In the ongoing 2024 Lok Sabha elections campaign in Tamil Nadu, the small island of Kachchatheevu has become a focal point of discussion. Recent disclosures stemming from a Right to Information (RTI) request, brought to light by Tamil Nadu BJP president K Annamalai, have sparked significant controversy. These revelations shed light on how the Congress government under Indira Gandhi acquiesced to Sri Lanka’s territorial claims, triggering a heated debate and unveiling a host of issues.
Once again on 1 April 2024, Annamalai released part 2 of the expose of the cede of Kachchatheevu island to Sri Lanka with the official documents and parliamentary records of ‘minutes of the meeting‘. Subsequently, Annamalai conducted a press briefing to elucidate the events surrounding the matter.
Annamalai releasing the copy of minutes of the meeting through his official X account stated, “Excerpt of the Betrayal of Kalaignar Karunanidhi in the ceding of the Kachchatheevu island to Sri Lanka. This is just one of the many double standards of DMK. Some were exposed immediately, but this one took 50 years.”
Minutes of the meeting read, “Foreign secretary, Kewal Singh, accompanied by Director Historical Division BK Basu called on the chief minister of Tamilnadu M Karunanidhi at the secretariat conference room Fort Saint George, Madras on 19 June 1974 at 11:00 a.m. At the meeting which lasted for more than an hour, the chief Minister was assisted by the Tamil Nadu chief secretary P Sabanayagam, and later also by the Home Secretary SP Ambrose.
After the exchange of courtesies, Foreign Secretary explained the purpose of his visit. Recalling the talks he had in New Delhi with the chief minister on 13 October 1973 and with their chief secretary and other officials of Tamil Nadu Government in Madras on 14 October 1973 before the Indo-Sri Lanka official level talks in Colombo 15 to 16 October 1973, Foreign Secretary said that the purpose was to keep the Tamil Nadu government fully informed of the development in the talks with this Sri Lanka and get the benefit of the views and suggestions of Tamil Nadu authorities.
Foreign Secretary then gave a resume of the talks held in Colombo in October 1973 which consisted mainly of a free, frank, and full exchange of the views by both sides on the issue of sovereignty over Kachchativu. At these talks, the Indian side presented as strong a case as possible on the basis of evidence collected at various record offices in London, The Hague, Goa, and Tamil Nadu (Madras and Ramanathapuram). The Indian case rested mainly on the claim of Raja of Ramnad that the island of Kachchativu belonged to him from time immemorial and formed part of the Zamindari as granted to him by the East India Company in 1803. It is especially in that capacity that he exercised the rights not only over Kachchativu but also in relation to fishery and other resources in the area adjoining the island. The Raja exercised these rights continuously and uninterruptedly from 1805 to 1948 as is evidenced in the various leases executed for the fishing”.
“At this stage the Chief secretary wanted to know whether a line could not be agreed upon which passed through Kachchativu. Foreign Secretary mentioned that various suggestions had been mooted by the Indian side: i) Condominium, ii) a line cutting through the island, and , iii)a line skirting the island, none of which was acceptable to Sri Lanka. At one stage, the Chief Secretary also suggested that the strong feelings prevalent in Tamil Nadu could help strengthen the Central Government’s bargaining posture. Foreign Secretary said that this had not been lost sight of but it apparently had no effect on Sri Lanka side. In this connection the Chief Minister wanted to know whether any mass hysteria has been built up in Sri Lanka over Kachchativu. Foreign Secretary said that the controlled press in Sri Lanka, unlike that of India, could whip up public feeling on the subject and make a solution difficult to attain.”
“On the substance of the proposal, the Chief Minister indicated that he was inclined to accept the suggested solution. His difficulty was, however, that he could not take the opposition into confidence without sharing with them the knowledge about the oil strike and convince them about the need to accept the compromise. He wanted to know whether the Prime Minister has sounded the opposition. Foreign Secretary said that to his knowledge, the proposal was only known to one or two senior Cabinet Ministers and that probably Prime Minister would like to have the views of the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu before discussing it over the opposition leaders,” the statement further read.
Excerpt of the Betrayal of Kalaignar Karunanidhi in the ceding of the Katchatheevu island to Sri Lanka.
This is just one of the many double standards of DMK. Some were exposed immediately, but this one took 50 years. pic.twitter.com/f9HG1oYKr5
Subsequently, during a press briefing discussing the revelation regarding the conflicting stances of Congress and DMK on the Kachchatheevu issue, Annamalai asserted that, “This morning our External Affairs minister Jaishankar explained in detail about the Kachchatheevu issue in Delhi. In continuation, BJP has a few questions to put forward to the DMK government. The DMK and its leaders lied that the island was ceded to Sri Lanka without the knowledge of the DMK and enacted a drama of protest in the parliament. Particularly, former DMK MP Sezhiyan said in the parliament that the centre did not discuss the Kachchatheevu ceding with Karunanidhi. The DMK MPs made a ruckus in the parliament against the Congress and did not allow the then Home Minister Swaran Singh to speak. Today, if you look at the documents accessed through RTI on the issue, it is seen that the former External Affairs Ministry secretary Kewal Singh, accompanied by Director of Historical Division BK Basu met Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Karunanidhi on 19 June 1974, the meeting was held for an hour and the minutes of the meeting of the same were documented and kept as a classified file. Today it is clear that the External Affairs Ministry Secretary met Karunanidhi a month before the ceding of the Kachchatheevu and got his consent. Most importantly we got to know that Karunanidhi in 1974 asked the central government to postpone the ceding for two years. It is clear that Karunanidhi’s full consent was accorded before giving away the island to Sri Lanka. During that meeting, they discussed demarcating the island by dividing it into equal parts as well, not only did Karunanidhi accepted the centre’s decision to cede the island, he assured to play down the issue with small protest and take care of the political repercussions.”
Annamalai accused the Congress and DMK conspired jointly to surrender the Kachchatheevu island to Sri Lanka, with full backing from the DMK. Presently, the DMK is vigorously lobbying the External Affairs Minister with 21 letters seeking the return of Kachchatheevu island. Annamalai emphasized that if the former Chief Minister Karunanidhi had opposed the surrender, the central government would not have had grounds to proceed with it.
This is Part 2 of the Exposé of the Betrayal of DMK in the ceding of the Katchatheevu.
Former DMK CM Thiru Karunanidhi was consulted twice before ceding Katchatheevu to Sri Lanka & he said for obvious political reasons he would not take an open public stand in accepting the… https://t.co/t0Zl1cXMDXpic.twitter.com/ex7hpiTTT3
Earlier, on 31 March 2024, Tamil Nadu BJP chief Annamalai, unveiled the Part 1 of the revelation via his official X account stated “This is the first part of the chronology of the betrayal of Congress & DMK. Both these parties chose to align with Sri Lankan interests, handed over Katchatheevu on a silver platter & put to risk the lives & livelihood of our Tamil Fishermen. This is part 1 of the exposè published by @TOIIndiaNews today based on an RTI. DMK’s two-timing will be exposed in part 2 of this exposè. DMK & Congress are answerable for the loss of innumerable lives of our Tamil Fishermen.”
This is the first part of the chronology of the betrayal of Congress & DMK.
Both these parties chose to align with Sri Lankan interests, handed over Katchatheevu on a silver platter & put to risk the lives & livelihood of our Tamil Fishermen.
