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10 Incidents From Karnataka Glorifying Tipu Sultan (2015–2025)

tipu sultan

Over the past decade, Tipu Sultan, the 18th-century ruler of Mysore has remained a lightning rod of political and social controversy in Karnataka. From government-backed celebrations to heated public protests, his legacy continues to divide communities and fuel ideological clashes.

This report compiles 11 key incidents between 2015 and 2025 where individuals, institutions, or political parties glorified Tipu Sultan, sparking debate over his historical image as either a “freedom fighter” or a “religious aggressor.”

#1 IUML Urges Karnataka Congress to Hold Grand Tipu Jayanti – 5 November 2025 

The Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) urged the Karnataka Congress government to organise a grand Tipu Jayanti celebration on 10 November 2025, accusing it of neglecting the event for two consecutive years. IUML leader C. Abdul Rahiman called Tipu Sultan a “patriot” and alleged the government was erasing his contributions from textbooks. He warned that Congress leaders should resign if the event was not held, reigniting political tensions over the former Mysore ruler’s divisive legacy.

#2 Minister Mahadevappa Credits Tipu Sultan for KRS Dam Foundation – 4 August 2025 

Karnataka Social Welfare Minister H.C. Mahadevappa claimed that Tipu Sultan, not Nalwadi Krishnaraja Wadiyar, had laid the foundation of the Krishna Raja Sagar (KRS) Dam. Speaking on Wadiyar’s death anniversary, Mahadevappa argued that an inscription at the dam’s main gate supported his claim. He also credited Tipu with abolishing the Devadasi system, resisting land monopolies, promoting trade hubs like Gubbi and Harihara, and introducing sericulture to India.

#3 Protests Erupt After Tipu Portrait Garlanded With Footwear – 31 January 2025 

A portrait of Tipu Sultan was found garlanded with footwear in Sirwar town, triggering large-scale protests by members of the Muslim community. Demonstrators blocked roads and set tyres ablaze, demanding swift arrests. Police registered an FIR and promised action within 24 hours.

#4 Mysuru Hosts Joint Kannada Rajyotsava and Tipu Jayanti Event – 11 November 2023 

The Tipu Kannada Rajyotsava Vedike hosted a joint celebration of Kannada Rajyotsava and Tipu Jayanti at Milan Function Hall. The event featured patriotic songs and dances, with speakers praising Tipu Sultan’s “courage and resistance” against the British. Former MLA Tanveer Sait and local leaders lauded Tipu’s contributions to Karnataka’s identity. The program concluded with a symbolic parade of participants dressed as Tipu Sultan.

#5 AIMIM Granted Permission to Celebrate Tipu Jayanti – 10 November 2022 

The All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) received permission from the Hubballi municipal corporation to hold a Tipu Jayanti celebration at the Eidgah Grounds. The mayor clarified that while the venue could host cultural events, large-scale gatherings with “big leaders” would not be allowed.

#6 Panel Recommends Retaining Tipu Sultan Chapter in Textbooks – 27 May 2022 

A review committee appointed by the Karnataka government recommended retaining the Tipu Sultan chapter in school textbooks (Classes 6–10). The panel advised correcting factual errors and maintaining a “neutral tone” while also adding sections on other regional rulers.

#7 Protests Erupt Over State-Sponsored Tipu Jayanti Celebration – 12 April 2022 

The Congress-led Karnataka government’s decision to observe Tipu Sultan’s birth anniversary triggered statewide protests. Demonstrations erupted in Kodagu, Bengaluru, and Mysuru, forcing the authorities to impose Section 144 and deploy heavy police forces. The government described Tipu as a “freedom fighter,” while opponents accused it of “communal appeasement.”

#8 Citizens Celebrate Tipu Jayanti Despite Government Ban – 11 November 2019 

Despite the state government’s refusal to officially observe Tipu Sultan Jayanti, thousands of citizens in Mandya and nearby districts held independent celebrations. Local organisers claimed Tipu deserved recognition for fighting the British, while critics argued the event whitewashed his atrocities against Hindus and Kodavas. Police monitored the gatherings, but no violence was reported.

#9 Tipu Jayanti Celebrated Under Tight Security – 10 November 2018 

Under the Congress–JD(S) coalition government, Karnataka officially celebrated Tipu Jayanti amid massive security arrangements. Prohibitory orders were imposed in sensitive districts like Kodagu, where anti-Tipu protests were anticipated. Both pro- and anti-Tipu processions were banned.

#10 Udupi District Administration Marks Tipu Jayanti – 10 November 2015 

The Udupi District Administration, in coordination with the Minority Welfare Department, officially celebrated Tipu Sultan Jayanti. The event featured speeches extolling Tipu’s rule and cultural performances highlighting his “progressive reforms.” Unlike previous years marked by protests, the 2015 event proceeded peacefully.

