About a week ago, reports indicated that the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), promoted by Pakistan as a transformative economic initiative, has failed to achieve its objectives and left the country with a $9.5 billion debt, widely perceived as part of China’s debt-trap strategy.
This is not a one-off event. In this report, we examine the growing debt pressures faced by eight developing nations due to extensive borrowing from China, primarily under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). We notice a recurring pattern where large-scale infrastructure and energy projects, financed by Chinese loans, have resulted in unsustainable debt burdens. Many of these projects have failed to generate anticipated economic returns, leaving borrower countries in a cycle of financial dependency. The situation has led to stalled projects, the need for further borrowing or International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailouts and has increased China’s economic and political leverage over these vulnerable nations.
#1 Pakistan’s CPEC Debt Burden
As of 22 September 2025, Pakistan is burdened with a $9.5 billion debt to China, largely accrued through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). This sum includes $7.5 billion for power plants and nearly $2 billion in unpaid energy bills. Political disputes and corruption allegations slowed project progress, and a 2019 IMF bailout forced Pakistan to decelerate CPEC initiatives. To manage the crisis, Pakistan has been compelled to take new loans to service old ones, creating a vicious cycle of debt and deepening its economic dependence on China, with the promised benefits of CPEC failing to materialize.
#2 Nepal’s Infrastructure Financing Strain
By 9 September 2025, Nepal’s public debt stood at $20 billion, with external debt at $10.5 billion. China accounts for approximately $300 million of this, financing projects like the $216 million Pokhara International Airport and the Trishuli 3A Hydropower Project. These Chinese loans are often expensive and come with strict conditions. Crucially, funded projects like Pokhara Airport are not generating sufficient revenue, making repayment difficult. This situation increases Nepal’s financial vulnerability and amplifies Beijing’s political influence within the country, posing a long-term strategic challenge.
#3 Bangladesh’s Deepening Financial Reliance
On 12 July 2025, reports indicated Bangladesh’s growing dependence on Chinese financing, with $6.1 billion in existing loans and a recent $2.1 billion top-up in March 2025. An additional $5 billion soft loan was requested in 2024. These funds support major infrastructure like the Padma Bridge and Payra Port. With Bangladesh’s economy struggling, it relies heavily on external borrowing. China has extended repayment terms to 30 years, securing long-term economic leverage. This dependence on loans for critical infrastructure risks pushing Bangladesh into greater financial vulnerability and deeper Chinese influence.
#4 Kenya’s Costly Railway Investment
As of 24 April 2025, China became Kenya’s largest bilateral creditor, with debt exceeding $8 billion. A significant portion, $5 billion, was used to construct the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) from Nairobi to Mombasa. This reliance on Chinese infrastructure loans has created a heavy sovereign debt burden. The government has found itself needing to seek additional loans, including a requested $1 billion and debt restructuring, simply to complete stalled projects. This cycle deepens Kenya’s financial dependence on China, limiting its fiscal options and granting Beijing substantial economic influence.
#5 Zambia’s Mining Sector Leverage
By 24 March 2025, Zambia owed China over $4 billion, a key component of a broader $6.3 billion debt restructured in 2023. These loans are tied to Chinese investment in the copper mining sector, which provides 70% of Zambia’s export earnings. This dominance creates profound economic dependence. The debt obligations restrict Zambia’s ability to regulate Chinese corporate practices strictly. Furthermore, the restructuring terms favor Chinese creditors, giving Beijing significant leverage over Zambia’s national policies and corporate governance, effectively trading economic sovereignty for financial relief.
#6 Cambodia’s Strategic Debt
On 17 March 2025, Cambodia’s outstanding debt to China was approximately $4 billion, representing over one-third of its total public debt and nearly a tenth of its GDP. These loans primarily finance infrastructure such as roads, airports, and a new $1.7 billion canal project. This heavy borrowing has created a deep economic dependence on China, making Cambodia’s economy highly vulnerable to shifts in Chinese policy or financing. The debt relationship extends beyond economics, influencing Cambodia’s geopolitical alignment and limiting its autonomy in regional and international affairs.
