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The Governor Who Refused To Bow: How RN Ravi Gave DMK Its Worst Nightmares

When RN Ravi walked into Raj Bhavan, Chennai, in September 2021, DMK had just assumed power after 10 long years. Stalin’s government was confident, combative, and looking to consolidate. What they did not expect was a Governor who would not just sign papers and attend ceremonial functions – but would fight them on every constitutional front, moral platform, and public stage available to him.

On 5 March 2026, nearly four and a half years later, when Ravi was transferred to West Bengal, DMK seemed to breathe a collective sigh of relief.

The Man Who Walked In

Retd. IPS officer RN Ravi was no ordinary bureaucrat. He served as Joint Director of the Intelligence Bureau, headed the CBI’s Special Investigation Team in high-profile cases, and from 2014 onwards served as the Centre’s chief interlocutor for the complex Naga peace talks – a role that sharpened his instincts for navigating entrenched political hostility. He was appointed Nagaland Governor in July 2019 before being transferred to Tamil Nadu in September 2021. He arrived in Chennai battle-hardened. DMK mistook a ceremonial appointment for a ceremonial man. They would spend the next four and a half years paying for that mistake.

The Legislative Logjam — 12 Bills, 21 Held Simultaneously

The most consequential and sustained battle between Ravi and DMK was over legislation. From 2021 to 2023, the Tamil Nadu Assembly passed bill after bill as part of DMK’s governance agenda. Ravi treated each one not as a formality to be signed, but as a document to be scrutinised.

The numbers tell the story. Ravi withheld assent to 12 bills during his tenure – mostly relating to the appointment of Vice Chancellors in state-run universities and university administration reforms. At one point in May 2022, he had 21 bills sitting on his desk without assent simultaneously – an extraordinary constitutional standoff that had no modern precedent in Tamil Nadu’s political history.

Key battles included:

Anti-NEET Bill (February 2022): Ravi returned this bill after sitting on it for 142 days; the first major signal of how he intended to operate. The bill was re-adopted by the Assembly and sent back to him. He then referred it to the President of India taking it entirely out of the state government’s reach.

Online Gambling Prohibition Bill: Returned without assent; re-adopted by the Assembly; Ravi finally signed it only after re-adoption.​

10 University Amendment Bills: Withheld without substantive explanation – all aimed at stripping the Governor of Chancellor powers over state universities. Ravi referred two to the President and sat on the remaining ten.

DMK was forced to convene three special sessions of the Assembly in 2022 and 2023 specifically to re-enact bills that Ravi had returned or blocked – a humiliating legislative exercise that no Tamil Nadu government had been subjected to in living memory.​

When DMK finally ran to the Supreme Court in October 2023, the apex court’s verdict only came in April 2025, nearly two years later, declaring Ravi’s indefinite withholding “illegal and arbitrary” under Article 200. Even this ruling came while Ravi was still the sitting Governor. The 10 bills were deemed assented by the court, but by then, three to four years of legislative delay had already been successfully engineered. The anti-NEET bill, the university bills – all neutralised for the most politically critical years of DMK’s first term. DMK had won the legal battle. Ravi had won the war of attrition.

“A Bill Is Dead If The Governor Doesn’t Sign It”

In April 2025, in one of his most deliberately provocative public statements, Ravi declared at an event: “If a Governor does not approve a bill, it means the bill is dead.”. The statement was made while the Supreme Court case on his withheld bills was still pending. CM Stalin and senior Congress leader P. Chidambaram publicly condemned the remark. It was the statement of a man who knew exactly what he was doing and was entirely unrepentant about it.

The Assembly Walkouts – Five Times in a Row

Ravi holds the unique distinction of having walked out of the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly five consecutive times and for good reason – a record with no parallel in Indian constitutional history:​

January 2022 – First Walkout: In 2022, Tamil Nadu Governor RN Ravi revealed that the DMK government refused to play the National Anthem in the Assembly, despite his insistence. Before his first address to the Assembly that year, Governor Ravi was informed that the National Anthem was not part of the session’s proceedings. He explicitly requested that it be played at the beginning and end of the session, alongside the Tamil Thai Vazhthu. The request was communicated to Speaker Appavu and Chief Minister MK Stalin, and the Governor even sent a formal letter reiterating his appeal. However, the National Anthem was not played, disregarding the Governor’s insistence.

January 2023 – Second Walkout: This pattern was also repeated during the 2023 winter session, where Raj Bhavan requested changes to the Governor’s speech, including respect for the National Anthem. However, the state government did not respond. The session saw protests from DMK allies, who disrupted the Governor’s speech with slogans and demonstrations, further straining relations.

January 2024 – Third Walkout: During the first session of 2024, the Governor noted with regret that his repeated requests to play the anthem were ignored. He refused to read the address prepared by the state government, citing strong disagreements on factual and moral grounds. Instead, he concluded his brief address with wishes for productive discussions and respect for Tamil Nadu and India.

January 2025 – Fourth Walkout: On 6 January 2025 Governor RN Ravi walked out without delivering his customary address, after the National Anthem was not played following the Tamil Thaai Vaazhthu. The Governor exited the House within three minutes, stating that his repeated requests to play the Anthem were refused. In a statement, Raj Bhavan said the Constitution and National Anthem were disrespected and termed the refusal a grave concern. After his exit, Speaker M Appavu read the address.

January 2026 – Fifth Walkout: On 20 January 2026, he walked out of the Assembly shortly after the first session of the year began, objecting to the National Anthem not being played. The session commenced at 9.30 AM with the customary Governor’s address after the rendition of Tamil Thaai Vaazhthu. Soon after beginning his speech, the Governor raised the issue of the National Anthem not being played following the invocation and declined to continue his address. He then exited the House. ​

Each walkout was a nationally televised public indictment of the DMK government – forcing Stalin’s ministers onto the defensive every year like clockwork.

The Senthil Balaji Dismissal 

In June 2023, when DMK minister V. Senthil Balaji was arrested by the Enforcement Directorate in a money laundering case, Ravi did something no Governor had done in decades, he issued a communique dismissing Senthil Balaji from the Council of Ministers without the Chief Minister’s recommendation.​

Stalin immediately pushed back, saying the Governor had no constitutional authority to dismiss a minister without the CM’s advice, and vowed to challenge it legally. The episode was unprecedented and deeply rattling for DMK, because it exposed the vulnerability of their most politically connected minister to direct Governor-level intervention. Ravi was effectively signalling: I will go places no Governor has gone before.