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IIT Bombay Campus Erupts In Tension As Students Allege Islamist Mob Intimidation Over Noise Complaint

IIT Bombay Campus Erupts In Tension As Students Allege Islamist Mob Intimidation Over Noise Complaint

A prestigious academic institution became the scene of a serious security incident on Sunday night, as a female student at the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Bombay was allegedly surrounded and intimidated by a large Islamist mob after she objected to loud music playing past campus curfew.

The incident, which occurred near Hostel 10 around 11:00 PM on 9 November 2025, has ignited fierce debate about campus safety and administrative accountability. According to multiple student accounts, the trouble began when the student approached a wedding celebration on campus to request that the music be turned down, citing an upcoming examination.

The situation escalated rapidly. Eyewitnesses report that instead of complying, a group of approximately 50-60 Islamist individuals from the wedding gathering surrounded the student and four to five of her classmates who had arrived to support her.

In a statement posted on X, the student group “IIT B for Bharat” called for an impartial inquiry. The group urged both the institute’s administration and the Mumbai Police to ensure the safety of students and to identify all those involved in the confrontation.

Students present described a scene of intense intimidation. The mob allegedly responded with aggressive shouting, abusive language, and death threats, with witnesses reporting hearing statements like, “Tu bahar nikal, tere ko jaan se maar denge” (“Step outside, we will kill you”). Female students were also reportedly targeted with sexist remarks about their clothing.

The confrontation only de-escalated with the arrival of the Associate Dean of Student Affairs and officers from the Mumbai Police. However, in a detail that has deeply concerned the campus community, the targeted students were reportedly too fearful of retaliation to file a formal written complaint with the authorities at the scene.

The student group ‘IIT B for Bharat’ has since broken the administration’s public silence on the matter, issuing a statement on social media platform X that condemned the violence and the subsequent administrative inaction.

“We urge the IIT Bombay administration and Mumbai Police to conduct a fair, transparent, and impartial investigation to ensure accountability for all responsible parties,” the statement read. “Safety and justice cannot be selective. Intimidation and mob violence have no place in an academic institution.”

At the time of this report, there has been no official public statement from the IIT Bombay administration regarding the incident or the allegations, leaving the campus community awaiting answers and action.

(Source: Organiser)

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Busting The ’65-Lakh Voters Deleted’ Propaganda: Bihar’s Numbers Reveal Congress-RJD Did Not Lose Because OF SIR

bihar rjd congress

The results of the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections have once again exposed a fundamental truth about the Congress–RJD ecosystem: when they lose, they don’t introspect — they manufacture conspiracy theories. Their latest excuse is not just desperate, it is mathematically absurd. According to their melodramatic script, the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise “deleted 65 lakh voters” — all, by some miracle, exclusively from their own support base.

This claim would have been laughable if it wasn’t being peddled so seriously.

The Numbers Completely Busts The 65-Lakh Deletion Myth

Let’s examine the official vote counts from 2020 and 2025 — numbers that don’t bend for convenient propaganda:

2025 Bihar Assembly Elections:

BJP: 10,081,143

JDU: 9,667,118

RJD: 11,546,055

INC: 4,374,579

2020 Bihar Assembly Elections:

BJP: 8,202,067

JDU: 6,485,179

RJD: 9,738,855

INC: 3,995,319

Now look at what actually happened:

BJP gained 18 lakh votes.

JDU gained 31 lakh votes.

RJD gained 18 lakh votes.

Congress gained nearly 4 lakh votes.

Yes — even the Congress party that is shouting the loudest about “deleted voters” saw its vote tally increase. Yes — even RJD, the supposed “victim,” saw its vote count swell by 18 lakh.

In fact in absolute terms, RJD has got more votes than BJP.

If 65 lakh opposition voters were genuinely deleted, how on earth are all major parties, including Congress and RJD, showing substantial gains?

The 65-Lakh Claim Is Nothing More Than A Excuse To Cover Incompetency

For weeks, the Congress–RJD camp has ranted about “6.5 million voters” being removed. But if such a massive and targeted deletion had really happened:

Opposition vote totals would have collapsed.

At the very least, they would have stagnated.

Instead, we see the opposite: Growth across all major parties — including those screaming conspiracy.

The 65-lakh bogeyman is nothing but a post-defeat pacifier for Rahul Gandhi who suffered a humiliating defeat on Children’s Day.

Higher Turnout, More Votes, Zero Suppression

The 2025 election saw a more engaged electorate. More people voted. More votes were cast for every major party. A state that supposedly lost 65 lakh voters somehow clocked higher participation — a statistical impossibility if the Congress–RJD story were even remotely true.

So Why Did Congress–RJD Lose? 

Their loss had nothing to do with voter rolls and everything to do with: uninspiring leadership, stale messaging, weak organisation, and the utter lack of a coherent vision for Bihar.