#7 Angola’s Oil-for-Credit Model
Reported on 3 September 2024, Angola has borrowed over $45 billion from China since 2002, with about $17 billion remaining unpaid. Chinese debt constitutes 40% of Angola’s total, with half its annual budget dedicated to repayments. The “Angola Model” involves repaying loans with oil exports. However, falling oil production and prices have crippled this model, leaving Angola struggling to earn revenue for debt servicing. To avoid default, Angola is using funds from a Chinese escrow account, which depletes reserves needed for other critical national needs, deepening the economic trap.
#8 Laos’s Unsustainable Projects
As of 23 July 2024, Laos’s public debt was $13.8 billion, over 100% of its GDP. China holds about half of its $10.5 billion foreign debt, financing major projects like hydroelectric dams on the Mekong River and the Boten–Vientiane high-speed railway. These projects have not yielded expected returns, suffering from energy overcapacity and underuse. Chinese loans carry high interest rates near 4%, exacerbating the burden. This has led to heavy political and economic dependence on Beijing, severely limiting Laos’s ability to manage or renegotiate its crippling debt obligations.
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The DMK government’s flagship event ‘Kalviyil Sirantha Tamil Nadu’ (Tamil Nadu That Excels in Education), held in Chennai on 25 September 2025, drew sharp criticism for resembling a political spectacle rather than a serious forum on education.
Marketed as a platform to showcase the state’s progress through schemes like the Chief Minister’s Breakfast Scheme, Naan Mudhalvan, and Pudhumai Penn–Tamil Pudhalvan, the event was dominated instead by film industry figures showering praise on Chief Minister M.K. Stalin and echoing Dravidian ideological themes.
Notably absent were academics, educators, or policy experts, while the stage was shared by directors Vetrimaaran, T.J. Gnanavel, Mysskin, Thiagarajan Kumararaja, actor Sivakarthikeyan, and political leaders including Education Minister Anbil Mahesh, Deputy CM Udhayanidhi Stalin, and Telangana CM Revanth Reddy. Critics said the showpiece was more electioneering than education.
However, the state of Dravidian Model schools in Tamil Nadu in reality paint a very different picture. Where do we start – the crumbling infrastructure or the poor performance of the students in schools compared to students from other states, or do we look at the sexual assault complaints that emanate from the government schools or do we look at the conversion attempts that take place in government-aided minority-run schools in the Dravidian model state?
Nevertheless, in this report, we have compiled all these aspects and our readers, you, can decide whether Tamil Nadu you live in is best in education – Kalviyil Sirantha Tamil Nadu’ or the worst of them all – Kalviyil Kalviyil Tharai Mattam Tamil Nadu.
TN Students Struggle In Literacy And Numeracy
ASER Report 2024
The recent ASER 2024 report highlights a disturbing gap in foundational literacy and numeracy across India, with some states showing significant recovery from pandemic disruptions while others, like Tamil Nadu, are lagging behind in key educational indicators. The report compares the progress of various states, and despite Tamil Nadu’s reputation for educational advancements, it has notably fallen short, particularly in government school performance.
Reading Skills
In 2024, when comparing literacy levels between Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh for children in Standard III, Uttar Pradesh has made notable strides, especially for students able to read at the Standard II level. Tamil Nadu’s performance, however, is concerning: 8.6% of children cannot even recognize letters, 18.2% can only read letters but not words, and 36.3% can read words but not Standard I-level text. Only 12% of children can read at a Standard II level. Uttar Pradesh, by comparison, shows better results, with 34.3% of students reading at the Standard II level, a significant improvement over Tamil Nadu, which has traditionally been viewed as an educational leader. More troubling is the situation in higher classes: 45.3% of Class VI students, 56.1% in Class VII, and 64.2% in Class VIII can only read at a Standard II level.
(ASER – Tamil Nadu)
(ASER – Uttar Pradesh)
Tamil Nadu’s struggle to maintain or improve its literacy rates is evident. Despite claims by the government of improvements such as the Illam Thedi Kalvi program, literacy rates have not shown significant progress. In fact, in 2022, the percentage of children in Standard III reading at a Standard II level had drastically fallen to just 4.7%, a sharp decline from 16.8% in 2014. On the other hand, Uttar Pradesh, despite having a lower percentage in 2014 (6%), showed continuous improvement, reaching 27.9% in 2024.