Pro-Hindu Stands That Made DMK Boil

Ravi’s most visceral confrontations with DMK were civilisational and he pursued them with zero apology.

Thiruvalluvar as Sanatani: At a public event in Tiruchirappalli, Ravi declared that Thiruvalluvar, the poet-saint whose Thirukkural is Tamil Nadu’s most sacred literary text, was a saint of Sanatan Dharma. DMK and Dravidian organisations have spent seven decades projecting Thiruvalluvar as a secular, rationalist, anti-Brahmin icon – the intellectual ancestor of their movement. Ravi’s claim cut the foundation of that narrative. Weeks of outrage followed.​

“Jai Shri Ram” at Student Event (April 2025): At a function with students, Ravi asked attendees to chant “Jai Shri Ram”. Non-profit organisations demanded his removal, citing violation of his constitutional oath. DMK called it “flexing majoritarian muscle” and “not acceptable in Tamil Nadu”. Ravi did not apologise.

Sanatana Dharma Advocacy: Repeatedly and publicly used the term “Sanatana Dharma” at events making DMK ministers visibly uncomfortable and triggering press conferences each time.

​Ayodhya Ram Lalla Consecration – Exposing Hindu Suppression (January 2024): On the historic day of the Prana Pratishtha, Ravi visited the Sri Kodandaramaswami Temple in Chennai and published a detailed expose of how DMK’s administration had blocked Hindu priests, temples, and organisations from conducting bhajans, LED screenings, Annadanam, and special pujas to mark the occasion comparing the administrative restrictions to “Mughal-era persecution of Hindus”. The report went nationally viral.

“Has Tamil Nadu Become a Police State?”

When Ravi convened an education conference of university Vice Chancellors at Ooty, DMK allegedly used district police to intimidate VCs and pressure them not to attend. Ravi issued a sharp public statement: “Has Tamil Nadu become a police state? Is the Chief Minister afraid of the rise in educational standards that benefit Dalit students?” tying DMK’s authoritarianism directly to its impact on marginalised students.

“What Is Tamil Nadu Fighting For?”

When DMK adopted the political slogan “Tamil Nadu will fight, Tamil Nadu will win” as a rallying cry against the Centre, Ravi publicly asked: “What exactly are you fighting? There is no conflict” forcing CM Stalin to personally respond and justify his own slogan.

Demolishing the Dravidian Ideological Foundation

Perhaps Ravi’s most intellectually audacious and politically explosive intervention was his sustained, systematic dismantling of the Aryan-Dravidian divide theory that forms the very intellectual spine of the Dravidian political movement. This was not a one-off remark. Over four years, he mounted a coordinated, evidence-based assault on the colonial mythology that DMK has built its entire identity upon.

Caldwell Was a School Dropout: Ravi said this publicly, repeatedly, and without apology. At a March 2024 event in Raj Bhavan, he stated that Robert Caldwell – the 19th-century Anglican bishop-missionary whose A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South-Indian Family of Languages became the intellectual foundation of the Dravidian political movement was “a school dropout who did not even pass his formal education” recruited by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG). His famous book, Ravi declared flatly, was a “fake book” authored not as linguistics scholarship but as a colonial tool to divide Indians along racial lines and make communities more susceptible to Christian conversion.

“They started closing all native schools. Only missionaries were allowed to run them, and admission was given only after baptism. They targeted the poor and marginalised, that is how this fake narrative was planted,” Ravi said. Similarly, he called George Uglow Pope – another missionary whose translations of Thirukkural and Tamil Shaiva texts shaped Western perceptions of Tamil literature – another “school dropout sent to India on a mission to evangelise”.

The Aryan-Dravidian Divide Is British Fiction: At the Indus Civilisation Conference at DG Vaishnav College in March 2025, Ravi stated categorically that neither ancient Tamil literature nor Sanskrit texts contained any reference to “Aryan” as a race. The Aryan Invasion Theory, he argued, was a manufactured British imperial narrative designed to sow permanent civilisational division between north and south India. “It was the British design to divide the country and they picked up collaborators during the freedom movement,” he said. He pointed out that states speaking Malayalam, Kannada, and Telugu had largely “moved away from the Dravidian ideology’s influence” only Tamil Nadu’s political ecosystem had kept the divisive narrative alive, threatening national unity.

Dravidian Ideology Is Colonial, Not Tamil: In June 2024, at another public event, Ravi declared: “Dravidian is a geographical division, not a racial one. The British fabricated this history as part of their divide-and-rule policy”. In December 2025, at a civilisation conference in Coimbatore, he repeated: “The Aryan-Dravidian divide is a myth. Attempts to split people along such lines are rooted in colonial manipulation, not historical truth”.

“Tamil Exceptionalism” as a Political Weapon: In November 2025, Ravi publicly accused the DMK government of exploiting “Tamil exceptionalism” — the idea that Tamil identity is uniquely under threat as a political tool to distract from governance failures. Tamil Nadu’s Law Minister S. Raghupathy summoned a press conference to rebut the charges calling Ravi’s remarks “baseless and insulting to Tamils”. The very fact that a Cabinet minister had to personally respond told its own story.

​DMK’s Furious And Revealing Response: Finance Minister Thangam Thennarasu delivered perhaps the most ironic response of the entire four-year standoff. In July 2023, after yet another Ravi attack on Dravidian ideology, he declared: “Governor RN Ravi has been working every day for making the principles of Dravidian ideology shine in the hearts of people of Tamil Nadu, and we thank him for it” – a sarcastic concession that Ravi’s provocations had actually increased public discourse on Dravidian identity. CM Stalin called him “allergic to Dravidian ideology” and asked publicly: “Is he Governor or Aryan?” – a statement that perfectly captured DMK’s inability to engage with Ravi’s arguments on substance.

In four and a half years, RN Ravi withheld 12 bills, walked out of the Assembly four times, dismissed a sitting minister unilaterally, exposed Hindu religious suppression, confronted DMK on Dalit atrocities, and survived death threats, ethnic insults, and national media attacks without flinching once.

DMK called him every name in the book. A party confident in its governance does not respond to a Governor with death threats and abuse. It responds with results.