Blaming SIR is simply their way of dodging accountability — a refusal to confront the fact that Bihar rejected them on politics, performance, and credibility.

The 65-Lakh Myth Has No Legs

Data is a stubborn, unforgiving thing. And Bihar’s 2025 numbers make one fact crystal clear:

There was no mass disenfranchisement.
There was no 65-lakh deletion.
The 65-lakh excuse is only a facade to cover Rahul Gandhi’s miserable leadership.

The people of Bihar weren’t robbed of their votes.
They just showed two dynasts their aukaat.

S. Kaushik is a political writer.

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How Pakistan Becomes A Smokescreen To Mask A Far More Dangerous Internal Threat

Consider the immediate aftermath of any terror attack in India. A bomb rips through a market in Jaipur. A train is blasted in Mumbai. Gunmen lay siege to a temple. Before the smoke has cleared, before the last victim has been identified, the machinery of our national consensus whirs into motion. The script is as predictable as it is comforting. Within an hour, television anchors, their faces grim, will speculate about the “masterminds across the border.”

Government spokesmen will release identical statements: “We condemn this cowardly act” and “We will give a fitting reply.” The conversation is now firmly, and exclusively, about Pakistan. The purpose of this ritual is not to find the truth. The purpose is to pre-empt the truth. The purpose is to ensure that the one set of questions that truly matters is never asked. Who is the man who lives in that Pune colony who surveyed the German Bakery? Who is the “student” in Jaipur who procured the bicycles? Who is the “local businessman” in Mumbai who provided the safe house? These are uncomfortable questions. They are inconvenient questions.

The official narrative, the one taught in our textbooks and repeated by our public intellectuals, is that the ideology which created Pakistan left India with the new border. That the Muslims who “chose” India were, by definition, secular, moderate, and committed to the new republic. But let us put these assumptions to the stress test. The demand for Partition was the political culmination of an ideological assertion: that a separate Muslim identity, law, and society (the “Ummah”) could not be submerged into a composite, non-sectarian, democratic state. This ideology did not evaporate on August 15, 1947. It simply changed its tactics. It burrowed. It waited. It presented itself not as a demand for a separate state, but as a demand for special status within the Indian state. Every time the state has been confronted with this obstinacy, it has buckled. This is the “secularism” we have practiced. When the Supreme Court granted a pittance to an elderly woman, Shah Bano, the entire clerical establishment rose as one. The “liberals” who now lecture us on television were silent. The state, led by a Prime Minister with a brute majority, overturned the court’s judgment. This is of a piece with the insistence on separate personal laws, the riots over cartoons in a distant country, the organized opposition to Vande Mataram, the refusal to allow reform. This is a relentless political project. It is the assertion of a parallel sovereignty. And this is the very history that the “Blame Pakistan” reflex is designed to make us forget.

The great truth of our age is this: the single-minded focus on Pakistan is an analytical error. One can even go as far as to say that it is a sophisticated, multi-layered, and wholly deliberate act of intellectual and political evasion. It is the shield which our entire establishment, new and old, from South Block to the newsrooms of Delhi, holds up to protect itself from a reality it dares not name. That reality is the history, and the continuing present, of Islamic obstinacy and radicalism within India.

Now, see how this evasion connects directly to terror. A module cannot function on air. A Pakistani agent, no matter how skilled, cannot simply walk into a sensitive area and plant a bomb. He needs a network. He needs a local guide, a translator, someone to rent a flat, to buy a SIM card, to procure the chemicals, to weld the containers. He needs, in short, a domestic support system. And what has our own investigative history shown? Time and again, after the media’s focus has moved on, the charge sheets are filed. And who are the names? They are not phantoms from Islamabad. They are the members of the Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI). They are the founders of the “Indian” Mujahideen. They are local clerics, university students, and software engineers from Azamgarh, from Bhatkal, from Kerala. They are Indians. Their motive is not Pakistani nationalism. Their motive is the same ideology that our establishment has refused to confront for seventy years. They are fighting for that same parallel sovereignty. They see the Indian state, its constitution, and its “kafir” society as the enemy.

But the “Blame Pakistan” narrative performs a vital service. For the ‘secular’ establishment of old, it was a tool to appease a vote-bank. But for the new ‘pro-Hindutva’ establishment, this evasion is more profound. Why? Because blaming Pakistan is easy. It is the perfect performance of nationalism. It allows for a muscular, theatrical display which electrifies the base and consumes the news cycle. It requires no hard choices, no messy internal reforms. The alternative, confronting the domestic fifth column, is the hornet’s nest that they choose not to confront. To do so would be to admit that the problem is not a simple foreign policy dispute but a deep-fanged societal rot. It would mean undertaking the hard, grinding, unpopular work of statecraft: genuine police reform, the modernization of madrasas, the enforcement of a uniform civil code against all opposition, and the patient, thankless task of intelligence gathering in hostile domestic localities. Why bother with this difficult, protracted war at home when a spectacular, prime-time “fitting reply” to Pakistan gives you all the political capital at a fraction of the cost? The “nationalist” establishment has discovered that the rhetoric of strength is a perfect substitute for the creation of a hard state.