(ASER – Tamil Nadu)
(ASER – Uttar Pradesh)
Numeracy Skills
The situation in numeracy is similarly troubling. In Tamil Nadu, the performance of Standard III students in arithmetic shows significant gaps. 5.9% of children cannot recognize numbers from 1 to 9, and 15.2% can recognize numbers up to 9 but struggle with numbers up to 99. 51.2% of students can recognize numbers up to 99 but cannot perform subtraction, while only 2.2% can perform division. Uttar Pradesh, although still facing challenges, shows better performance in numeracy, with 16.4% of children able to perform division, compared to just 2.2% in Tamil Nadu.
The trend analysis for Standard III students performing subtraction from 2014 to 2024 reveals fluctuating performance in Tamil Nadu, with a sharp decline seen in 2022, likely due to the pandemic. However, by 2024, the percentage of students able to perform subtraction has increased to 27.6%, still behind Uttar Pradesh, which has steadily improved over the years. In contrast, Uttar Pradesh’s progress in numeracy is more consistent. The state showed remarkable improvement, reaching 31.6% in 2024, surpassing Tamil Nadu’s performance.
(ASER – Tamil Nadu)
(ASER – Uttar Pradesh)
The performance in higher classes also highlights a concerning trend for Tamil Nadu. In Standard V, the percentage of children who can perform division has decreased from 25.6% in 2014 to 20.2% in 2024. Meanwhile, Uttar Pradesh has made significant strides, with the number of children performing division rising from 12.1% in 2014 to 31.8% in 2024.
In Standard VIII, Tamil Nadu’s ability to perform division has also declined, with 37.8% of children being able to perform division in 2024 compared to 39.6% in 2014. Uttar Pradesh, however, has shown a notable improvement, jumping from 30.5% in 2014 to 45.6% in 2024, surpassing both Tamil Nadu’s performance and its own previous figures.
NAS Report 2021
The National Achievement Survey (NAS) 2021 busts all these bloated claims of ‘Dravidian Model’ of education. Students in Tamil Nadu fare way below the national average across classes and subjects.
Here are some data points that highlight the abject failure of the much-hyped Dravidian Model.
Tamil Nadu Students Can’t Read/Write Basic Tamil
Only 25% of Class 3 students were found to be proficient in Tamil. 63% of Class 3 students are at basic and below basic level. While the national average of marks scored by Class 3 students in Language stands at 323, Tamil Nadu’s average score is 320 out of 500.
State-wise performance of Class 3 students in Language
The learning outcomes in Tamil worsens as students progress to higher grades.
The average achievement score of Class 5 students in Language is 298 (national average 309) and that of Class 8 students is 284 (national average 302).
State-wise performance of Class 5 students in LanguageState-wise performance of Class 8 students in Language
For all the talk about Tamil pride by Dravidian Stockists, Tamil Nadu fares the worst in ‘Language’ of all the southern states.
Such has been the contribution of the Dravidian Stockists in promoting and preserving the Tamil language.
On the other hand, students in states like Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Odisha, Rajasthan have scored higher than national average.
Looking at this pathetic state of Tamil education in the state, it becomes amply clear that Tamil is not under threat due to Hindi or Sanskrit imposition but from the imposition of Dravidian Model of development.
Tamil Nadu Students Lack Analytical And Basic Math Skills
Only 46% of Class 3 students can read and write numbers upto 999 using place value. The numbers for Class 5 students would give a jolt as the average performance of children is less than 50% in every skill listed.
58% of Class 5 students can’t even apply basic mathematical operations in real life situations. It is a different matter that this is the case across India but what is important is that Tamil Nadu is below the national average in every parameter.
Performance of Tamil Nadu Class 5 students in different mathematical skills
Only 40% of Class 8 students were able to solve problems on daily life situations involving fractions and decimals. The national average for the same skill is 48%. In every skill, Tamil Nadu students fare worse than their counterparts in other states.
Performance of Tamil Nadu Class 8 students in different mathematical skills
The average score secured by class 10 students in Mathematics is a 20 less than the national average with only 7% of the students having attained proficiency in the subject.
On the other hand, Bihar, Odisha, Rajashtan and Uttar Pradesh who the Dravidian Stockists call as ‘paanipoori wallas’ fare much better than Tamil Nadu students. In fact, scores of Bihar (229) and Rajasthan (256) are way above the national average.
State-wise performance of Class 10 students in Mathematics
Alarming Levels Of Scientific Aptitude
The proficiency of Tamil Nadu students over Science paints a pall of gloom over the scientific capital that the state can produce in future.