Tamil Nadu has not had a Governor like RN Ravi since and given how loudly DMK cheered the change announcement on 5 March 2026, they intend to make sure it stays that way. West Bengal’s loss is Tamil Nadu’s loss. And Mamata Banerjee’s nightmare is just beginning.

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Is Chennai’s Bachewali Mosque Run By ISIS Supporter? Audio Clip Sparks Alarm

Is Chennai's Bachewali Mosque Run By ISIS Supporter? Audio Clip Sparks Alarm

An audio clip circulating on social media has triggered concern over alleged extremist influence at the Bachewali Mosque in Mylapore, Chennai, after a caller claimed that an individual linked to ISIS sympathies had taken charge as a caretaker at the site.

In the conversation, the caller introduced himself as speaking from the Bachewali Dargah and stated that complaints about the issue had been submitted repeatedly for nearly three years without any meaningful response from authorities. According to the caller, an “ISIS supporter” had assumed the role of caretaker at the mosque, raising alarm among those associated with the place of worship.

The caller urged the official on the line to take immediate action, stating that the situation was “crossing limits” and warning that matters at the site were escalating. He asked whether any official program or intervention had been scheduled to address the issue and requested an update from authorities.

The official responding in the call acknowledged the concern and said the matter would be checked immediately. The official also indicated that the situation at the location could potentially escalate and assured the caller that he would speak with the relevant authorities and provide an update.

However, the official also stated that the police could intervene only to a certain extent, explaining that the final decision regarding administrative control rested with the Wakf Board. He said he would inform the concerned officials and speak to the officer in charge before responding further.

 

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The audio clip has since circulated widely online, with users questioning whether authorities had adequately addressed earlier complaints and demanding clarity on the administration of the mosque.

As of now, there has been no official confirmation from law enforcement or the Wakf Board regarding the allegation that the mosque is under the influence of ISIS supporters. Authorities are yet to issue a formal statement clarifying the claims made in the recording.

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Dravidian Model Chennai: 2 Illegal Bangladeshi Immigrants Working At Biryani Shop Arrested, Got Indian Passport With Fake Docs

Chennai’s Central Crime Branch (CCB) has arrested two Bangladeshi nationals who were working at a biryani shop in the Thousand Lights area after they allegedly used forged documents to obtain Indian passports and conceal their true identities. The accused have been identified as Mohammad Harun Mai (44) and his relative Waliullah Khan (also known as Babul Hussain). Both have been remanded to judicial custody following court proceedings.

The breakthrough came on March 6 when officials from the Foreigners Regional Registration Officer (FRRO) at Chennai International Airport intercepted Mohammad Harun Mai. He was attempting to board a flight to Bangladesh using an Indian passport acquired fraudulently by hiding his Bangladeshi citizenship. Discrepancies in his documents prompted his transfer to the CCB’s Fake Passport Investigation Unit, where a case was formally registered.

Interrogation revealed that Mai had first entered India illegally in 1999 by crossing the border near Shahpur village in Tripura’s Srimantapur area. He made several unauthorized trips between 1999 and 2008 for work. In 2022, he entered legally on a Bangladeshi passport but overstayed his visa. Settling in Chennai, he found employment at biryani shops, eventually managing one in the Thousand Lights locality.

To blend in, Mai fraudulently obtained an Aadhaar card and PAN card by concealing his foreign origins. These were then used to secure an Indian passport. His attempt to use the forged passport for travel back to Bangladesh led to his arrest. He was produced before a magistrate court on Friday and remanded to judicial custody.

Further investigation based on Mai’s disclosures led to the arrest of Waliullah Khan on Friday. Khan had illegally entered India through the Tripura border in 2025. Mai arranged his travel to Chennai by train, provided him a job at the same biryani shop, and shared accommodation with him. Khan adopted the alias Babul Hussain, obtained a fake Aadhaar card, and continued operating under a false identity. He was presented in court on Saturday and also remanded to judicial custody.

Chennai Police have issued an advisory to the public, cautioning against using unauthorized agents for passport and visa processes. They urged citizens to apply directly through official channels like the Regional Passport Office or relevant consulates with genuine documents to avoid falling prey to forgery networks.

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Fact Check: DMK Minister Anbil Mahesh Misrepresents UDISE+ Data To Claim Women’s Education Success In ‘Dravidian Model’ TN

anbil mahesh dmk education dravidian model

DMK School Education Minister Anbil Mahesh Poyyamozhi released a video on his social media claiming that the Union Government’s UDISE+ data confirms Tamil Nadu ranks first in India for women’s higher education enrollment, and that the percentage of girls going to college after school rose from 49.8% to 76% due to the Pudhumai Penn scheme.

However, every major element of this claim is wrong.

In the video, he said, “A joyful and proud piece of news has arrived. The Union Government itself has stated that Tamil Nadu ranks first in the entire country for women’s enrolment in higher education. The secret success behind this achievement is the Pudhumai Penn (New Woman) Scheme. Our Chief Minister was a pioneer for the entire nation by introducing the Pudhumai Penn scheme for women’s education. Now, it is not us saying that the Pudhumai Penn scheme has achieved tremendous success – it is the Union Government that has said so. The increase in the number of girls from Tamil Nadu who go on to college after completing school has been reported by the Unified District Information System for Education Plus (UDISE+) – the Union Government’s information system for school education. The percentage of girls going to college was 49.8% in the academic year 2020–21. After implementing women’s advancement schemes like Pudhumai Penn, this figure has risen to 76% in the academic year 2024–25. Tamil Nadu stands first in the entire Indian Union in this regard.”

He added, “To put it simply – this is the Dravidian Model. These are the real success stories of the Dravidian Model. Dravidian Model 2.0 governance is about to begin soon. At that time, our Hon’ble Chief Minister will ensure that 100% of girls go to college. Our Hon’ble Chief Minister says, “If one woman receives education, five generations of that family will rise.” In that regard, it is true that the women of Tamil Nadu are going to lead the world.”

In this article, we debunk all the claims he makes.