The result of this grand, collusive deception is that the problem is never solved. It only festers. By attributing every attack to an external enemy, we give a free pass, a complete immunity, to the internal, ideological fifth column that sustains it. We are, in effect, pruning the weed while carefully watering its roots. The 26/11 Mumbai attack was the perfect example. It was a Pakistani plot. But it could not have been executed without the maps and surveillance provided by domestic facilitators. Yet, even in that case, which part of the story was quietly buried? The hunt for the Indian helpers. We have chosen a comfortable lie over an inconvenient truth. The ‘secularists’ traded national security for the applause of a moribund intellectual class. The ‘nationalists’, more cynically, trade it for the roar of the crowd, for the tactical convenience of an external enemy. The result is the same. This shared delusion will not last. The nature of reality is that it does not care for our narratives. It has a way of asserting itself, often in the most brutal fashion. By refusing to name the enemy within our gates, by all sides shielding themselves with the “foreign hand” theory, we are not displaying secular tolerance or nationalist strength. We are committing national suicide.

Postscript

Let us be unambiguous. The case against Pakistan is settled. It is an irredeemable state dedicated to our destruction, and it must be treated as such. The question is not whether to confront Pakistan, but what else we are failing to do while we are so consumed. The obsessive focus on Pakistan is not a lie, but it is a half-truth so vast it functions as a lie. It is the ‘nationalist’ establishment’s great alibi. It is the single, deafening drumbeat they use to drown out the sounds of the enemy already inside the gates. An enemy they perhaps find politically inconvenient, and therefore terrifying, to name.

Yours truthfully,

Nishkala

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No, Chanakya Is Not A Fantasy, But Devdutt’s Self-Proclaimed ‘Scholarship’ Certainly Is As He Writes Like A Deracinated Missionary Stooge

On 9 November 2025, mythological fiction author Devdutt Pattanaik, known for his fantasy book series, posted about an article he wrote for The New Indian Express.

The article was titled “A fantasy called Chanakya”, with a byline. “The legend of Chanakya is simply this trans-civilisational script recast as Indian patriotism, with a dash of casteism”

This is not just wrong but mischievous ideological narrative building by Pattanaik.

The Impossible Standard Of Proof

Pattanaik’s central premise is that “there is absolutely no historical evidence that a man called Chanakya ever lived.” He demands contemporaneous, archaeological proof – a coin, an inscription, a royal edict bearing his name.

This standard is just unrealistic. If we were to apply it universally, we would have to dismiss the existence of most major figures from ancient history.

Alexander the Great: Our primary accounts of his life were written 300-400 years after his death by Greco-Roman historians like Arrian and Plutarch. There are no contemporary Indian records of his invasion.

The Buddha: There is zero contemporaneous evidence of his birth, life, or teachings. His existence is reconstructed from texts compiled centuries later by communities with a vested interest in promoting his legacy.

Jesus Christ: The earliest New Testament gospels were written decades after his crucifixion, by followers, not neutral observers. There is no Roman record of his existence from his lifetime.

Would a “selfie from Pataliputra” be enough for Pattanaik? Ancient history is not a court case where you get inscriptions on demand to prove something ‘beyond a reasonable doubt.’ It is a forensic science that pieces together probabilities from fragmented, often biased, and later sources. By Pattanaik’s logic, the fields of classical and ancient history would cease to exist.

The Plurality Of Sources: A Consensus Of Traditions

Pattanaik dismisses the sources on Chanakya as “later Buddhist and Jain chronicles and Sanskrit plays… imagined after 500 AD.” This oversimplifies the whole thing.

What makes Chanakya credible is that so many unrelated traditions mention him. He appears in:

  • Buddhist texts like the Mahavamsa (5th century CE), which draw on older Sri Lankan commentaries.
  • Jain texts like the Parishishtaparvan (12th century CE), which meticulously detail Chandragupta’s conversion to Jainism and his death by sallekhana (ritual fasting) in Shravanabelagola—a tradition supported by local inscriptions and enduring worship.
  • Sanskrit literature, most notably Vishakhadatta’s political drama Mudrarakshasa (c. 4th-8th century CE), which takes the Chanakya-Chandragupta story as its central plot.

These are not a single, monolithic “Brahminical” narrative. They are competing accounts from traditions that were often doctrinally opposed to each other. Yet, they all converge on one central fact: a brilliant, shrewd Brahmin named Chanakya (or Kautilya) was the mastermind behind the Mauryan empire’s rise. For these diverse traditions to independently affirm his pivotal role is powerful evidence of his historicity, not a reason for dismissal.