In a recent incident that has stirred significant debate, Pondicherry University found itself embroiled in a contentious issue surrounding a play presented during its annual cultural festival, Ezhini 2K24. The Department of Performing Arts staged a production titled “SOMAYANAM” on 29 March 2024, which has ignited a firestorm of criticism. Allegations have surfaced regarding the play’s portrayal of characters from the revered Hindu epic, Ramayana, which many have found deeply disrespectful and offensive.
Puducherry university students put up this skit mocking and belittling Hindu Gods Ram, Sita and Hanuman. As a devotee of Ram I feel hurt and angry. I strongly condemn this act of the insensitive, immature, uncouth, uninformed and uncultured students who could think of coming up… pic.twitter.com/gKYcXm8qEQ
— Shobana Ravi, Author. (@ShobanaRaviNews) April 1, 2024
According to reports from ABVP (Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad), a prominent student organization, the play purportedly depicted Sita, a central figure in the Ramayana, offering beef to Ravana, the antagonist in the epic, among other objectionable scenes. Furthermore, the character of Hanuman, a revered devotee of Lord Rama, was allegedly subjected to mockery, with his distinctive tail portrayed as an antenna used for communication. These portrayals have evoked strong condemnation from various quarters, particularly Hindu communities who hold the Ramayana in the highest regard.
In response to the perceived affront to Hindu sentiments, ABVP staged protests at Pondicherry University on 30 March 2024, demanding accountability from the university administration. The student organization issued a statement on 31 March 2024 vehemently condemning the play’s content and calling for swift action against those responsible for its production.
Disgraceful news from Puducherry!
Some scenes from Ezhini 2K24, a festival at the Department of Performing Arts, Pondicherry University. Sita was depicted as dancing with Ravana, being offered beef, & telling him "we can still be friends"
Moreover, ABVP has accused Communist and Left-led outfits on the university campus of orchestrating the controversial play as part of a deliberate agenda to malign Hindu deities and question the sanctity of revered religious texts. They have demanded disciplinary measures against individuals involved in the play’s creation and production, including the writer, director, and actors.
Karyakartas of @ABVPPondicherry University protested against the Department of Performing Arts, Pondicherry University for organising a derogatory play on Prabhu Shri Ram and Mata Sita.
Such actions under the guise of creative liberty are unacceptable. Respect for religious… pic.twitter.com/jLeOVC7TSe
The controversy at Pondicherry University is not an isolated incident. Similar instances of alleged disrespect towards Hindu religious figures have been reported from Pune University, where a play titled “Jab We Met” staged objectionable scenes, including Sita smoking a cigarette. These incidents have reignited debates on the boundaries of creative expression, religious sensitivity, and the responsibilities of academic institutions in upholding cultural and religious values.
In response to public outcry and widespread dissemination of footage depicting the controversial scenes, Puducherry police have initiated legal action, indicating a growing recognition of the seriousness of the matter.
Kalapet Police in Pondicherry University registered a case against students and others for outraging religious feelings in the play “Somayanam” at the festival. Police initiated an inquiry, and the university formed a committee to investigate.
Meanwhile, university administrations have formed committees to investigate the incidents further and address concerns raised by various stakeholders.
On 1st April 2024, the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), affiliated with the banned Popular Front of India (PFI), announced its endorsement of the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) for the upcoming 2024 Lok Sabha elections in Kerala.
Ashraf Moulavi, the state president of SDPI Kerala, declared that they have opted not to field any candidates in Kerala. Nevertheless, nationally, 18 SDPI candidates are participating in the elections. This decision aligns with the Congress-led I.N.D.I alliance at the national level. Moulavi clarified that the party’s Kerala unit has not yet determined whether to actively campaign for UDF candidates or formalize any agreement with the UDF.
In the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, SDPI contested in all 20 Kerala constituencies, garnering votes ranging from 3,513 in Kottayam to 47,853 in Malappuram. However, in 2019, they contested only 10 constituencies. Moulavi highlighted a growth in both the number of branches and votes over the past decade, which he believes will bolster the alliance. He emphasized that the Congress party’s stance on issues such as implementing a caste census and defending constitutional values and secularism against challenges during BJP rule influenced their decision.
MM Hassan, the interim president of the Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee (KPCC), responded to SDPI’s support for the UDF by stating that he lacks prior knowledge of the move and that the party will need to deliberate on it. He stressed the importance of internal discussions before accepting support from any party.
Moulavi further clarified that neither the Congress nor the UDF in Kerala has formally reached out to SDPI. However, candidates from various parties have approached them. He reiterated that the party’s primary focus is on its growth, and decisions are being made with that objective in mind.
The recent announcement that the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), the political arm of the banned terror outfit Popular Front of India (PFI), will be supporting the @INCKerala-led United Democratic Front (UDF) in Kerala is not just shameful, but also deeply… pic.twitter.com/XuvdrOvQAL
— Pratheesh Viswanath (@pratheesh_Hind) April 1, 2024
In this election cycle 2024, there appears to be notable discontent among Tamil Nadu voters towards the incumbent DMK government led by Chief Minister MK Stalin. Despite being the first party to seal alliances and commence campaigning, DMK’s star campaigners and candidates are facing intense scrutiny and tough questioning from constituents wherever they visit.
On 31 March 2024, former IAS officer Sasikanth Senthil currently the Congress candidate for the Tiruvallur Lok Sabha Constituency was involved in canvassing for votes, accompanied by his allies and supporters. Tiruvallur West District Secretary Tiruthani Chandran and Thiruvallur Legislative Assembly member VG Rajendran participated in the gathering. A video circulating widely on social media captured a moment where VG Rajendran, the assembly member, was seen forcefully advocating for Sasikanth Senthil, using a threatening tone and speaking disrespectfully in response to a query raised by a member of the audience towards the DMK MLA.
The altercation took place in Ulundhai village, the location of Chief Minister Stalin’s farmhouse. When MLA VG Rajendran began to address the crowd, they angrily questioned his actions as an elected representative. They demanded to know why he was seeking votes without delivering any tangible results since the previous assembly election.
DMK MLA VG Rajendran swiftly responded to the individual who raised concerns, with immediate anger, “Hey, come here and ask, why are you speaking from there, come here! Come up I’ll answer to you. This kind of work… hey! What do you know? are you cheating people? Who got this job worth ₹7 crore done, we did it! I, the MLA recommended MK Stalin to put a road here, the tank was also built by me MLA, no one but me”
Later VG Rajendran stated that those who seek to discredit his efforts and create issues would express themselves in such a manner. He then swiftly transitioned, in line with the typical stance of the DMK, to questioning the implementation of the Magalir Urimai Thogai (women’s basic income scheme), insinuating whether MK Stalin was giving or someone else. He emphasized that it was only after the DMK came to power that amenities such as street lights, roads, and tanks were installed in Ulundhai village, delivering his remarks with a tone reflecting the perceived arrogance of DMK.
Afterward, supporters of the DMK intimidated and encircled the individual who dared to raise concerns about the MLA.
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Coincidence met irony when the co-author of this article was vibing to this evergreen devotional hymn sung by the late SP Balasubrahmanyam in reverence to Lord Arunachaleshwara of Tiruvannamalai, as he was on his way to the temple city in the early hours of a Sunday morning.
The coincidence works on different levels as The Commune team was to spend a day with Ashvathaman Allimuthu, the BJP MP candidate for Tiruvannamalai Lok Sabha constituency and the BJP in Tamil Nadu is headed by Thiru. K. Annamalai.