UDISE+ Tracks School Data – Anbil Mahesh Mixes up Higher Secondary With Higher Education

The UDISE+ 2024-25 report, the very document the minister held up as his source, opens with an unambiguous statement of its scope. It covers “all recognized schools in the country” tracking data from Foundational (Pre-Primary to Class 2) through Secondary (Class 9 to Class 12). The report explicitly states its framework ends at Grade 12. It has no mechanism to track students who transition to colleges or universities.​

The UDISE+ 2024-25 report further notes that with effect from 2024-25, the school ecosystem is reclassified into four levels: Foundational, Preparatory, Middle, and Secondary – aligned with NEP 2020. There is no separate “Higher Secondary” category in this report. Grades 11 and 12 are subsumed within the broader “Secondary” (Class 9–12) grouping. A standalone “Higher Secondary NER” figure does not appear in the said document.

The institution responsible for tracking college and university enrollment is AISHE – the All India Survey on Higher Education, a separate body under the Ministry of Education. The AISHE 2021-22 report, the most recent published, defines its scope as “Higher Education Institutions” including universities, colleges, and standalone institutions. These are two completely separate data systems.

The 76% Figure: What the UDISE+ 2024-25 Report Actually Shows

The minister stated that the percentage of girls going to college after school rose from 49.8% to 76%.

The UDISE+ 2024-25 report’s Table 6.1 (Gross Enrolment Ratio by Gender) shows Tamil Nadu’s overall Secondary GER (Classes 9–12) at 89, placing it 8th nationally behind Chandigarh (109), Goa (101), Puducherry (97), Kerala (94), Himachal Pradesh (94), Delhi (92), and Andaman & Nicobar Islands (89).

Image Source: UDISE+ report

​The national Secondary NER for girls across India in 2024-25, per Table 6.4 of the same report, is 53.7%.

Image Source: UDISE+ report

A state-level Tamil Nadu girls’ NER of 76%, significantly exceeding even the national GER for girls at the secondary level (70.5%), is an extraordinary claim that cannot be verified anywhere in the document’s tables. ​

Critically, whatever figure is being discussed, it refers to school retention at Class 9–12 level, not college admission. The minister’s verbal translation of this into “girls going to college after school” has no basis in what UDISE+ measures.

Tamil Nadu’s Actual Higher Education Standing: AISHE 2021-22

The only authoritative data for higher education enrollment comes from AISHE. The AISHE 2021-22 report’s Table 19 (State-wise Gross Enrolment Ratio in Higher Education for age group 18-23 years) shows the following for Tamil Nadu:

AISHE table

Category   GER
Male         46.8%
Female     47.3%
Total         47.0%

The states with higher overall GER than Tamil Nadu, per the same table, are:

State/UT        GER
Chandigarh     64.8%
Puducherry     61.5%
Delhi              49.0%
Tamil Nadu     47.0%

Tamil Nadu ranks fourth in the country for higher education GER, not first. The minister’s claim that “the Union Government confirmed Tamil Nadu ranks first in India for women’s higher education enrollment” is directly contradicted by the above table in AISHE 2021-22.

No Post-2022 AISHE Data Exists

The AISHE 2021-22 report’s foreword confirms it is the most recent published survey. No AISHE data exists for 2022-23, 2023-24, or 2024-25. Any claim about Tamil Nadu’s current national ranking in women’s higher education enrollment therefore has no Union Government source to draw from. A ranking that does not appear in any published government document cannot be described as something “the Union Government has stated.”

A Critical Methodological Impossibility

Under the new NEP 2020-aligned structure adopted by UDISE+ from 2024-25 onwards, the report itself notes: “UDISE 2022-23 data is not strictly comparable with previous reports on various educational indicators like GER, NER, dropout rates etc.” The report further states that data now reflects individual student-wise tracking, which is “totally different, unique and incomparable to 2021-22 or prior years.”

This means the minister’s baseline figure of 49.8% from 2020-21 cannot be validly compared with any 2024-25 figure from UDISE+ – the methodologies are structurally incompatible by the report’s own admission. The comparison of 49.8% (2020-21) to 76% (2024-25) is not just a misinterpretation – it compares data from two systems that the Union Government’s own document says cannot be compared.

The Scheme Attribution Has No Evidentiary Basis

Pudhumai Penn is a scheme that provides a monthly stipend of ₹1,000 to girls from government schools to pursue college education. Even setting aside all the above errors, the metric being discussed, school enrollment retention in Classes 9-12, is not a college-admission outcome. The scheme is designed to incentivize a post-school transition. Crediting a college scholarship for a school enrollment metric is a logical non-sequitur.

The genuine improvement in Tamil Nadu’s school retention rate at the Class 9–12 level, whatever its actual value, is a school-level metric. Every interpretive layer the minister added beyond that, including the source, the meaning, the ranking, and the causal attribution, is unsupported by or directly contradicted by the official documents he cited.

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Did DMK Leak Sangeetha’s Divorce Petition To Target TVK Leader Vijay? Ezhilan’s Cryptic X Post Fuels Speculation

Actor Vijay, the founder of Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), is facing allegations of infidelity and mental cruelty in a divorce petition filed by his wife of 27 years, Sangeetha Sornalingam. While divorces among high-profile figures are not uncommon, the timing and manner in which this sensitive information surfaced have fueled widespread speculation that the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) orchestrated its public disclosure to undermine Vijay’s burgeoning political career ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections.

The Divorce Petition

The divorce petition, filed under the Special Marriage Act, 1954, in the Chengalpattu Family Court, accuses Vijay of an extramarital affair with an unnamed actress since 2021, along with emotional neglect and desertion. Sangeetha, 48, detailed in her 12-page filing how she discovered the alleged affair in April 2021 and endured years of humiliation before seeking dissolution. The couple, married since August 1999, shares two children. Sangeetha has also filed a subsequent petition for financial support and accommodation.

What started as a private family matter exploded into public discourse on February 27, 2026, when Sun News, a Tamil media outlet, broke the story with a sensational post on X (formerly Twitter). The post, hashtagged #Vijay and #Sangeetha, featured a graphic announcing the divorce filing and quickly garnered over 31,900 views. Translated from Tamil, it read: “#WATCH | Vijay’s wife Sangeetha files for divorce in Chennai family court.”. This rapid dissemination raised eyebrows, as court documents are typically confidential until hearings progress.

Evidence Pointing to DMK’s Hand

Social media users and TVK supporters have unearthed a timeline that suggests premeditation. The petition was originally filed on December 3, 2025, and transferred to the family court on February 24, 2026. Yet, on February 23—a day before the transfer—DMK MLA Dr. Ezhilan Naganathan posted a cryptic message on X with a clip from the Tamil movie Dhool in which a man speaking on the phone says “Sangeetha, love is like a flower on a creeper. Once, it withers it never blooms.