The Arthashastra: A Text With Layers, Not A Forgery

Pattanaik points to references to Chinese silk and Roman gold coins in the Arthashastra to claim it was composed around 200 AD, “almost 400 years after Mauryan rule.”

This is a classic case of mistaking the leaves for the tree. Mainstream scholarship, including historians like R. C. Majumdar and D. D. Kosambi, agrees that the core of the Arthashastra is a product of the Mauryan period. The text we have today likely underwent centuries of transmission, with later scribes and scholars adding commentaries, examples, and updating terminology—a process known as interpolation.

The presence of a later interpolation does not invalidate the entire text’s origin. The sophisticated detailing of a complex bureaucracy, taxation, and espionage in the Arthashastra aligns perfectly with what we know of the vast Mauryan state from Ashokan edicts and Megasthenes’ account.

The “Mentor Trope” And Selective Cultural Skepticism

Pattanaik argues that the Chanakya story is merely a common “narrative trope” found globally, comparing it to Merlin and King Arthur, Hemachandra and Kumarapala, or Vidyaranya and the founders of Vijayanagara.

This argument backfires spectacularly. The universal presence of the “wise mentor” archetype doesn’t prove these figures are fictional; it points to a recurring historical and sociological reality. Powerful rulers have often relied on the counsel of learned advisors.

The Buddhist monk Nagasena debated and guided the Indo-Greek king Menander, as recorded in the Milinda Panha.

As Pattanaik himself notes, the Phagpa Lama was a preceptor to the Mongol emperor Kublai Khan.

Why are these relationships, or that of Aristotle and Alexander, not dismissed as pure fiction, while Chanakya’s is deemed a “fantasy”? The bias is hard to miss: only Indian civilizational heroes, particularly those valorized in a “Hindu” or “Brahminical” context, are subjected to this level of deconstructive scrutiny. The mentor-king trope is accepted as a plausible historical reality everywhere except in this specific Indian instance.

The Agenda Of Selective Historical Destruction

The most telling part of Pattanaik’s thesis is what he doesn’t attack. He will never write a column titled “A fantasy called St. Thomas,” despite the complete lack of contemporary evidence for the apostle’s legendary journey to Kerala in 52 CE; a story crucial to the identity of many Indian Christians.

He will never question the existence of the Buddha, whose life is documented only in texts written centuries after his parinirvana by his devoted followers. This selective application of “skepticism” exposes the game: the target is not historical inaccuracy, but specific elements of the Indian/Hindu historical consciousness that do not align with a particular ideological worldview.

It is possible that Devdutt and his ilk would also claim Nalanda university was destroyed by Brahmins based on some spurious later period texts; however, they will not believe Chanakya existed because it comes from later period texts. The standard of evidence is flexible, bending to serve a pre-determined narrative that often seeks to undermine traditional Indian institutions.

History Is Not A Weapon

Devdutt Pattanaik’s article is a masterclass in historical nihilism disguised as progressive scholarship. By imposing an impossible standard of proof, ignoring the consensus-building methodology of historians, and applying his skepticism with glaring selectivity, he does not enlighten but obscures.

The figure of Chanakya—the brilliant, ruthless strategist who orchestrated the fall of the Nanda empire and the rise of India’s first major imperial power—is supported by a robust cross-traditional consensus. His legacy, encoded in the Arthashastra, resonated across Asia for over a millennium, with his aphorisms being translated and treasured from Nepal to Tibet and Sri Lanka.

To dismiss this as a “convenient fiction” is not just bad history; it is an attempt to sever a people from a pillar of their historical memory. If there’s any fantasy here, it’s the idea that you can throw out every old source that doesn’t fit your politics.

In the end, what Pattanaik peddles is not history but a deracinated sermon meant to shame Indians out of their own civilisational confidence. Chanakya endures not because of blind patriotism, but because multiple traditions, texts, and centuries of scholarship recognise the magnitude of his political genius.

Reducing him to a “fantasy” says nothing about Chanakya and everything about the ideological compulsions of those desperate to unwrite India’s past. A civilisation that produced the Arthashastra does not need validation from armchair mythographers masquerading as scholars. The real fantasy is the belief that selective skepticism can erase a figure who has lived robustly in the subcontinent’s historical, literary, and political memory for over 2,000 years.

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University Of Madras Stonewalls RTIs On Four Aided Colleges In Chennai; Whistleblower Escalates Complaint To TN Information Commission

In yet another blow to transparency in Tamil Nadu’s higher education system, the University of Madras (UoM) has failed to respond to a series of RTI applications and First Appeals filed regarding four prominent aided colleges in Chennai — Loyola College, Stella Maris College, Women’s Christian College, and Madras Christian College.