Only 2% of students in Class 10 were found to be proficient having acquired the necessary skills and learning outcomes of their level.
Performance of Tamil Nadu Class 10 students in different Science skills vis a vis national performance
PARAKH 2024
Let’s take a look at the learning outcomes for Tamil Nadu as per PARAKH 2024 survey.
Below National Average In All Subjects
Across all three assessed grades, Grade 3 (Foundational), Grade 6 (Preparatory), and Grade 9 (Middle), Tamil Nadu’s average performance was consistently below the national average in every core subject: Language, Mathematics, Science, and Social Science.
In contrast, the “Hindi” belt or BIMARU states such as UP, Bihar, MP, performed better.
Uttar Pradesh exceeded national averages in foundational numeracy and literacy (Grade 3).
Madhya Pradesh scored above or equal to the national average in Mathematics in Grades 6 and 9.
Bihar showed growth in Language and Science scores, narrowing the gap significantly with southern counterparts.
District-Level Underperformance
None of Tamil Nadu’s districts featured among the top 50 districts nationally in any grade. However, multiple TN districts were among the bottom 50:
Let us now take a look at the foundational weaknesses and gaps.
Foundational Competency Deficits
Less than 50% of Tamil Nadu’s Grade 3 students could perform basic reading or numeracy tasks, indicating deep-rooted foundational gaps.
In contrast, UP and MP students demonstrated better foundational competency with more than 60% proficiency in several indicators.
Declining Performance by Grade 9
Tamil Nadu’s students showed steep learning attrition by Grade 9:
Math competency scores dropped to ~33–37%
Science understanding was limited to 36–38%
Social Science and Civics averaged below 40%, pointing to weak conceptual comprehension
These metrics indicate a failure to transition from rote learning to conceptual application.
Teacher Preparedness and Pedagogy
Only 25% of teachers in Tamil Nadu underwent professional development in the last year among the lowest in India.
Less than 50% of teachers used toy-based learning or project-based assessment, lagging behind even northern states that have adopted NEP 2020-aligned practices.
ICT-based training participation was also below par compared to Madhya Pradesh and Bihar, which invested in EdTech post-COVID.
Inclusion, Well-Being, and Infrastructure Concerns
Let’s take a look at some of the other problematic areas.
CWSN Neglect
Only 28% of schools in Tamil Nadu had appropriate learning materials for Children With Special Needs. Assistive technologies were available in just 17% of schools.
Mental Health and SEL Deficits
17–25% of TN students reported feeling unsafe or anxious in school.
Low availability of counsellors, anti-bullying policies, and SEL practices worsens the learning environment.
Manodarpan, the national SEL initiative, remains poorly implemented in TN.
Digital and Skill Education Gap
Only 38% of students had access to a tablet/laptop at home.
Only 29% of Grade 9 students had enrolled in skill-based education, despite the state’s push for industry-linked education.
Let’s now take a look at how TN compares to a few peers such as UP, Bihar, and MP.
Tamil Nadu’s ideological resistance to NEP 2020 has arguably cost it crucial learning reforms. States like UP, MP, and Bihar, which have aligned their pedagogy, teacher training, and assessment with NEP’s competency-based framework, are now reaping benefits, as reflected in the PARAKH survey.
Even Kerala, while critical of some NEP aspects, adopted assessment reforms and SEL integration faster than Tamil Nadu.
Consistent Underperformance Pattern
Tamil Nadu’s underperformance follows a pattern observed in the previous National Achievement Survey (NAS). In response, the DMK-led government launched initiatives such as the #EnnumEzhuthum scheme to address foundational literacy and numeracy gaps. However, the recent PARAKH results suggest that these interventions have yet to produce meaningful outcomes.
Critics have pointed to the Dravidian Model’s politicisation of NEP 2020, arguing that opposition to the central education policy has come at the cost of addressing core learning outcomes. Commentators have also drawn parallels to the #NaanMudhalvan scheme, launched to boost skill development and placements for youth, which has similarly been criticised for lacklustre training and poor placement results.
Schools Closed Amid Falling Enrolment
In August 2025, official data showed that 207 government primary and middle schools were shut this academic year due to zero student enrolment. Tamil Nadu has over 31,000 such schools with 18.46 lakh students, but many face single-digit strength and poor infrastructure. Officials said enrolment had briefly risen during COVID-19, but parents later returned children to private schools citing teacher shortages and preference for English-medium. Closures were highest in Nilgiris (17), Sivaganga (16), and Dindigul (12). Activists warn more closures loom unless urgent upgrades and proactive enrolment measures are implemented.