Ironic because, the devotional song was playing in Suryan FM, a radio station owned by the Sun Group of the DMK family, a party that is known for its tirade against Sanatana Dharma aka Hinduism.
This coincidence and irony is what is playing out in Tiruvannamalai as the BJP takes on the DMK.
The Political Landscape Of Tiruvannamalai
This world-renowned holy city of Siva, that attracts pilgrims from all over the world, has been fortified by DMK strongman E.V. Velu. The Tiruvannamalai Lok Sabha constituency which was carved out from Tirupattur constituency in 2008 comprises of 6 Assembly constituencies, namely – Jolarpettai, Chengam (SC), Kalasapakkam, Tirupattur, Keezhpennathur, and Tiruvannamalai – all of which are represented by DMK MLAs with E.V. Velu himself representing the Tiruvannamalai Assembly constituency.
In the Lok Sabha elections held from 1962 to 2004 when Tirupattur was a constituency, DMK has won 8 times, Congress 3 times and AIADMK once. After the formation of Tiruvannamalai, the DMK has won twice and the AIADMK once in 2014.
In the 2019 parliamentary elections, DMK’s CN Annadurai won by securing 6,66,272 votes. AIADMK candidate Agri S. S. Krishnamurthy who contested against him secured 3,62,085 votes, AMMK candidate Gnanasekar got 38,639 votes, Naam Tamilar Katchi candidate Ramesh Babu got 27,503 votes and Makkal Neeti Mayyam candidate Arul polled 14,654 votes.
The DMK is fielding its incumbent CN Annadurai again and the BJP’s solider in this battle is Annamalai’s trusted soldier Ashvathaman, a 38-year-old advocate, and a Hindutva firebrand leader known for his fiery interviews and speeches.
Political Resume
Born and raised in Pugaipatti village, Ulundurpet Taluk, Kallakurichi District, Ashvathaman’s journey into politics was influenced by his early association with the Patali Makkal Party (PMK), where he served as the South Chennai District Youth Leader. However, his ideological alignment with the BJP eventually led him to join the party in 2012, marking a significant transition in his political career.
Over the years, the man has built an impressive political resume. Here is a snapshot of his early political years.
Advocated for the abolition of the “Self-respect Marriage Law” which recognized Christian-style marriage rituals of wearing rings as Hindu marriage. For this, Ashvathaman had come under the radar of the late DMK patriarch Karunanidhi who penned an article naming him in ‘Murasoli’. Dravidian ideologue K. Veeramani too lashed out at him in Viduthalai for his stance
Filed cases to ensure the establishment of Navodaya schools in Tamil Nadu
Filed lawsuits against the midnight opening of Hindu temples during English New Year celebrations
Filed a case against the movie “Mersal” for its uninformed propaganda against the Goods & Services Tax
Initiated legal action against allegations of bone theft by a Christian missionary near Kanchipuram and advocated for CBI investigation into the incident
Filed cases against state govt ordinance to prevent the celebration of Ganesh Chaturthi in 2018
Filed a case against the CAA protests
Filed PIL for the proper implementation of rainwater harvesting
Filed lawsuits against state government’s attempts to prevent reservations for economically backward people
When Zee released the trailer of its series ‘Godman’, the trailer of which came across as brazenly anti-Hindu, Ashvathaman along with other Hindu outfits like Hindu Munnani, BJP, Indhu Makkal Katchi ensured that the series never saw the light of the day
Complained about Karuppar Kootam and continued to insist that they be punished under the Goondas Act
Apart from the legal activism, Ashvathaman has also helped in students getting enrolled in Agnipath scheme by providing them free training at his native Ulundurpet. He had sent representation to the Railways Ministry for the stopping of Chennai Egmore – Kollam Express at Ulundurpet and Chennai Egmore – Tiruchendur Superfast Express at Kuttalam.
With a diverse background spanning legal advocacy, social activism, and political engagement, Ashvathaman brings a fresh perspective to the political landscape of the region.
From A Speaker To A Leader
During interviews and public appearances, Ashvathaman articulates his vision of Hindutva passionately and his political rhetoric taking down the DMK, its leaders and principles has made him a leader to watch out for in the BJP. His speeches often go viral resonating with the common audience. Recognizing his talent, he was made the BJP Tamil Nadu’s State Secretary by K. Annamalai.
As the election campaigning heats up, Ashvathaman traverses through key locations in the Tiruvannamalai constituency, engaging in spirited interactions with constituents from diverse backgrounds. His approachable demeanor and articulation of pressing issues resonate with voters, fostering a sense of connection and trust.
Amid a political landscape dominated by established parties, Ashvathaman’s candidacy represents a departure from the status quo, offering voters an alternative voice and perspective. However, he faces formidable challenges, including entrenched caste-based politics, voter polarization, and the prevalence of cash-for-votes practices. He draws attention to the challenges faced by farmers, inadequate job opportunities, and the urgent need for economic revitalization in the region.
Ashvathaman’s Vision Of Tiruvannamalai 2.0
In his manifesto for the constituency, Ashvathaman promises the following:
Direct railway line to Tiruuvannamalai from Chennai
Direct railway line to Bengaluru via Tirupattur and Hosur
Bring Tiruvannamalai under Smart City scheme
Take efforts to relieve Tiruvannamalai Temple from HR&CE control and declare it as a symbol of world heritage, and upgrade pilgrim facilities in the temple complex
Make Javadhu Hills an attractive tourist destination by building roads and other infrastructure which will raise the standard of living
Take efforts to establish bio-ethanol production facilities that will benefit cane farmers
Take efforts to expedite linking of Thenpennai River with Palar River
Establish free training centres for those willing to join the armed forces
Facilitate creation of new start-ups and help them in getting bank loans
Special focus to create women entrepreneurs and facilitate in getting Central government schemes like Mudra loans
Monthly job fairs in all 6 Assembly constituencies
Sports and skill training centres for youth at the municipality level
Fulfil the demand of Kurumbars to get listed in Schedule Tribes
Postal stamp and a memorial for freedom fighter Arthanareesa Varma
Open Parliamentary branch office in all municipalities
Special schools for kids in Javadhu Hills to learn robotics and science
BJP MP candidate Ashvathaman’s manifesto for TiruvannamalaiThamarai Malarum, Tiruvannamalai Valarum (Lotus will bloom, Tiruvannamalai will develop)
Convo With The Commune
The Commune caught up with the man of the moment, A Ashvathaman who had a packed day ahead of him. He was holding a core comittee meeting at 10 AM after which he straight away headed to Kalasapakkam for the ‘candidate introduction’ meeting where cadres belonging to PMK, AMMK, and the BJP were assembled.
On the way back to Tiruvannamalai, Asuvathaman spoke about his journey and his vision of Tiruvannamalai 2.0. Here are edited excerpts of the interview.
Commune: Tell us about your association with the PMK.
Ashvathaman: During my tenure with the PMK’s student union from 2004 to 2009, known as the Patalli Manavar Sangam, I actively participated in various protests, including those advocating for OBC reservation in central government departments. Despite transitioning to focus on my legal career after 2009, my commitment to social work remained steadfast. Ideologically, both the PMK and BJP resonate with my values, shaped by my family’s patriotic ethos and admiration for leaders like Vajpayee. My upbringing inculcated a deep sense of pride in Indian culture and a belief in its potential to lead the world toward prosperity.