RTI activist and Loyola alumnus R. Joseph D’ Kennedy had sought crucial documents from the University of Madras pertaining to statutory approvals for foreign collaborations, twinning programmes, and international partnerships undertaken by these institutions.

Despite the RTI Act mandating a response within 30 days, the University of Madras did not reply to any of the four RTIs, nor did it act on the First Appeals filed under Section 19(1) of the Act.

This non-response qualifies as a “deemed refusal” under Section 7(2) of the RTI Act, 2005, a serious violation that can attract penalties under Section 20.

A Pattern Of Deliberate Silence?

According to Kennedy, the University’s silence is not an administrative lapse but a deliberate attempt to shield violations committed by elite aided colleges that operate with political influence and zero accountability despite receiving government funds.

Four RTIs, four First Appeals — and not a single response. This is not incompetence. This is a cover-up,” he said.

He also alleged that the foreign collaborations in question — including Loyola College’s controversial partnership with Pondicherry University and multiple unapproved international tie-ups — have been operating without mandatory UGC and University approvals, in potential violation of the UGC (Promotion and Maintenance of Standards of Academic Collaboration) Regulations.

Complaint Filed Before Tamil Nadu Information Commission

After receiving no response for more than a month, Kennedy has officially filed a complaint with the Tamil Nadu Information Commission (TNIC) under Section 18 of the RTI Act.

His petition requests the Commission to:

– Initiate an inquiry against the University of Madras
– Direct immediate disclosure of all pending information
– Impose penalties on the Public Information Officer (PIO) for willful defiance of the Act
– Issue strict directions to prevent recurrence of such violations

Why Loyola Is At The Centre Of The Storm?

Loyola College has been under intense scrutiny for over a year, with allegations involving:

– Unapproved international academic tie-ups
– Questionable twinning arrangement with Pondicherry University
– Lack of transparency in autonomous decisions
– Political interference in administrative and academic functioning

The RTI documents Kennedy seeks are expected to reveal how these programmes were run without mandatory approvals, in violation of:

– UGC Regulations
– University of Madras statutes
– Tamil Nadu government guidelines for aided colleges

Other Colleges Mentioned Only To Show Pattern

Although Kennedy filed similar RTIs regarding:

– Stella Maris College
– Women’s Christian College
– Madras Christian College

The Loyola RTI is the most explosive of the four. That is why the University is desperate to keep it buried,” Kennedy stated.

Legal experts say that denial of information across four separate RTIs, especially involving aided colleges, could attract strong action from the Commission.

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DMK Goon Attacks BJP Functionary In Broad Daylight For Alerting Police About Land Grab Attempt, BJP Leaders Slam Stalin Govt For Pathetic Law & Order

A local Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) functionary in Tamil Nadu, identified as Manikandan, was allegedly assaulted outside his residence.

Manikandan was attacked by a DMK functionary, Arumugam, allegedly after he informed the police about a purported attempt to encroach on government land. The BJP has claimed that the assault reflects a growing culture of political intimidation under the DMK regime.

The incident quickly escalated online after Tamil Nadu BJP leaders called out Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, accusing the DMK of “goondagiri” and warning that “Tamil Nadu will no longer tolerate intimidation, corruption, and violence masquerading as governance.”

Police sources stated that a case has been registered and investigations are underway to ascertain the sequence of events.

The incident was strongly condemned by BJP’s state president Nayinar Nagendran, who took to social media and accused the DMK of “fascist attacks”. In his statement, Nagendran called the attack brutal and a sign of breakdown in law and order. He further alleged that DMK’s regime has emboldened its members to pursue crimes ranging from property usurpation to violence, and called on Chief Minister M.K. Stalin to immediately arrest the accused, irrespective of party affiliations.

“5 more months Thiru @mkstalin, just 5 more months! TN will no longer tolerate intimidation, corruption, and violence masquerading as governance.”, wrote BJP leader Annamalai.

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Busting The ‘Congress-RJD Lost Because Of SIR’ Propaganda: Here’s What Bihar’s Numbers Reveal

bihar sir draft voter rolls objection claim

Bihar election has put a full stop to vote theft allegations.

The accusation is that 6.8 million (68 lakh) voters were removed in the SIR (Summary Revision of Electoral Rolls). Opposition parties claim all of these were INDIA alliance voters.

This 6.8 million represents 10% of Bihar’s total voters.

If the Election Commission had removed genuine voters as INDIA alliance parties claim, this number should have been reflected in voter turnout.

Bihar’s average voter turnout is 60%.

If vote theft occurred, if INDIA alliance’s accusation is true, voter turnout in this election should have decreased by up to 10%.

But voter turnout has created history. 67% has been recorded.

So where are the 10% voters removed by the Election Commission?

