jamiat Imam Khomeini, and Aawa Academy Delhi participated.

 

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#3 Protest Against Media Campaign Targeting Ayatollah Khamenei – 29 July 2025 – Kargil, Ladakh

The Baseej-e-Imam unit of IKMT organised a protest against what it termed a “malicious and defamatory media campaign” targeting Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Protesters raised slogans including “Death to America,” “Death to Israel,” and “Death to Godi Media.”

#4 Protest over killing of Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah – 29 September 2024 – Kargil, Ladakh

IKMT organised a protest against the killing of Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s Secretary-General, in an Israeli airstrike in Beirut. Participants carried banners and slogans in his support.

#5 Support for ‘Batti Gul’ protest – 30 April 2025 – Kargil, Ladakh

Description: IKMT supported the nationwide ‘Batti Gul’ protest against the Waqf Amendment Act, calling it unconstitutional. Participants switched off lights from 9:00 PM to 9:15 PM.

#6 Protest Over Attack on Shia Travellers in Pakistan – 25 November 2024 – Kargil, Ladakh

IKMT led a rally condemning the killing of Shia travellers in Parachinar, Pakistan, accusing the Pakistani government and militant groups of failing to protect Shia communities.

#7 Protest against Israeli bombing of Gaza – 13 October 2023 – Kargil, Ladakh

IKMT organised a rally against Israeli airstrikes on Gaza, beginning from Imam Khomeini Tower and concluding at Lal Chowk, Kargil.

Controversies linked to IKMT

Publisher Apology Controversy – 27 April 2024 – Kargil / Delhi

IKMT pressured Acuber Books International, a Delhi-based publisher, over content in a Class 6 General Knowledge textbook that described Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini as one of the “worst” historical figures. The publisher subsequently removed the content and issued a public apology.

Iran, Protests, and Broader Context

Iran has witnessed sustained protests since December 2025, beginning with shop closures in Tehran’s Grand Bazaar over inflation, currency collapse, unemployment, and rising food prices. The protests later expanded into wider demonstrations against state repression and governance, with security forces using live fire in several instances. More than 3,000 deaths have been reported in recent unrest.

Earlier protests following the death of Mahsa Amini in September 2022 also led to nationwide unrest, with more than 500 deaths reported by the end of 2023.

Kargil’s Shia Connection and Iran

Kargil has a population of approximately 125,000, with 48% Shia Muslims, largely following Twelver Shia Islam. Shia Islam reached the region in the 15th and 16th centuries, including through Iranian scholar Mir Shamsuddin Araki.

The 1979 Iranian Revolution and the doctrine of Velayat-e Faqih, developed by Ayatollah Khomeini, have had a lasting ideological influence on Shia communities worldwide.

Ayatollah Khomeini’s ancestral roots are traced to Kintoor village in Barabanki district, Uttar Pradesh, linking his lineage to India.

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