Staff Shortage
In July 2025, it came to light that Tamil Nadu was facing a severe staff shortage in its 54,483 Anganwadi centres, leading to the closure of 501 centres this year, including 147 in Chennai. Over 28,000 positions, mainly teaching roles, remain vacant due to retirements and lack of new appointments since 2018. With only 75,468 staff out of the required 1.04 lakh, teachers often manage multiple centres, straining supervision and care. Parents are increasingly avoiding understaffed centres, opting for private schools if affordable. The government plans to fill 7,842 posts, but experts warn more closures may occur unless urgent action is taken to safeguard child nutrition, safety, and early education.
In January 2025, Tamil Nadu’s government schools were found to be facing a severe teacher shortage, with 2,758 schools operating with only a single teacher, serving 80,586 students. The state has 496 schools with no enrolled students, yet 889 teachers remain assigned to these vacant institutions, reflecting inefficient deployment. On average, schools have just nine teachers each, while the teacher-student ratio stands at 1:24. This understaffing compromises education quality, with single-teacher schools struggling to manage multiple classes and responsibilities.
Headmaster Shortage
Tamil Nadu is facing a critical shortage, with over 1,000 headmaster positions and thousands of teaching roles unfilled in government schools. This lack of teachers has made it increasingly difficult for educators to effectively teach students.
While all government schools fall under the Department of School Education, various wings of the department are responsible for primary and secondary schools. In Tamil Nadu, approximately 25,50,997 students are enrolled in 31,336 primary schools, with around 1,08,537 teachers. In secondary schools, there are 6,218 institutions across the state, with 27,24,256 students and 1,16,863 teachers.
The shortage of teachers and headmasters is creating significant challenges for both educators and students. Despite this, the government has failed to address these vacancies. According to teachers’ unions, more than 1,000 headmaster positions remain vacant in the state’s 37,000 primary, middle, and high schools.
What is even more alarming is the fact that the last recruitment for primary school teachers took place in 2021-2022, filling a mere 14 positions. For secondary schools, 3,043 vacancies were filled in the 2022-2023 academic year. The DMK government, instead of addressing this shortage, has resorted to using temporary staff, allowing the education system to spiral into chaos.
Crumbling Infrastructure of Dravidian Model Schools
Ceiling collapses in Dravidian Model schools, that too newly renovated ones are not new. Here is a list of such instances from the past few months.
#1 Krishnagiri
On 27 August 2024, three Class 11 students were injured when ceiling plaster fell at a newly opened government school in Krishnagiri. Built with MP funds, the incident sparked protests by over 50 parents demanding action against the contractor for alleged poor construction. Authorities assured accountability and safety measures.
#2 Thiruporur
On 9 August 2024, theceiling of a classroom at a government school in Thiruporur collapsed, injuring five female students and sparking protests from parents who questioned the quality of the construction. The incident occurred at the Government Higher Secondary School in Siruthavur village, which serves over 350 students. At around 2 PM on 8 August 2024, a section of the ceiling in a Class 10 room gave way while 48 students were inside. Five girls sustained injuries and were promptly transported to the Thiruporur government hospital. According to police sources, two of the students were treated and sent home, while Suji, Prathikshaw, and Tamilrasi were admitted with multiple injuries.
#3 Kanchipuram
In another incident in July 2024, the ceiling of a newly constructed Panchayat Union Middle School near Kanchipuram collapsed, causing significant concern. The building, completed three months prior at an estimated cost of ₹62 lakhs, had its ceiling in one classroom suddenly give way. The incident resulted in a fan blade bending. Fortunately, the students were on the ground at the time, offering their prayers, and no one was injured. In response, parents demanded an immediate investigation by the District Collector into the building’s stability and called for strict action against those responsible. The Panchayat Union Primary and Middle Schools in Kuruvimalai had three new structures erected at a cost of ₹61.73 lakhs before the last parliamentary elections.
#4 Tirupattur
On 3 March 2024, three students from a government school near Vaniyambadi were seriously injured when the roof of a newly inaugurated classroom gave way. The collapse occurred at a panchayat union primary school in Shankarapuram, Tirupattur district.