Many interpret this as a hint that the DMK had advance knowledge of the filing.

The leak occurred just four days later, aligning suspiciously with Vijay’s intensified election preparations.

Sun News, part of the Sun Network owned by the Maran family—close relatives of DMK patriarch M. Karunanidhi—has been targeting Vijay since the beginning and was one of the first to break the news of Sangeetha’s divorce petition. This affiliation has led many to question whether the channel was tipped off or actively involved in amplifying the story to tarnish Vijay’s image.

If proven, the DMK’s involvement could backfire, alienating voters who value privacy and fair play. For now, Vijay’s fans rally behind him, viewing this as a test of his resilience.

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Dravidian Model = Sticker Model: UPSC Rank-2 Rajeshwari Credits Naan Mudhalvan Scheme, But Timeline Shows Years Of Private Coaching

Rajeshwari Suve M from Madurai has secured All India Rank (AIR) 2 in the UPSC Civil Services Examination 2025, emerging as the only woman among the top five rank holders this year. Her success marks another milestone in a career already rooted in public service, she had earlier cleared the TNPSC Group I examination and was serving as a Deputy Collector before cracking the UPSC exam.

An Electrical Engineering graduate from Anna University, Chennai, coming from a family of businessman father + Asst Prof mother, Rajeshwari completed her degree in 2018. For the UPSC Civil Services Examination 2025, she chose Sociology as her optional subject and has opted for Tamil Nadu as her home cadre.

According to the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC), a total of 958 candidates have been recommended for appointment to various central civil services after the completion of the examination process, which includes the preliminary examination, the main examination, and the personality test (interview).

Credits ‘Naan Mudhalvan’ Scheme

Following the announcement of the results, Rajeshwari credited the Tamil Nadu government’s “Naan Mudhalvan” scheme for playing a key role in her UPSC success.

Speaking to ANI, she said, “I secured All India Rank 2 in the 2025 Civil Services examination. I was a bit surprised, of course. It was a long journey for me – from 2018. I passed out in 2018; I am a BE graduate. So it is a journey of seven years. With the guidance of the Tamil Nadu government’s Nal Mudhalvan scheme, it has become possible now.”

Explaining the role of the scheme in her preparation, she stated, “I was one of the beneficiaries in the first batch itself. In 2024, I got selected among the thousand people who were given financial assistance for the Prelims examination – that is ₹7,500 per month for 10 months.”

She further said that the programme supported her through subsequent stages of the exam as well.

“When I cleared my Prelims, I was getting coaching for Mains here. They gave financial assistance of about ₹25,000 for Mains and ₹50,000 for the interview. Other than financial assistance, the Nal Mudhalvan team has great faculty support for students.”

According to Rajeshwari, the scheme’s guidance helped candidates focus on what is relevant for the civil services examination. “What I feel is they direct us in the correct direction – only what is relevant to UPSC. So the UPSC relevance is very high in the Nal Mudhalvan scheme.”

Explaining her family background, she said, “I am from Madurai district. My father is Mr. Murugadas and he is a businessman. My mother is Mrs. Nagarani and she is an Associate Professor of Mathematics. I have a younger sibling, Kumar Selvan, who is doing MBBS now. I did my graduation in BE.”

Earlier Interview Credits Appolo Coaching

However, an earlier interview given by Rajeshwari in 2024 to Appolo Study Centre, a private coaching institute, presents a different account of her preparation journey particularly regarding her TNPSC success.

Introducing herself in that interview, she said: “Vanakkam. My name is M. Rajeshwari Suvi. I am from Madurai district. In the recently concluded Group 1 examination, I have secured State Level Rank 11.”

She explained that after graduating in 2018, she initially began preparing for UPSC.

“When I first passed out in 2018, I was initially preparing for UPSC. That one year was like a UPSC foundation course, which helped me gather general knowledge.”

She said she appeared for the TNPSC Group I preliminary examination in 2019, clearing it despite not having taken formal coaching.

“In that same year, 2019, I appeared for the Group 1 Prelims for the first time. But I had not done any proper coaching or preparation specifically for TNPSC. Even so, I cleared the Prelims.”

However, she added that she was unable to clear the mains stage that year due to lack of guidance.

“Without proper guidance, I didn’t focus well on Mains. I self-prepared and appeared, but I couldn’t clear the Mains.”

According to her earlier account, she decided to prepare more systematically when the next TNPSC notification was issued in 2020.

“I told myself – this time I need to do it properly and effectively. So in 2020, I properly started preparing specifically for TNPSC. That is when I joined Appolo.”

She further stated: “My entire TNPSC journey from 2020 until now has been oriented around Appolo.”

Rajeshwari credited the institute’s guidance and test series for helping her succeed in the exam.

“From that point onwards, it has been entirely under the guidance of Appolo Director Mr. Sam Rajeswaran sir that I have completed my entire TNPSC journey.”

She eventually secured State Rank 11 in the TNPSC Group I examination, leading to her appointment as Deputy Collector in 2024.

The Timeline Does Not Add Up

The Naan Mudhalvan scheme was launched in 2022, and its UPSC scholarship component has been operational since 2023 meaning the 2024 cycle was the scheme’s second annual cohort of 1,000 beneficiaries, not the first. Yet Rajeshwari claims she was part of ‘the first batch itself’, a claim that does not hold up against the scheme’s own documented timeline. What she received in 2024 was financial assistance at the final leg of a seven-year journey built almost entirely on private coaching.

By the time Rajeshwari became a Naan Mudhalvan beneficiary, she had already cleared TNPSC Group 1, was already an appointed Deputy Collector, and had already spent six years preparing for competitive examinations – the bulk of it under private coaching at Appolo Study Centre. The scheme’s financial support came at the very tail end of a long journey that had been built entirely on private coaching, personal perseverance, and family support. To now project Naan Mudhalvan as the foundational enabler of her success is, at best, a selective retelling. At worst, it is a political script handed to a topper and faithfully delivered.

This is not a unique occurrence. The DMK government has a well-documented pattern of retrofitting its schemes onto achievements that predate or only marginally involved them, then amplifying those narratives through state media and sympathetic press.

Is Naan Mudhalvan Scheme Being Misused?