In Bihar where an average of 60 out of 100 people vote, this time 67 people have voted. The fact that this happened even after removing 10% voters confirms that the Election Commission removed only fake and deceased voters. It becomes crystal clear that what Rahul calls vote theft and what INDIA alliance parties say is a lie.

If what I.N.D.I. alliance says is true, they must explain how voter turnout increased. Moreover, if 10% genuine voters were removed, and that too voters who were going to vote for I.N.D.I. alliance, then 67% recorded votes + 10% excluded votes would total 77%. Since such voter turnout has never happened in Bihar’s history, we can understand that Rahul’s accusation is false.

The recorded votes in Bihar election itself are witness to the fact that the Election Commission’s SIR process has been conducted very fairly and honestly.

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister’s accusation that women’s votes were going to be removed has also been proven false in the Bihar election. 71.6% women have voted in this election, which is unprecedented.

Opposition parties must stop deceiving people by telling lies about vote theft anymore.

This is sufficient proof that the Election Commission has restored credibility in itself.

Ideaman Mahadevan is a writer and political commentator.

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Congress Doesn’t Learn, BJP Never Stops Learning – That’s The Difference

An electoral victory is never the result of any single factor. It is a complex convergence of party organisation, candidate quality, caste equations, financial muscle, campaign strategy, the strengths and flaws of opponents, leadership appeal, welfare promises, and the prevailing political mood.

Yet the DMK, Congress, and similar parties refuse to confront this reality. Every defeat is blamed on EVMs, vote theft, or imaginary conspiracies. They know the truth. Dishonest messaging for political survival has become second nature. But even if they posture outside, shouldn’t they at least introspect within? Congress doesn’t even attempt that.

By contrast, the BJP keeps winning because it follows a clear formula rooted in discipline, strategy, and constant evolution.

1. Learning From Defeats

Critics mock the BJP for operating in “election mode” 24×7, 365 days. Ironically, that is exactly why they keep winning. The party immediately studies every loss, fixes weaknesses, rebuilds alliances, and begins preparing for the next victory.

Take Karnataka. Months before the election, Congress launched an aggressive campaign. Freebie politics became an advantage for them, especially when PM Modi publicly criticised such giveaways. Internal issues — the Yediyurappa factor, and the alliance breakdown with Kumaraswamy — hurt the BJP. Yet BJP’s vote share did not fall, which itself was a strategic advantage.

And the BJP learned. It realised that freebies could no longer be ignored. So in the next big contest — Madhya Pradesh — Shivraj Singh Chouhan launched and implemented a women-centric welfare scheme well before voting. Congress’s “freebie brahmastra” was neutralised. BJP retained power by securing alliances and beginning the campaign months in advance.

After losing Himachal and Karnataka to welfare politics, the BJP adjusted. The same formula worked in Maharashtra, Haryana, and now in Bihar, where Nitish Kumar’s women-oriented scheme became a decisive factor in the thumping victory.

2. Replacing Unpopular Candidates

Another BJP trademark is ruthlessly replacing candidates who have lost public goodwill. This shields the party from anti-incumbency despite long years in power.

Congress simply cannot do this. In many states the same exhausted faces repeatedly contest and repeatedly lose, ensuring the party’s continued decline.

3. Caste Representation Done Strategically

BJP’s social engineering is a political case study. The party ensures broad caste representation in both tickets and leadership positions. This inclusive structure consolidates votes and prevents resentment.

Few parties match this level of granular social outreach.

4. Strengthening Alliances

A major reason for BJP’s 2023 Karnataka defeat was the absence of a BJP–JDS tie-up. The day the assembly results were declared, BJP began repairing that relationship. The result? A strong showing in the subsequent parliamentary election.

Similarly, bringing Nitish Kumar and Chandrababu Naidu back into the NDA was a masterstroke — the Modi government today rests on their support.

In Bihar, the earlier split with Chirag Paswan hurt the NDA. This time, BJP brought him back, gave him a Cabinet berth, and allocated 29 seats to his party. The result is the sweeping mandate we see today.

Even smaller tactical moves matter. In the previous election, actor Sharan Singh campaigned against the BJP-Nitish alliance and contributed to their losses. This time he campaigned for the NDA. Such invisible micro-strategies often shape outcomes.

There are many such examples. But they all underline one point: learning from mistakes is the foundation of BJP’s victories.

Now ask: has Congress done even one of these things?

Congress does not respect state parties, yet depends entirely on them. In alliance after alliance, regional partners end up carrying Congress’s burden.

No wonder AAP, Trinamool and others avoid Congress when it comes to state elections.

In Bihar too, many voters believe Tejashwi Yadav might have won an even bigger mandate had he not allied with the Congress.

Congress has become a burden — electorally and organisationally.