#5 Vaniyambadi
Three students were seriously injured when the roof of a newly inaugurated classroom collapsed at a panchayat union primary school in Shankarapuram, Vaniyambadi, Tirupattur district, on 4 March 2025. The building, constructed in 2023–2024 at a cost of ₹21 lakh with funds from AIADMK MLA Senthilkumar, had been inaugurated in August 2024. The injured students, Praneeth (Class 1), Sudarsan (Class 3), and Vishek, were rescued and taken to a private hospital.
#6 Dindigul
Seven students were injured on 7 March 2025 when the roof of a recently repaired fourth-grade classroom collapsed at Dindigul Corporation Middle School. The school, built in 2009 during the DMK government, has faced structural issues, prompting ₹1 crore worth of repairs, including the affected classroom. The incident sparked panic among parents and led to the suspension of Assistant Executive Engineer Thiagarajan. Former AIADMK Minister C. Sreenivasan blamed substandard construction, while DMK Minister I. Periyasamy defended government efforts, attributing the collapse to an older faulty repair.
#7 Tiruvarur
On 7 April 2025, a roof collapse at a government middle school in Sekalangiri village, Tiruvarur district, injured four students during class. One student was seriously hurt and taken to Tiruvarur Medical College, while three others were treated for minor injuries. The building, less than a year old, has sparked public outrage over construction quality. Parents and locals demanded an immediate investigation and accountability for the substandard work. The incident follows a similar accident in Kanchipuram a day earlier, intensifying concerns about student safety in Tamil Nadu’s government schools. Many parents are now hesitant to send their children to school.
#8 Ranipet
In Ranipet, a 13-year-old boy from Thenkadappanthangal sustained serious head injuries when a boundary wall collapsed at his government school during lunch break. The eighth-grade student of the Government Panchayat Union Middle School was playing near the wall when it suddenly gave way. He was first rushed to Walajapet Government General Hospital and later transferred to CMC Hospital in Ratnagiri for advanced treatment. The incident prompted visits from education officials and has sparked concern among local residents.
#9 Erode
A year-old government school building in Tamil Nadu’s Erode district collapsed on 20 July 2025, raising fresh concerns over construction quality in state-run institutions. The Panchayat Union Middle School in Kugalur, inaugurated by Chief Minister M.K. Stalin in July 2024 at a cost of ₹64.33 lakh, saw its roof cave in on a holiday, avoiding casualties. The incident adds to a series of similar structural failures reported across districts in the past year, fueling allegations of corruption and negligence in public infrastructure projects. Parents and residents voiced fears for children’s safety in Dravidian Model government schools.
#10 Trichy
On 22 September 2025, part of the roof at Singalanthapuram Panchayat Union Primary School near Thuraiyur, Trichy district, collapsed, highlighting ongoing concerns over unsafe school infrastructure in Tamil Nadu. The building, constructed at a cost of ₹30.05 lakh, serves 34 students from classes 1 to 5. The collapse occurred in the morning as the headmaster opened the premises, with debris damaging benches and an LED TV. Fortunately, no children were present as it was a weekend. Officials acknowledged that if the incident had taken place during school hours, it could have caused serious injuries or fatalities.
#11 Chennai ‘Model School’ Students Expose Crumbling, Unsafe Conditions
In 2023, students at the Government Higher Secondary School in Mogappair, Chennai, raised disturbing complaints about unsafe and unhygienic conditions in what is officially designated a “model school.” They alleged crumbling ceilings, water leakage, and lack of proper toilets, with one girl recalling that part of the ceiling collapsed during exams. Despite repeated pleas, management reportedly responded with indifference and even hostility, forcing girls to clean toilets and verbally harassing those who resisted. Students said toilets are unusable due to filth, and many wait until reaching home to relieve themselves. During the monsoon, classrooms were flooded with stagnant water, mosquitoes, and pests, yet no action was taken. Security lapses have allowed outsiders to enter, vandalize fans, smoke, and drink inside classrooms on weekends.