Crucially, the Naan Mudhalvan UPSC Scholarship is not a general merit scheme – it is explicitly designed for ‘economically disadvantaged UPSC aspirants’ who lack the financial means to pursue coaching on their own. By 2024, Rajeshwari was a serving Deputy Collector drawing a government salary, from a family that includes an Associate Professor mother and a businessman father – by her own admission to ANI. That a well-placed government officer occupied one of 1,000 slots meant for economically backward candidates and then publicly credited that scheme as the hero of her success raises questions that go beyond narrative management.

What This Means

None of this diminishes Rajeshwari Suve’s extraordinary achievement. A seven-year journey, five UPSC attempts, cracking both TNPSC Group 1 and UPSC CSE in the top ranks – that is a story of exceptional grit that needs no political embellishment. Her success belongs to her, her family, and the coaches who guided her for years.​

What it does raise is a pointed question about the weaponisation of individual achievement for scheme propaganda and the role of a compliant media ecosystem in amplifying that propaganda without verification. Every major news channel ran the Naan Mudhalvan credit line. Not one, until now, thought to check what Rajeshwari herself had said on camera just twelve months earlier.​

The 2024 Appolo interview exists. It is timestamped. It is on YouTube. The contrast with the 2026 post-result interviews is stark. And it raises a question that Rajeshwari, and the Tamil Nadu government, owe the public an honest answer to: at what point did Naan Mudhalvan become the hero of a story that Appolo Study Centre and six years of private preparation had actually written?

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TVK Head Joseph Vijay’s Estranged Wife Seeks Interim Right To Stay In Matrimonial Home Amid Divorce Proceedings

TVK Head Joseph Vijay's Wife Sangeetha Files For Divorce, Cites Extramarital Affair

Sangeetha Sornalingam, (also referred to as Sankgeetha Vijay), the wife of actor Thalapathy Vijay, has filed another petition in court as part of the ongoing divorce proceedings between the couple, seeking protection of her residential rights.

In the latest application before the court, Sangeetha expressed concern that she could be denied accommodation in the couple’s present matrimonial home while the case is pending. She has therefore requested an interim order allowing her to continue residing in the house until the divorce proceedings are concluded.

Petition Seeks Interim Residence Order

As reported in India Today, according to the petition, Sangeetha has sought legal protection to ensure that she is not prevented from staying in the matrimonial home during the course of the case. The application asks the court to grant her the right of residence as an interim measure while the divorce proceedings continue.

The filing forms part of the broader legal battle between the couple, who have been married for more than two decades.

Divorce Petition Filed After 27 Years of Marriage

Earlier, Sangeetha filed for divorce from Vijay after 27 years of marriage. The couple married on 25 August 1999 and have two children – Jason Sanjay and Divya Shasha.

In the divorce petition, Sangeetha alleged that Vijay was involved in an extramarital relationship with a female actor. According to the filing, she became aware of the alleged relationship in 2021.

The petition further stated that although Vijay allegedly assured her that the relationship would end, it continued. The filing also claimed that Sangeetha was gradually excluded from the actor’s social and professional life.

According to the petition, Vijay travelled abroad and attended public events with the said actor, and photographs of these outings were shared on social media. Sangeetha has claimed that the public circulation of such images caused humiliation to her and their children.

Grounds for Divorce

Sangeetha has cited adultery and cruelty as grounds for divorce under the provisions of the Special Marriage Act, 1954. In her petition, she stated that the alleged conduct and the resulting controversies had caused her severe mental distress.

Case Ongoing in District Court

The matter is currently being heard in a district court, where both the divorce petition and the application regarding residential rights are under consideration. The court has yet to deliver a decision on either plea.

Sangeetha, the daughter of a Tamil industrialist, was reportedly a fan of Vijay before the two married in 1999. Their wedding was conducted with both Hindu and Christian rituals.

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DMK Ally SP Spokesperson’s Op-Ed In Indian Express Calls Iran War A ‘Black Swan’ For BJP; IE Deletes Post After Backlash, Keeps Article On Website

DMK Ally SP Spokesperson’s Op-Ed In Indian Express Calls Iran War A ‘Black Swan’ For BJP; IE Deletes Post After Backlash, Keeps Article On Website

The Indian Express published an opinion piece by DMK/I.N.D.I ally Samajwadi Party spokesperson Ghanshyam Tiwari that attempts to portray a hypothetical Middle East escalation as a “Black Swan event” that could bring down the BJP government. The piece frames a potential conflict involving Iran, Israel, and the United States not as a serious geopolitical crisis but as a possible political turning point in Indian domestic politics.

It reads less like geopolitical analysis and more like a political prayer that a regional crisis will become the BJP’s electoral undoing. Let us take it apart, claim by claim.

The Indian Express Deleted the Post On X But Left the Article Up

Before even engaging with the article’s content, there is a separate and pointed question of editorial conduct to address. The Indian Express published the op-ed and shared it on its official social media handles.

Then, following a wave of public backlash pointing out the op-ed’s wishful thinking and brazenly partisan framing, the newspaper quietly deleted its social media post promoting the piece. The article, however, remains live on its website.

This tells you everything about the editorial calculus at play. The newspaper knew, after the backlash hit, that the piece was indefensible in public. Deleting the tweet was an acknowledgment of that. Yet the article stayed up, meaning the retraction was not based on principle but on optics management.

The Indian Express wanted to limit the social media damage while keeping the search-engine-indexed article in place for continued circulation. That is not editorial courage. That is having it both ways. A publication with genuine editorial standards would either defend its decision to platform the piece publicly and fully, or issue a correction. Silently deleting the social media post and hoping no one notices is the behaviour of an outlet that knows it got caught, not one that stands behind its editorial choices.

It also reveals the asymmetry in how The Indian Express treats controversy: when backlash comes from the right, the post disappears. When backlash comes from the left, the full editorial apparatus mobilises in defence of the author. The standard is plainly political.

The “Silence” That Wasn’t Silent

The op-ed’s most glaring factual failure is its central charge: that the Modi government “did nothing” and that its “silence speaks volumes.” This is simply false. Within 48 hours of the conflict’s escalation, Prime Minister Modi chaired an emergency meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Security specifically focused on the safety of India’s nearly 90 lakh Gulf expatriates. He then conducted a rapid diplomatic blitz: holding calls with the leaders of Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, UAE, and other Gulf states, condemning the attacks and pressing for de-escalation. The Ministry of External Affairs had in fact issued travel advisories for Iran as early as January 5 and January 14, weeks before hostilities fully escalated, urging Indian nationals to leave by any available means. India issued one again on 23 February 2026.