Congress – A Party In Decay

No power in Tamil Nadu since 1967

No power in West Bengal since 1977

No organisational presence in Odisha

No comeback possible in Maharashtra

The party has no leadership pipeline, no strategy for growth, no ability to retain talent. Leaders like Sharad Pawar, Jyotiraditya Scindia, Himanta Biswa Sarma — the list runs into hundreds — all walked out after being ignored and humiliated.

Himanta, once a Congress minister, was made to wait outside offices. Today he is BJP’s Chief Minister in Assam.

This arrogance flows from the top. Congress today functions with a royal mindset. Rahul Gandhi behaves like a crown prince who believes everyone exists to serve him, that the nation must lift him to the Prime Minister’s chair.

With no leadership qualities, no mass connection, no consistency, no oratory, and no strategic thinking, he remains incapable of delivering victory. His only achievement is a long political career without a single major achievement.

The Verdict In Bihar

Congress can blame EVMs, the Election Commission, or imaginary conspiracies.
But those who fool themselves cannot fool the people.

Indian voters reward humility, correction, and hard work. Those who bow to the people’s verdict, fix their weaknesses, and return stronger are always given another chance. History offers countless examples.

Ideaman Mahadevan is a writer and political commentator.

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Rahul Gandhi Reportedly In Europe And Priyanka In New York Even As Congress Cadres Cope With Humiliating Defeat In Bihar Elections

Even as the Congress faces a massive, humiliating defeat in the Bihar elections, Rahul Gandhi is reportedly holidaying in Europe.

As shell-shocked leaders hunt for explanations and the cadre struggles to stay motivated, their chief campaigner’s disappearance has become a cause of concern for the Congress and its supporters.

During a panel discussion on Puthiya Thalaimurai, Senior Editor of The News Minute Shabbir Ahmed remarked on the absence of senior Congress leaders Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi from the country on the day election results were announced.

Ahmed noted that Rahul Gandhi was in Europe and Priyanka Gandhi was in New York even as counting was underway, pointing out that Rahul Gandhi had also been out of town during the campaign period. He said their absence at a crucial political moment raised questions about the Congress leadership’s visibility and engagement during the election cycle.

It is noteworthy that Rahul Gandhi is absent every time there is something important happening in the country – be it elections or otherwise.

During the peak of Bihar Assembly election campaign, Rahul Gandhi was on a trip to South American countries.

Before that, after completing his so-called Voter Adhikar Yatra in Bihar, he quietly slipped away to Langkawi. The trip only came to light when pictures of him vacationing surfaced on social media.

Below are some other instances.

December 2024: Another Private Trip to Vietnam when nation was mourning Manmohan Singh’s death
Gandhi embarked on a “private” trip to Vietnam, which was not publicly announced in advance. The Congress leader left for New Year’s celebrations when the “country was mourning Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh’s demise. The lack of details about his activities or return date drew criticism, especially given the Congress party’s ongoing efforts to strengthen its opposition stance ahead of the 2025 political calendar.

December 2023: Spotted on SpiceJet Flight to Dubai
Gandhi was reportedly seen boarding a SpiceJet flight to Dubai, with no prior announcement from the Congress party. The trip’s purpose remained undisclosed, prompting questions about its timing amid state election campaigns.

December 2022: Bharat Jodo Yatra Paused, Whereabouts Unknown
During the Bharat Jodo Yatra, the march was halted for nine days in December 2022. Gandhi’s whereabouts during this period were not disclosed, leading to speculation about a possible foreign trip.

December 2021: Personal Trip to Italy via Doha, Qatar
Gandhi traveled to Italy via Doha on December 29, 2021, reportedly to visit family, skipping election rallies in Punjab ahead of the 2022 state elections. The Congress party confirmed the “personal” nature of the trip but provided no further details, drawing criticism for his absence during a critical campaign period.

December 2020: Personal Trip to Italy
Gandhi undertook a “personal trip” to Italy to visit his grandmother, skipping the Congress party’s Foundation Day celebrations. The unannounced departure was seen as a missed opportunity to rally party workers, prompting backlash from opponents.

October 2023: Mysterious Trip to Uzbekistan
Gandhi’s “mysterious trip” to Uzbekistan was highlighted by critics for its lack of transparency. Unverified reports suggested meetings with unspecified individuals, though no concrete evidence supported claims of controversial engagements.

2015–2018: Frequent Personal Trips
Gandhi’s travels during this period included Turkey (June 2016, for his birthday), Italy (2017, to visit his grandmother), and multiple trips to Europe and the US for personal and party-related engagements.

February–April 2015: South-East Asia (Thailand, Cambodia, Myanmar, Vietnam)
Gandhi was absent from India for nearly 60 days, visiting Thailand, Cambodia, Myanmar, and Vietnam. He reportedly attended a meditation course in Myanmar, raising concerns about his prolonged absence during a politically active period.

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