Tiruppur Govt School Students Struggle Without Classrooms
At Veerapandi Government Higher Secondary School in Tiruppur, in July 2025, it came to light that over 1,200 students from Classes VI to XII are crammed into just 19 classrooms, forcing hundreds to study on terraces, verandahs, and corridors. During rains, these makeshift spaces flood, disrupting lessons. Parents and alumni say problems persist since 2017, with 100–150 students packed into single rooms, poor sanitation, no playground, and just two PE teachers. Despite repeated appeals, expansion plans have stalled in bureaucracy. Officials now claim new land has been identified, but parents remain sceptical. With monsoons approaching, the school’s dire infrastructure crisis remains unresolved.
Administrative Failures
Let’s take a look at how the administration has deteriorated over the past few years under the DMK government.
On 12 June 2025, Kallakurichi government school students were served with food contaminated with worms and bugs. Students in a viral video emotionally pleading with the state’s education minister for clean and safe mid-day meals. According to reports, the mid-day meal served was prepared using rice that had been stored unused for over a month during the summer break. As a result, the food was spoiled, filled with worms, and emitted a strong foul odor.
On 12 June 2025, students at CV Government School in Thoothukudi were compelled to carry hollow bricks for ongoing school construction work.
On 2 June 2025, students at Tirunelveli’s Manakavalam Pillai Nagar government school continue to face poor conditions as a new building promised three years ago remains incomplete, forcing them to study in a temporary rented space with just one shared restroom. DMK councillor Indira led a protest, criticizing her own party for neglecting the project and demanding urgent action.
On 5 April 2025, Two staff members at a government primary school in Kollamedu were arrested for assaulting a fifth-grade student who questioned the missing eggs during lunch. The student confronted staff after finding eggs hidden in the kitchen, prompting the cook and assistant to attack her with a broom.
On 26 March 2025, Ponnagaram villagers protested against the government as students at the Government High School have been forced to study under tree shades and temporary sheds for six years due to the lack of proper classrooms, despite the school’s strong academic performance. The school serves 272 students with only two classrooms and one toilet, forcing villagers to build makeshift shelters.
On 10 March 2025, students at a government school in Thiruvallur were compelled by their headmaster and teachers to carry bricks on a holiday. Locals have accused the headmaster of mistreating the students and disregarding multiple warnings about this forced labor.
On 9 November 2024, a government-aided girls’ school in VK Puram, near Ambasamudram, screened Tamil films such as Vijay’s ‘GOAT’ to senior students and Rajinikanth’s ‘Vettaiyan’ to younger students, with charges of ₹25 and ₹10 per student, respectively.
In June 2024 the government secondary school in Theethipalayam, Coimbatore, faced a severe classroom shortage, leading to a decline in student admissions and forcing existing students to attend classes under trees and in the parking area. Despite ongoing construction, about 100 students in classes 8 and 9 are left without proper facilities.
On 27 August 2024, three students were injured when a section of the ceiling plaster fell on them during class at a government-run school in Krishnagiri. The accident raised significant concerns about the safety and structural integrity of the building, which had only been opened two months ago with MPLADS fund.
In August 2024, anotherceiling of a classroom at a government school in Thiruporur collapsed, injuring five female students and sparking protests from parents who questioned the quality of the construction.
On 12 June 2024, the administration of St. Paul’s Girls’ Higher Secondary School in Mayiladuthurai forced students to clean their classrooms to “instill” discipline, a practice exposed when a ninth-grade student refused and was slapped by a teacher.
In November 2023, the Government Higher Secondary School in Mogappair, Chennai, became a site of student distress due to poor conditions, including unhygienic facilities and unsafe infrastructure. Girl students raised alarming concerns that they were subjected to verbal harassment and forced cleaning duties, with teachers complicit in the mistreatment.
In September 2023, a disturbing video went viral showing mentally challenged students at a Tamil Nadu government-aided school, run by the Church of South India (CSI), being forced to clean toilets. The students, attending the CSI School for the Mentally Challenged in Sivakasi, were reportedly made to perform this task as part of their school routine. The incident, involving over 100 students, sparked outrage after the video was shared on social media.
Around June 2025, the Panchayat Union Higher Secondary School in Thirupalaikudi, R.S. Mangalam Taluk, was reported to lack basic facilities, including functioning toilets. Shockingly, the space near the defunct toilets was being used as a kitchen to prepare mid-day meals, causing severe hygiene and safety concerns. Female students were particularly affected, facing discomfort and unsafe conditions while attending school. Local residents and social activists have urged authorities to intervene immediately and restore proper sanitation and cooking arrangements.