For the UAE specifically, advisories were issued on February 28 and again on March 3. IndiGo and Air India added special flights to evacuate stranded Indians, and Etihad flights were already resuming operations from Dubai and Abu Dhabi at the time the op-ed was published.

Moreover, India has repeatedly demonstrated its ability to respond effectively during regional emergencies. From Operation Rahat in Yemen (2015) to Operation Ganga in Ukraine (2022) and evacuations during conflicts in West Asia, New Delhi has built a strong record of protecting its citizens abroad when crises unfold.

The insinuation that the government knowingly withheld warnings from expatriate Indians in the Gulf is not analysis; it is speculation bordering on political theatre.

The article either did not know these facts or chose to ignore them. The Indian Express published it either way.​

The IRIS Dena: Weaponising a Tragedy

The sinking of IRIS Dena, a genuine tragedy in which over 100 sailors remain missing, is deployed in the op-ed as evidence of India’s “submission” to the US and Israel. The IRIS Dena was sunk by a US Navy submarine in international waters approximately 20 nautical miles west of Galle within Sri Lanka’s Search and Rescue responsibility zone, not India’s.

India is not a military alliance partner of Iran, was not IRIS Dena’s escort, and has no operational obligation to intercept a US submarine strike in open ocean. Yes, India did invite Iran to participate in the MILAN 2026. Once a participating vessel departs Indian waters and re-enters the open ocean, it reverts fully to its own nation’s operational command and responsibility. India has zero legal, operational, or treaty-based obligation to escort it beyond Indian territorial or exclusive economic zone waters.

No navy in the world escorts foreign exercise participants back to their homeports. The US, UK, France – none of them escort Indian Navy ships back to Visakhapatnam after joint exercises. The obligation simply does not exist in any framework of international maritime law or naval protocol. Holding India responsible for IRIS Dena’s fate after it left Indian waters would be equivalent to holding a host country responsible for a visiting diplomat’s car accident after they crossed the border. The logic does not survive basic scrutiny.

The Indian Navy is, however, already conducting search and rescue operations, which is exactly what India can and should do.

The Strategic Autonomy India Is Actually Exercising

The deeper geopolitical reality the article deliberately ignores: India is the only major power talking to all sides simultaneously. Modi has engaged Netanyahu, Gulf Arab leaders, and kept Iranian diplomatic channels open. India abstained rather than aligned during relevant international deliberations. India has very little to gain by taking a hard stand in such a situation. This is not submission to the US-Israel axis, as the article implies. If it were, a nuclear-armed India with US-supplied technology would have been an active staging ground for strikes on Iran. It obviously is not.

India today is one of the few countries that maintains working relationships with every major power bloc in the Middle East. This diplomatic flexibility, often described as strategic autonomy or multi-alignment, allows New Delhi to protect its interests in an increasingly polarised world.

The region has faced crises before, and it will face them again. India’s response will continue to be guided not by partisan anxieties but by long-standing principles of pragmatic diplomacy, strategic balance, and the protection of Indian citizens worldwide.

That is not geopolitical analysis. It is partisan speculation masquerading as strategy.

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Frontline Editor Vaishna Roy Justifies Grotesque Anti-Brahmin Cartoon, Calls Criticism A “Deflection”

Frontline, the national magazine published by The Hindu, plastered its March 2026 cover with a grotesque anti-Brahmin caricature that recalls the darkest techniques of 20th-century racial propaganda.

The Hindu which has gone on to become a Leftist-Dravidianist rag peddling propaganda instead of objective news has crossed a line from partisanship into something far uglier — the visual demonization of an entire community.

Rather than grappling with the substance of the nationwide debate over the University Grants Commission’s newly proposed Equity Regulations, 2026, the magazine chose to splash its cover with a grotesque caricature of a Brahmin figure onto Edvard Munch’s famous artwork The Scream, complete with exaggerated cultural markers, styled in a manner disturbingly reminiscent of early 20th-century racial propaganda.

After The Commune’s report on the same, the cover became a talking point.

Following the condemnation and outrage from across social media, leftist rag Newslaundry ‘reached out’ to Vaishna Roy, the editor of Frontline to ‘hear her side of the story’ – something Newslaundry would have never done had the case been reversed.

Instead of acknowledging these concerns, Frontline editor Vaishna Roy dismissed the outrage as a “deflection” from the debate surrounding the UGC regulations that have been stayed.

Speaking to a media outlet, Roy defended the cover and said the illustration had been republished with permission from the anti-caste portal The Ambedkarian Chronicle. She described it as a “clever adaptation” of Edvard Munch’s iconic painting The Scream, which is now in the public domain.

Sacred Symbols Reduced to Caricature

Roy claimed that the janeu and shikha are widely used in films, cartoons, and theatre as visual shorthand for a devout or dominant Hindu figure. She argued that the illustration was intended to highlight what she described as contradictions between demonstrative religiosity and unjust social behaviour.

Such reasoning effectively normalises the caricaturing of Hindu religious markers. For them, the issue is not artistic adaptation but the deliberate reduction of a religious community’s symbols into objects of ridicule.

If similar caricatures were drawn using markers associated with other religious communities, the response from the same media ecosystem would likely be very different.

Let us understand the problem with her ‘arguments’.

The “Power” Argument Is Self-Serving

Editor Vaishna Roy’s central defence rests on the claim that the image is acceptable because it represents the “oppressor” speaking back to “power.” But this logic is both circular and dangerous. It pre-emptively declares an entire community, Brahmins, as a monolithic power bloc, strips them of individual identity, and then licenses any visual degradation against them on those very grounds. In other words, the caricature is justified because the community deserves caricature. That is not critique. That is prejudice with a theoretical alibi.

By this logic, any ethnic or religious community deemed “dominant” by ideological fiat can be grotesquely illustrated without editorial accountability. No mainstream Indian magazine would dare run a similar exaggerated caricature of a Muslim cleric or a Dalit elder under the headline “Outraged” nor should they. The asymmetric application of this standard is the tell.​

The Nazi Comparison the Editor Missed or Was It Subconscious?