During my time in a convent school, there was a drawing competition coinciding with Vajpayee’s deployment of a warship around the Palk strait. I participated by sketching the ship and creating a collage showcasing all of Vajpayee’s initiatives for the nation. This was inspired by the discussions we frequently had at home, where my family and I would deeply engage in such topics. I have also grown up witnessing the importance of patriotism, and pride for Indian philosophy/Hindutva in my father’s role as a headmaster.
Nation always comes first and fostering patriotism is crucial, but I see India’s role extends beyond its borders. I firmly believe that India has what the world needs for it to become a better place and that is why India should become the Vishwaguru of the world.
Commune: Why did you shift to the BJP?
Ashvathaman: I don’t see it as a shift. After my tenure in the PMK’s student union and focusing on my legal career and social work, I found myself drawn to the ideology of the BJP. It resonated more with my beliefs and values. In 2011, around the age of 27 or 28, I made the decision to join the BJP along with 98 other lawyers. An incident in 2015, where Karunanidhi criticized me in Murasoli regarding a case I filed about self-respect marriage, prompted me to respond in a press meet. Veeramani’s article in Vidhuthalai also elicited a response from me. My stance garnered appreciation, notably from Veerathuravi RamaGopalji, for confronting the DMK. Those words of encouragement remain memorable and are a source of inspiration for me to this day.
Commune: How do you perceive your candidacy, following in the footsteps of PMK stalwart and firebrand Kaduvetti Guru as a first-time BJP Lok Sabha candidate?
Ashvathaman: When my name was announced for the Tiruvannamalai constituency, I felt a sense of pride knowing that I was contesting in the same constituency as Kaduvetti Guru. We are both first-time candidates representing our respective parties in this constituency. I hold him in high regard and make it a point to visit his home for every memorial occasion possible. Despite receiving 2.88 lakh votes, he narrowly lost the election. At that time, PMK contested alone without any alliance. Similar to him, false allegations and misinformation are being spread about me by the DMK, I take it as a matter of pride. Nevertheless, both the Lotus (BJP symbol) and I have become prominent topics in the current political discourse.
Commune: What challenges are you facing in Tiruvannamalai, considering your background/base in Cuddalore and Ulundurpettai?
Ashvathaman: Whether I contest from Cuddalore, Kallakurichi, or Tiruvannamalai, the party believes I can win. Annamalai has been a great moral support for me, and believes in me; he is like an elder brother, a part of my family. Tiruvannamalai is not unchartered territory for me; it’s just an hour away from my home, and my relatives live here. I’ve already fulfilled some of the wishes of the people here.
As for Tiruvannamalai, it holds great historical significance. Arthanareesa Varma, a freedom fighter akin to Subramania Bharathi, left a lasting impact here. His contributions, including bringing in liquor abolition laws and providing arms training to youth during the fight for independence, are noteworthy. I’ve written about him and his poems in various editorials, and even got the approval for a stamp to be issued in his honour. When the Ammani Amman temple was destroyed, I voiced my support for the Math. I have already done a lot of work in the Cuddalore/Ulundurpettai side. I am grateful that Union Railway Minister Ashwani Vaishnaw fulfilled two of our requests for train stops in a single day. He agreed to our demands for express trains to halt at Ulundurpettai in the Kallakurichi district and for the Tiruchendur express train to stop at Kuthalam in Mayiladuthurai district.
Tiruvannamalai isn’t unfamiliar to me. Even before receiving a ticket, I’ve been involved in addressing issues here. Some time ago, a child died due to the lack of a proper road in Tiruvannamalai. I protested against this, urging the collector to take action. Additionally, I’ve been working relentlessly for the people, irrespective of the constituency. For instance, I’ve petitioned to remove the Goondas Act filed against farmers protesting the usurping of their lands for building SIPCOT here, although the case is still pending even after the act’s removal.
The Kurumbar community members approached me with a petition to be enrolled in the Scheduled Tribe (ST) list. They visited Kamalalayam with their request, and even before that, I had already initiated the process to address their concerns. Annamalai entrusted me with this responsibility during his En Mann En Makkal yatra, and I ensured that their petition sees its logical end. The proactive steps I have taken so far have been well-received by the people, and they appreciate my efforts. Even before receiving a ticket for the Lok Sabha polls, I was committed to serving their interests. Now, they have confidence that I will continue to fulfill my responsibilities effectively when I become an MP.
Commune: What are the primary concerns facing the constituents in this constituency?
Ashvathaman: The foremost issue is the lack of development across various sectors. Farmers in the region struggle with balance settlement issues annually, leading to protests for fair compensation. Additionally, there’s a severe scarcity of job opportunities and industrial infrastructure, forcing residents to seek employment in distant cities like Bangalore or Chennai. Despite promises of industrial zones like SIPCOT, land acquisition issues and legal hurdles persist, leaving the region devoid of significant economic growth.
I have initiated several projects aimed at tackling these challenges head-on. One such initiative is the bioethanol project, which not only addresses environmental concerns but also creates economic opportunities for the local populace. Furthermore, I am committed to improving connectivity by advocating for the establishment of railway tracks connecting Tiruvannamalai to key cities like Bangalore and Chennai. Additionally, I aim to complete ongoing infrastructure projects like the Thenpennai-Palar connection and the Nandan Canal to ensure access to essential services like water supply.
Moreover, I believe in empowering youth through initiatives. When Agnipath was announced, I with the help of retired Army officers came up with a training camp offering free lodging, boarding, and training for aspirants looking to join the armed forces. In the first batch, out of 110 candidates, 33 have been selected, representing a placement rate of 35%. The response from the students has been overwhelmingly positive, particularly from villages where there is a strong eagerness to pursue careers in the armed forces.
Furthermore, it’s worth noting that there is currently a lack of sports facilities in the area. Despite the enthusiasm and capability of our youth, there is a notable absence of training opportunities for them to prepare for careers in the armed forces. Therefore, I am advocating for the establishment of sports training centers at the panchayat level to provide our youth with the necessary guidance and resources to pursue their aspirations in the armed forces.
Commune: Could you outline the key points of your manifesto for the constituency?
Ashvathaman: At the panchayat level, my focus is on establishing sports training centers to promote physical fitness and skill development among the youth. At the assembly level, I aim to establish armed forces training centers to facilitate career opportunities in the defense sector. Additionally, I plan to set up people’s service centers across six assembly constituencies to ensure accessibility for constituents seeking assistance.
Moreover, my office will actively support the formation of self-help groups for women, aiming to implement government schemes and foster entrepreneurial ventures among the youth. Furthermore, I advocate for Tiruvannamalai’s inclusion in the smart city scheme. Tiruvannamalai is akin to Ayodhya in terms of being a spiritual center. Improving infrastructure, enhancing job opportunities for youth and women, and developing infrastructure in and around the Javadhu Hills region are also integral aspects of my manifesto.
Additionally, I propose the establishment of free robotic and science schools for tribal communities in these hills, addressing the neglect they have faced in previous elections. Moreover, I intend to construct a bypass road outside Tiruvannamalai to alleviate traffic congestion and facilitate smoother transportation. Furthermore, I envision the implementation of an airport under the UDAN scheme to cater to the needs of travellers visiting Tiruvannamalai from various parts of the world.
Commune: How do you perceive the issue of the “cash for votes” culture, and do you believe people will vote for you despite it?
Ashvathaman: I won’t say cash for votes and voting for a person from one’s caste does not exist. Instead, I advocate for candidates who work for the welfare of all communities. My actions reflect this belief, as I have worked for the betterment of everyone, regardless of their background. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s initiatives, such as scholarships for Muslims, exemplify his commitment to serving all citizens.
Commune: Considering the diversity within the Tiruvannamalai LS seat, particularly in reserved constituencies like Chengam, how do you plan to address concerns regarding support from other communities and ensure outreach to all?
Ashvathaman: I emphasize that the VCK party and SC communities should not be viewed monolithically. Many SC organizations in Tiruvannamalai, like the Paraiyar Iyakkam, support my candidacy because I advocate for the freedom and greatness of the SC community beyond political boundaries.
My outreach efforts extend beyond any specific community. I have advocated for historical figures like Swamy Sahajananda and Rettamalayar, highlighting their significance irrespective of community affiliation. Celebrating individuals like Arthanarisa Varma and Jaihind Shenbagaraman, regardless of their community, underscores the importance of embracing diverse legacies.
My approach transcends community boundaries, resonating with various organizations and individuals. I prioritize inclusive policies and actions, fostering friendship and support from all quarters.
Commune: What is your relationship like with Yogi Adityanath?
Ashvathaman: Yogi Adityanath is widely respected and admired by many, including myself. His tenure as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh has been marked by significant progress and development initiatives, transforming the state’s landscape. He has singlehandedly ensured the state received investments from investors along with impactful reforms, he has uplifted millions of lives in Uttar Pradesh. I hold great admiration for his leadership and the positive changes he has brought about in the state.
Commune: What is the battlefield like in Tiruvannamalai? Isn’t it proclaimed as EV Velu’s fort?
Ashvathaman: In Tiruvannamalai, only two parties are engaged in the battle. The current landscape seems to be in favour of the NDA alliance. You will see on 4th June whose stronghold it truly is.
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With just 18 days remaining until the Tamil Nadu Lok Sabha elections on 19 April 2024, the political atmosphere is reaching its zenith. Despite the Election Commission’s strict regulations outlined in the model code of conduct, which prohibit politicians from meddling in personal affairs and making derogatory remarks against others, certain prominent campaigners often flout these guidelines for entertainment purposes.
A particularly intense argument is ongoing between representatives of two Dravidian parties; Udhayanidhi Stalin of the DMK and Edappadi Palaniswami of the AIADMK. This heated exchange shows no signs of abating.
In a recent incident, the DMK Scion and Minister of Youth Welfare and Sports Development was seen delivering a crude speech, not only targeting the opposition leader Edappadi Palaniswami but also dismissing inquiries from constituents regarding their promises.
Tensions erupted during Udhayanidhi Stalin’s campaign gathering in Madurantakam, Chengalpattu district on 30 March 2024, when several women voters engaged in a heated discussion with him regarding the shutdown of TASMAC retail stores. This occurred as Udhayanidhi was discussing the accomplishments of the DMK government over the past three years. Amidst his speech, some women in the audience interrupted, expressing their discontent and insisting that the government should prioritize closing down all TASMAC outlets, which they believed negatively impacted people’s livelihoods.
Surprised by the matter at hand, the DMK minister queried, “Should the TASMAC wine shop be closed? In 2016, Kalaignar (Karunanidhi) made an election promise that if DMK came to power in Tamil Nadu, all wine shops would be closed. Did you vote for the DMK in 2016? Kalaignar made an election promise that if DMK comes to power all wine shops and TASMAC would be closed, Do you remember? Whom did you vote for? You voted for ADMK right!” Stalin junior deflected the inquiries of the woman, shifting responsibility onto the ADMK administration that governed from 2016 to 2021. With a subtle smile, he avoided making any commitments regarding TASMAC, demonstrating a clever evasion tactic.
Responding to Udhayanidhi’s assertions, female voters stated “We are calling for the closure of all TASMAC retail outlets. We expect that you will indeed close all of them.”
Later in the campaign, Udhayanidhi blamed Prime Minister Narendra Modi for engaging in election theatrics during his frequent visits to Tamil Nadu. He urged voters not to be misled, highlighting instances where the Prime Minister’s responses revealed insincerity, particularly regarding AIIMS hospital. Udhayanidhi emphasized the determination of DMK members to oust the Union BJP regime, labeling it as fascist.
In another instance in Ponneri, Udayanidhi Stalin was seen campaigning for Congress candidate Sashikanth Senthil, who is contesting from the Tiruvallur constituency. During his speech, Udayanidhi Stalin alleged that Edappadi Palaniswami, the former Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu and current AIADMK General Secretary, made derogatory remarks against him.
Udhayanidhi Stalin spoke, “Do you know who is lying down, (showing the pic of EPS) I mean, if he sees Modi, he will lie down, (doing namaskar) if he sees Amit Shah, he will lie down, if he sees Sasikala, he will kneel (immediately crowd cheered understanding the double meaning) to hold the leg, I cannot be held responsible for you thinking wrongly.”
#UdhayanidhiStalin is an absolute good-for-nothing nepo kid who has an IQ of a 5-year-old even though he is 46! You can neither call him young nor experienced.
He has had everything in his platter and doesn't even have competition among his siblings!
— Saikiran Kannan | 赛基兰坎南 (@saikirankannan) March 31, 2024
Udhayanidhi Stalin ridiculed Edappadi Palaniswami, stating, “While humans are bestowed with an upright spine, Edappadi Palaniswami seems to be an exception, lacking any backbone.”
It could be argued that Narendra Modi shouldn’t continue as the Prime Minister, but would Edappadi Palaniswami dare to voice such sentiments? The convergence of IPL interests and the AIADMK is evident, with various teams represented within the party. In light of this, I’ve symbolically renamed Prime Minister Modi as “29 Paisa,” signifying his perceived inability to provide full value for taxpayers’ money. With just 29 paise returned for every rupee taxed, it’s apt to discard his former title. While he remains in office for another month, his tenure as Prime Minister is swiftly approaching its end. Our candidate, Sashikanth Senthil, stands out as someone unafraid to challenge the BJP’s authority, making his mark felt even within their ranks.
Previously, Udhayanidhi Stalin was observed displaying AIIMS brick as usual DMK strategy and criticizing both the ADMK and the BJP for their failure to establish an AIIMS medical college and hospital in Madurai. In response, Edappadi Palaniswami mocked him, suggesting that he has been using the same script for years and pointed out that the construction work had already commenced. However, Udhayanidhi retaliated by presenting photos of Edappadi Palaniswami smiling alongside Prime Minister Modi, implying that he has surrendered the state’s rights to the central government. Palaniswami countered by sharing pictures of Stalin and Udhayanidhi smiling with PM Modi as his reply.
Although it appears as a contentious interaction between the two Dravidian parties, critics contend that it’s actually an effort by the DMK to reinvigorate the inactive ADMK for the elections, while marginalizing the BJP’s influence in Tamil Nadu.
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Behind every successful man is a woman. While we are familiar with Veer Savarkar, not many know about the woman in his life, Yamunabai Savarkar more affectionately known as Mai, a lady as great as her illustrious husband.
Her real name was Yashoda, and she came from a background, totally different from that of Veer Savarkar’s. While her husband came from a modest family, supported by his elder brother, she came from a rich and influential family. Born to Ramchandra Trimbak aka Bhaurao and Lakshmibai aka Manutai Chiplunkar in Thane district on 4 December 1888, her father Bhaurao Chiplunkar was the Dewan of the principality of Jawahar in Thane District, and she grew up in the lap of luxury.