Roy’s dismissal of the Nazi comparison is rhetorically clever but analytically weak. She argues the Nazi parallel fails because Jews were a minority being mocked by a majority in power. But this reframes the question to dodge it.​

The comparison was never about the power dynamic; it was about the aesthetic technique. As documented analysts have noted, the illustration deploys the same well-worn visual grammar of 20th-century racial propaganda: an exaggerated, emaciated figure defined entirely by ethnic-religious markers: shaven head, tuft (shikha), sacred thread (janeu), sacred ash rendered in a posture of hysterical alarm. This is the exact aesthetic of Das Gejammer – the sneering Goebbelsian mockery of a target group as simultaneously weak and dangerously powerful. Roy addresses the politics; she deliberately sidesteps the aesthetics. That sidestep is the tell.​

The “Dual Framing” Deception

The cover headline uses the plural, abstract term “dominant castes.” The artwork, however, deploys unmistakably Brahmin-specific iconography – not Kshatriya, not Vaishya, not any other “twice-born” community Roy mentions. This gap between the headline and the image is not accidental artistic shorthand. It is, as has been rightly identified, a rhetorical escape hatch – broad enough in text to evade legal or institutional challenge, specific enough in imagery to send a targeted communal message to its readership. Roy herself tacitly confirms this by listing only Brahmin-coded symbols while claiming they represent “dwija castes broadly.” If the intent was truly plural, the imagery would have been plural.

Kalpana Kannabiran: The Irony the Magazine Buried

The single most striking fact in this entire episode is one Frontline and Newslaundry buried in plain sight: the article that inspired the illustration was written by Kalpana Kannabiran, herself a Brahmin (Iyengar) from Madurai, daughter of distinguished civil liberties lawyer K.G. Kannabiran.

The article, titled “Hostile Environments and Brahmanical Enclosures: The Fear of Equality,” thus has a Brahmin academic providing the intellectual framework for an illustration that grotesquely caricatures Brahmin identity.

This does not, by itself, make the caricature acceptable, it makes it more revealing. It illustrates how ideological positioning in Indian academia has become so identity-detached that a community’s own members provide the scaffolding for communal visual attacks against it, and that is presented as moral sophistication. The magazine chose not to foreground this context. Ask yourself why.

Sinnakaar’s Admission

Shripad Sinnakaar (the artist of Kannabiran’s article)’s candid statement that “Brahmins themselves constitute the apex of power structure that should be critiqued” is not an editorial policy – it is a declaration of communal targeting. He states that his primary reader is “a caste oppressed person” and that the publication serves that constituency. That is an explicitly sectarian editorial mandate. Publishing a grotesque caricature of a community and then claiming it is purely structural critique, not aimed at people but at “power”, while simultaneously declaring that community the legitimate and permanent target of critique, is a contradiction that no editorial integrity defence can bridge.

What This Is Really About

The UGC Equity Regulations triggered a legitimate public debate involving faculty, students, and institutions across caste backgrounds. Reducing that debate to a screaming Brahmin caricature does not advance the cause of Dalit rights or constitutional equality. It converts a policy argument into a communal provocation.

The “real offence,” as Roy puts it, may well be in the UGC regulations being stayed but packaging that argument inside a dehumanising ethnic caricature does not amplify the offence; it replaces it. It ensures that the conversation becomes about the image, not the policy. If that outcome is a “pity,” as Roy says, it is a pity the magazine’s own editorial choices manufactured.

The test is simple and consistent: would The Hindu Group publish a similarly styled, marker-laden caricature of a Dalit figure, a Muslim, or a Christian under the headline “Outraged”? The answer requires no research. And that answer tells you everything Vaishna Roy’s eloquent defence cannot.

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Delhi: 26-Yr-Old Hindu Youth Tarun Kumar Beaten To Death After Holi Balloon Thrown By Child Splashes Muslim Woman

Delhi 26-Yr-Old Hindu Youth Tarun Kumar Beaten To Death After Holi Balloon Thrown By Child Splashes Muslim Woman

A 26-year-old man was beaten to death in Delhi’s Uttam Nagar area following a dispute triggered by an accidental splash of coloured water during Holi celebrations on Wednesday, police said.

The victim, identified as Tarun Kumar, was allegedly attacked by a group of people after a water balloon thrown during Holi festivities led to an argument between two neighbouring families in the JJ Colony area of southwest Delhi.

As reported in Times of India, according to police and accounts from the victim’s family, an 11-year-old girl from Tarun’s family was playing Holi on the terrace of her house and threw a water balloon aimed at her father standing below. The balloon fell on the road instead and splashed coloured water on a woman from a neighbouring Muslim family. The incident reportedly triggered an argument between members of the two households.

Family members said the dispute appeared to have been settled after an apology from Tarun’s family earlier in the day. However, tensions escalated later in the evening.

Police said Tarun was returning home on his motorcycle after celebrating Holi with a friend when he was allegedly stopped by a group of around 15 to 20 people. The group reportedly assaulted him with iron rods, bricks, stones and other objects.

When Tarun’s relatives and others rushed to intervene, they were also attacked during the clash. Eight people were injured in the violence, including Tarun’s father, Memraj, and his uncle Ramesh, police said.

Tarun sustained critical injuries and was taken to a nearby hospital, where he died during treatment on Thursday morning. Police confirmed that his death resulted from injuries sustained in the assault.

Following the incident, tensions rose in the locality and protests broke out. Some residents vandalised parts of the street and damaged the windows of several vehicles. Protesters also gathered outside the Uttam Nagar police station and raised slogans demanding action against those responsible.

Police later deployed additional personnel in the area to maintain law and order.

The victim’s father said the two families had lived in the neighbourhood for years and had no prior disputes. He stated that the confrontation began after the accidental splash of coloured water from the balloon but was initially resolved. According to him, Tarun was returning home in the evening when he was surrounded and attacked.

Delhi Police registered a case in connection with the incident and initially arrested four adults, while a juvenile was also apprehended. After Tarun’s death, murder charges under Section 103 were added to the First Information Report (FIR).

Authorities said the clash stemmed from the earlier balloon incident between members of two families belonging to different communities.

Tarun Kumar lived with his parents and two elder siblings, a brother and a sister, in Uttam Nagar. According to his family, he was pursuing a course in digital marketing.

Both families involved in the dispute originally hail from Rajasthan and have been residing in the Uttam Nagar area for nearly five decades.

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