Fondly called Jiji, she was unassuming and down to earth despite coming from a very wealthy background. She was friends with Savarkar’s sister-in-law Yashoda, wife of his elder brother Babarao.
The Chiplunkars were good friends with the Savarkar family, and Bhaurao was impressed by Vinayak’s intellect, his erudition, and his integrity.
It was Savarkar’s Mama (uncle), who brought forth the alliance, and Bhaurao agreed to bear Savarkar’s educational expenses too. Vinayak in turn, greatly respected Bhaurao, and saw in him the father figure he had missed early in life.
Mai and Vinayak entered into wedlock at Nashik in February 1901, she entered into his home and soon imbibed her husband’s nationalism and patriotic spirit. Fond of singing, she lent voice to Vinayak’s patriotic poems and ballads and made the other women members of the family memorize them.
She became a member of the Atmanishtha Yuvati Samaj, a body started for women by Babarao’s wife Yashoda, to inculcate nationalist feelings in women, and make them politically aware.
Their meetings would typically begin with the patriotic songs of Aba Darekar and then would read out Savarkar’s poems and his anti-British articles from the Keshari.
The members were required to take the following oath.
“In the name of the Motherland, Shivaji Raja who won freedom through war, and Bhavani Mata who gives strength, I hereby give witness before Shivaji and Bhavani Durga Devi that I shall use swadeshi goods only, love my country more than my life, strive for my country’s freedom and help those who are doing so.”
The ladies of the group wore glass bangles made in India only, and only coarse hand-made cloth. They felicitated Tilak’s wife Satyabhama Bai when she visited Nashik, and in 1908, they also raised funds for his defence in court. Bhaurao Chiplunkar bore the educational expenses of Savarkar, in fact, he helped him to get admission into Pune’s prestigious Fergusson College.
Vinayak in turn would visit Mai, regularly at Jawahar, and his epic poem Kamala was based on her to an extent. They had a son named Prabhakar born in 1905, who unfortunately died of smallpox when he was in London.
It was not an easy life for Mai, her husband and his entire family were under constant surveillance by the British. Just 15 days after Prabhakar had passed away, Vinayak’s elder brother Babarao, was arrested and deported for life to the infamous Cellular Jail in Andamans.
When Savarkar was arrested, after his epic escape at Marseilles and brought to India for trial, Mai went all the way to Nashik to see him. She had to travel on horseback from Trimbakeswar to Nashik along with her brother to meet her husband in prison.
Even worse, fearing the wrath of the British, none of her friends gave her shelter, and she had to spend all night in heavy rain at a temple in Nashik. She finally met her husband, and they spent around 45 minutes together.
When Veer Savarkar was sentenced to life at Cellular Jail, she accepted her fate stoically. However, when she saw him in chains at the Dongri prison in Mumbai, she became emotional and almost broke down. It was then Veer Savarkar advised her.
“If the Almighty shows compassion, we shall meet again. Till then, if you are ever tempted by the thought of ordinary family life, remember that if producing children and collecting a few twigs to build a home is to be called married life, then such a life is led by crows and sparrows as well.
But if a nobler meaning is to be given to married life, then we are blessed to lead a life fit for human beings. By breaking our hearth and utensils, golden smoke may ensue from thousands of homes in the future. And did not plague render our homes desolate when we were building them? Face the odds bravely.“
To which Mai replied – “We are trying to do just that. As far as we are concerned, we have each other. If you take care of yourself, we shall feel fulfilled.” Savarkar reassured her that he would take care and walked around with the manacles raised.
After a decade of separation from her husband, she was finally reunited with him in Ratnagiri, and she supported him wholeheartedly in his campaign for social reform.
When Ratnagiri was stuck by plague in May 1924, his younger brother Narayan brought Babarao and Mai to Mumbai. Vinayak could however not leave Ratnagiri, as the British Govt had placed him under house arrest.
Finally, in June 1924, he was permitted to go to Nashik, and after he was sometime he was in Mumbai till November, before he had to come back to Ratnagiri. Later they had a daughter named Prabhat in January 1925, and another daughter Shalini who however died in infancy.
When Mahatma Gandhi came to Ratnagiri, in 1927, he personally called on Savarkar at his home, as the latter was not feeling well. Mai and Kasturba spent time together, too sharing pleasantries in the kitchen. They had another child, this time a boy named Vishwas in March 1928.
In 1930, Mai chaired a public meeting of women at the Vithal Mandir in Ratnagiri to propagate Swadeshi, which was attended by Dalit women too. She also took part in the inter-community dining of women organized in 1932, at Ratnagiri, on the occasion of the visit of the Satyashodak leader Madhavrao Bagal.
She along with Savarkar organized an Akhil Hindu Yagna, and in 1936 a holy palanquin, was taken out on the occasion of Akhil Hindu Nama Saptah consecrated by Mai.
One of the largest inter-community dinners was organized for women of all castes at the Patit Pavan Mandir in Ratnagiri, and Mai along with Ms. Mundkur, the wife of the Dy Collector attended it.
She was felicitated by ladies of the Chitpavan Brahmin Sangh in 1941, and she later attended an Akhil Hindu Tilgul function, saying “The nation is my home”.
When Savarkar could not attend a Hindu Mahasabha convention in Pune, due to the volatile atmosphere after Gandhi’s assassination, Mai appeared on his behalf.
She was felicitated with the traditional sari, a gold necklace, and some cash. M.S. Dixit who wrote a small biography of Mai, Shantabhai Gokhale, Godumai Khare, and Saraswatibai Kanikar were among those who spoke admiringly of Mai’s sterling qualities.
And finally, Mai’s thanksgiving speech was read out by Sushilabai Gokhale. “Hindu sisters! In my childhood, the secret society ‘Abhinav Bharat’ had several ladies’ branches. In one of these branches and on the instructions of my late sister-in-law Yesuvahini, I took an oath to sacrifice everything for the glory of the Hindu Dharma and for the freedom of Hindustan. Many of my relatives and friends who undertook this sacred mission (vrat) along with me had their homes and family lives destroyed due to this. Many women who lost their husbands for the cause of Dharma in the prime of their youth laid down their lives pining in vain for their husbands.
In the last 4-5 years, several thousands of our Hindu sisters have surpassed the Chittod of yore and performed jauhars (self-immolation) in Kashmir, Sind, and Bengal provinces. How can one mention their sacred names that run in thousands? If I mention only the names of those brave Hindu sisters whom I know without mentioning the names of those brave Hindu sisters, I shall be in a sense committing partiality.
Hence, at the outset, I humbly and gratefully salute thousands of those brave Hindu women who laid down their lives to protect the Hindu Rashtra and Hindu Dharma. And then, all I say for myself is that the Almighty gave me the courage to do my duty to the best of my ability.
What is a Tulsi leaf? But when it is offered at the Divine feet and dries up, even the saints rub it on their foreheads. My own condition today is no different. I am but a bundle of dried flowers and leaves. I was fortunate enough to have fallen at the Divine feet. That is why great women like you are felicitating the dried flowers that my life is. But truly, this felicitation is not of the dried flowers but of the Master himself. To conclude, my message to the rising generations is that we should protect the freedom and self-rule that we gained through our valour.”
– Mai’s speech
Mai soon became a grandmother when her daughter Prabhat gave birth to a son in 1949, and her son Vishwas to a daughter in 1953. However, by 1956, Mai soon became ill and was kept at AK Talwalkar’s Nursing Home in Dadar. Though she came back home, Mai was again struck with lymphoma in 1956 and brought back to Dadar.
In the meantime Savarkar’s health too was not good, he had suffered a fracture, and the long time he spent in Cellular Jail had broken him down.
Finally, when she passed away on November 8, 1963, Savarkar almost swooned on hearing of it. The woman who had walked with him in life, been by his side in the worst of his times, was no more.
”Mai has passed, her life has been fulfilled, I have already bid farewell to her. I do not feel up to it to go there.”
As willed by Savarkar, her body was not kept in state, but taken straight to the crematorium. He himself did not attend her cremation and did not desire any public emotion.
Mai was a simple woman, who walked shoulder to shoulder with her husband and took care of his needs. She was a true Sita of modern times. She ensured his clothes were always neatly ironed, and managed the family within very modest means. Considering she came from a very rich family, she adjusted wonderfully within her husband’s very humble household.
She spent time in the garden watering plants just to be with Savarkar. Though he himself was an atheist and did not perform Puja, he nevertheless gave full freedom to Mai to do it, which he just observed. He ensured his numerous public engagements did not burden Mai in her household work.
She not only supported him in his social reform campaign but also took care of a Dalit girl, whom Savarkar adopted and bought into the home. When a mob descended on Savarkar Sadan, after Gandhi’s assassination, she bravely faced it with a stick in her hand.
A truly great woman of strength, character, and integrity, and the worthy wife of a great man, that was Mai.
(This was originally published on social media platform X and has been republished here with permission.)
Ratnakar Sadasyalu is a blogger with a passion in movies, music, books, and history. A techie by profession, and a writer at heart. Author of City of Victory a book on Vijayanagar Empire.
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The Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB) has summoned in film director-actor Ameer Sultan and two others for questioning regarding their purported connections with Jaffer Sadiq, the alleged head of an international drug cartel recently apprehended in Delhi with ties to Tamil Nadu. Ameer, along with Abdul Basid Bukhariand Syed Ibrahim, have been asked to provide statements at the NCB headquarters in Delhi.
TOI reported that Ameer, Abdul Basid Bukhari, and Syed Ibrahim were involved in certain business ventures alongside Jaffer Sadiq, prompting the NCB to request their presence for inquiry. Ameer received the summons at his residence on 26 March 2024 and is scheduled to travel to Delhi on 2 April 2024 along with Bukhari, while Syed Ibrahim has requested an extension until 11 April 2024. In a related development, Saleem, the brother of Jaffer Sadiq, has once again appeared before the NCB in Delhi in response to summons, marking his second appearance.
To date, five individuals including Jaffer Sadiq have been apprehended in connection with the seizure of 50kg of pseudoephedrine, a controlled substance, in Delhi in February 2024. While three arrests were made at a warehouse in Delhi, Jaffer Sadiq was captured at a concealed location. His accomplice Sadanandam, responsible for packaging the drug in Chennai and Trichy before shipping it to Delhi, was arrested in Chennai.
However, when allegations regarding Jaffer Sadiq’s involvement in pseudoephedrine smuggling initially surfaced, Ameer issued a statement asserting their relationship as purely professional and suggested that law enforcement agencies should take appropriate action if Sadiq is indeed implicated in criminal activities.
It is reported that all five detainees are slated to appear before the Patiala court on 2 April 2024 upon the conclusion of their judicial remand.
Jaffer’s Connection With Director Ameer Sultan
During the launch event of Ameer Sultan’s movie “Iraivan Miga Periyavan” in February 2022, Ameer remarked that Jaffer Sadiq is a distant family member of his. He further revealed that Sadiq had been urging him to direct a film for his production house for a period of five years.
Correction, director Ameer Sultan is not just an associate but he is also related to the Drug cartel and ex DMK's NRI wing Chennai West district deputy organizer Jaffer Sadiq. pic.twitter.com/ffBlW07Jlc
Another video surfaced on social media platform X where Ameer is seen wishing all success to Jaffer Sadiq. He says, “I have been closely watching his meteoric rise in all businesses he has begun. I pray he achieves success with this film (production business) Iraivan Miga Periyavan too.” It is noteworthy that he addresses Sadiq as “thambi” and Sadiq addresses Ameer as “Anna”.
Director Ameer explains who is Drug Lord Jaffar Sadiq to him.
Not only this, Director Ameer and Jaffer Sadiq launched a coffee shop named 4AMCoffee and Kitchen under the Mahyan Pvt Ltd incorporation at ECR near Chennai. The managing director of this organisation, Abdul Basith Bukhari, is also a director of Zuko Overseas Pvt Ltd along with Jaffer Sadiq. Interestingly, Ameer Sulthan aka director Ameer is also a director of Zuko Overseas Pvt Ltd.
For the launch of the coffee shop, director Vetrimaran and actor Soori were present. Another coffee shop named Law Cafe was opened at Radhakrishnan Salai under the Mahyan Group of Companies banner run by Ameer and Sadiq in that preacher Abdul Basid Bukhari is the proprietor of it.
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The decision made by Indira Gandhi’s government in 1974 to hand over Katchatheevu to Sri Lanka has emerged as a central issue in the 2024 Lok Sabha campaign in Tamil Nadu. Sri Lanka’s persistent efforts, historical evidence, and legal intricacies underscore India’s relinquishment of the island, sparking discussions on sovereignty and geopolitical dynamics. Recent revelations from a Right to Information (RTI) response obtained by Tamilnadu BJP president K Annamalai shed’s light on how Indira’s Congress government conceded to Sri Lanka’s claims.
This information is been underscored by official documents and parliamentary records. These documents reveal how an indecisive India lost control of the island in the Palk Strait to a smaller, yet determined, country.
Documents acquired by Tamilnadu BJP chief Annamalai through an RTI application highlight Sri Lanka’s persistent pursuit of the 1.9 square km island, located approximately 20km from the Indian shore, despite India contesting its claims for decades before ultimately acquiescing. Sri Lanka, then known as Ceylon, began asserting its claim to Katchatheevu immediately after gaining independence, asserting that the Indian Navy (then Royal Indian Navy) could not conduct exercises on the island without its permission. This stance was evident as early as October 1955 when the Ceylon Air Force held exercises on the island.
The steadfastness of Sri Lanka’s position is reflected in a memorandum from India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, dated 10 May 1961, dismissing the issue as inconsequential. Nehru’s memorandum, part of a note prepared by then Commonwealth Secretary Y D Gundevia, was shared by the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) as background information with the Informal Consultative Committee of Parliament in 1968.
Nehru minute stated, “I would’ve no hesitation in giving up claims to the island… I attach no importance at all to this little island and I would have no hesitation in giving up our claims to it. I do not like this pending indefinitely and being raised again in Parliament”.
The background information provides insight into India’s wavering stance leading up to 1974, when it ultimately renounced its claim entirely. The ministry stated, “The legal aspects of the question are highly complex. The question has been considered in some detail in this ministry. No clear conclusions can be drawn as to the strength of either India’s or Ceylon’s claim to sovereignty”.
In 1960, despite the contrary opinion of the then Attorney General M C Setalvad, it was believed that India had a stronger claim over an island formed by a volcanic eruption. Setalvad acknowledged the complexity of the matter but ultimately leaned towards the conclusion that India held sovereignty over the island. This conclusion was based on the historical granting of zamindari rights by the East India Company to the Raja of Ramnad (Ramnathpuram) over the islet and its surrounding resources.
These rights, which were held continuously and without interruption from 1875 to 1948, were transferred to the State of Madras after the abolition of zamindari rights. During this period, the Raja exercised these rights independently, without any obligation to pay tributes or taxes to Colombo.
Documents also reveal that the Ministry of External Affairs’ Joint Secretary, K Krishna Rao, while not entirely certain, believed that India had a strong legal position that could be utilized to secure fishing rights. This is particularly significant given the ongoing issue of Indian fishermen being detained by the Sri Lankan Navy near the island.
In 1960, Rao remarked that while Colombo’s assertions appeared more substantial, India still possessed a strong legal argument that could be vigorously presented. He clarified that he wasn’t implying India lacked any legal basis. Even Gundevia, who deemed the uninhabited island with just a church on it as insignificantly important, opposed the idea of risking its relinquishment, as conveyed by the Ministry of External Affairs to the consultative committee in 1968. During the same year, the opposition criticized the Indira Gandhi government for seemingly hesitating to challenge Sri Lanka’s intensified assertion over the island.
During a parliamentary discussion, there was a demand for, and subsequently, a discussion took place regarding mounting suspicions surrounding a clandestine deal supposedly negotiated between Indira Gandhi and her Ceylonese counterpart, Dudley Senanayake, during Senanayake’s visit in 1968. This deal was rumored to involve the handover of the island. Opposition members criticized the government for not addressing the warning signs such as statements made by the Ceylonese Prime Minister in their Parliament and indications on maps showing Katchatheevu as Ceylonese territory, interpreting these as gradual steps towards the acquisition of the island.
The Indian government refuted claims of having signed away the island but acknowledged its disputed status. It stressed the importance of balancing India’s claim with the necessity of maintaining strong bilateral relations. The response by Surendra Pal Singh, Deputy Minister in the Ministry of External Affairs, that the island was uninhabited appeared reminiscent of Nehru’s remark about Aksai Chin, which incited anger among socialist veterans like Madhu Limaye and Rabi Ray.
The opposition forcefully raised the issue again in 1969, but despite this, both sides continued moving towards an agreement that would concede Sri Lanka’s claim.
Following foreign secretary-level talks in Colombo in 1973, the decision to relinquish India’s claim was communicated to Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi in June 1974 by Foreign Secretary Kewal Singh. During this meeting, Singh mentioned the zamindari rights of the Raja of Ramnad and the lack of documentary evidence from Sri Lanka proving their title to Katchatheevu.
However, Singh emphasized Sri Lanka’s strong stance based on historical records, Dutch and British maps, acceptance by an Indian survey team of its claim, and the inability of the State of Madras to prove the Raja of Ramnad’s original title. He noted that Ceylon had asserted sovereignty since 1925 without objection from India and referred to a second opinion from 1970 by the Attorney General, stating that sovereignty over Katchatheevu resided with Ceylon.
Singh sought immediate agreement from Karunanidhi, citing internal factors such as India’s discovery of oil, external factors like the growing pro-China lobby in Colombo, and the government’s reluctance to approach the World Court, which tended to favor smaller countries. Karunanidhi readily agreed without much persuasion from the foreign secretary.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in his official X handle, highlighted the actions of the Congress government regarding the Katchatheevu issue, stated “Eye opening and startling! New facts reveal how Congress callously gave away #Katchatheevu. This has angered every Indian and reaffirmed in people’s minds- we can’t ever trust Congress! Weakening India’s unity, integrity and interests has been Congress’ way of working for 75 years and counting.”
Eye opening and startling!
New facts reveal how Congress callously gave away #Katchatheevu.
This has angered every Indian and reaffirmed in people’s minds- we can’t ever trust Congress!
Weakening India’s unity, integrity and interests has been Congress’ way of working for…
Tamil Nadu BJP President Annamalai via his official X handle voiced criticism directed towards both the Congress and DMK parties stated, “This is the first part of the chronology of the betrayal of Congress & DMK. Both these parties chose to align with Sri Lankan interests, handed over Katchatheevu on a silver platter & put to risk the lives & livelihood of our Tamil Fishermen. This is part 1 of the exposè published by @TOIIndiaNews today based on an RTI. DMK’s two-timing will be exposed in part 2 of this exposè. DMK & Congress are answerable for the loss of innumerable lives of our Tamil Fishermen.”
This is the first part of the chronology of the betrayal of Congress & DMK.
Both these parties chose to align with Sri Lankan interests, handed over Katchatheevu on a silver platter & put to risk the lives & livelihood of our Tamil Fishermen.
Tension arose at Coimbatore briefly following an incident where an intoxicated Muslim teenager hurled stones at BJP party members during their election campaign in Shanmuga Nagar on 29 March 2024.
More than 50 BJP supporters, led by party official Arjunan, were canvassing for their candidate K Annamalai when the 18-year-old Nowsath from Kannappa Nagar began throwing stones at them. Nowsath expressed discontent, questioning the BJP’s presence in their area for vote collection, labeling it as an act of atrocity and inciting violence. He adamantly declared his opposition to their campaigning in the locality.
As a result of the stone-throwing, four party members, including two women, sustained minor injuries, with one member Prabhu requiring treatment at Coimbatore Medical College Hospital. The party officials promptly notified the Kavundampalayam police regarding the disturbance caused by an inebriated young man. With swift action, the police arrived at the scene and apprehended Nowsath, who was intoxicated, for further inquiry. In the inquiry it was revealed that Nowsath was affiliated with SDPI an ally of AIADMK
In this context, the Tamil Nadu BJP President K Annamalai, has released an official statement via his X account, condemning the action that, “When the BJP brothers and sisters went to collect votes in Sanmuga Nagar area, Ward 32 of Coimbatore North Assembly Constituency, a man named Nawsath from SDPI ally of AIADMK stopped them from coming to canvass for votes, abused them and pelted them with stones. A brother named Prabhu and some sisters were injured.
This is an example of how the AIADMK alliance is afraid of defeat. People like Navshadvengage in such undesirable in such anti-democratic activities. I urge Tamil Nadu Police to take strict action against this person. BJP is a party traveling on the democratic path, our patience has a limit. I would like to give a warning that if there are similar incidents of blocking and attacking the BJP brothers and sisters who are going to canvass votes, then those concerned should be prepared to face the consequences. BJP Coimbatore District President Mr. Ramesh Kumar personally met and inquired about his health. I wish him a speedy recovery. BJP4Tamilnadu will always support Brother Prabhu.”
கோவை வடக்கு சட்டமன்றத் தொகுதி சண்முகா நகர் பகுதியில், 32 வது வார்டு பகுதியில், பாஜக சகோதர சகோதரிகள் வாக்கு சேகரிக்கச் சென்றபோது, அஇஅதிமுக கூட்டணிக் கட்சியான எஸ்டிபிஐ கட்சியைச் சேர்ந்த நவ்ஷாத் என்ற நபர், அவர்களை வாக்கு சேகரிக்க வரக்கூடாது என்று தடுத்து நிறுத்தி, தகாத வார்த்தைகள்… pic.twitter.com/nMana85m30
In the Hot climate of Coimbatore, a fierce battle is anticipated among Annamalai representing the BJP, Singhai Ramachandran from AIADMK, and Ganapathi Rajkumar of DMK.
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