In Salem district’s Athur-Thalaivasal region, a viral video in November 2024 sparked outrage after showing students at a government high school massaging their mathematics teacher, Jayaprakash, to help him sleep during afternoons. The footage, along with other videos, also revealed the teacher sleeping in classrooms instead of teaching. Allegations suggest that Jayaprakash summoned students for these tasks during non-class periods and, at times, arrived at school intoxicated. Despite reports to the headmaster, no action was reportedly taken, raising concerns about student exploitation, teacher misconduct, and administrative inaction in government schools.
Proselytization Attempts At Govt Schools
So far, we only saw the regular failures. Did you know that government schools even became a target for proselytization? Take a look at the number of times this happened.
On 2 May 2025, schoolchildren in Pollachi were taken without parental consent from a government school to a church, where they were forced to pray and undergo religious instruction under the guise of a health awareness camp. Parents, shocked by the incident and the attempt at religious conversion, confronted the organizers and rescued their children, leading to police filing a case against those involved.
In October 2024, the headmistress of Government High School in Diwanshah Pudur allowed Friday Namaz to be held on school premises, disrupting the secular environment. The prayers have been conducted regularly such practices may cause religious discord and mental distress as the school serves a diverse student body
In August 2023, protests erupted in Acchankuttam village, Tenkasi, over concerns that a government-aided Christian school was engaging in proselytization. The Tahsildar filed a complaint, leading to police action against 12 individuals accused of inciting communal unrest by mobilizing Hindu parents to withdraw their children from the school. The case stems from fears of religious conversion within the school.
In 2022, Beatrice Thangam, a tailoring teacher at a government school in Kanyakumari district, Tamil Nadu, was accused of making objectionable remarks about Hindus and attempting to preach Christianity to her students. A Class 6 student revealed in a video that Thangam referred to Hindus as “sathaan” (devil), forced students to read the Bible, and even made them kneel and recite Christian prayers. The teacher allegedly pressured Hindu students to stitch Christian crosses and dismissed the Bhagavad Gita as “bad.”
In 2022, a 17 year old girl studying at Sacred Heart Higher Secondary School in Thirukattupalli near Thanjavur, committed suicide by drinking poison after she was allegedly tortured to convert to Christianity by the school for her to continue her studies.
Caste Pride & Violence
For all the credit that the Dravidianists claim for “eradicating caste”, we have seen a huge surge in caste violence in schools. Here are a few such instances:
A 10th-grade student at a government-aided school in Sripuram, Tirunelveli, was dismissed for carrying weapons, including a sickle and knives, after a student clash. The weapons were discovered during a routine bag check on 18 September 2024. .
On 30 July 2024, two students at the Government Higher Secondary School in Valliyoor, Tirunelveli, were injured in a caste-related clash triggered by derogatory remarks about a specific caste written on a toilet wall.
In December 2023, students from Periyar Government Higher Secondary School in Cheranmahadevi attacked students from a nearby polytechnic college over caste issues, leaving one student stabbed.
On 1 July 2024, another instance of caste-based pride sparked a clash among 12th-grade students at Rosalind Chelliah Government Higher Secondary School in Maruthakulam village, Nanguneri, Tirunelveli.
Sexual Assault/Harassment At Govt Schools Surged
If caste violence and other administrative failures weren’t enough, the government schools also saw sexual assault cases peak under the DMK.
On February 2025, Kumaresan (57), a lab assistant at a government school in Salem, was arrested under the POCSO Act for allegedly sexually harassing female students.
A second-grade student at Podhavur government primary school in Trichy was allegedly sexually assaulted by teacher Jayaraj Susainathan while cleaning the classroom. Following a complaint from the parents, Jayaraj was arrested. It has been revealed that there have been sexual harassment complaints against him for the past decade, with the teacher reportedly threatening the students and their families during this time.
A 58-year-old assistant headmaster of a government high school in Pudukottai was arrested on 17 February 2025 under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act for allegedly sexually harassing multiple girl students.
Sivakumar, a 40-year-old temporary physical education teacher, allegedly sexually harassed the 11th grade student and violated her by making inappropriate comments about her appearance. Following an investigation Omalur All Women Police Station registered a case under the POCSO Act.
3 Govt School Teachers – Arumugam (48), Chinnaswamy (57), and Prakash (37) in Krishnagiri arrested under the POCSO Act for gang-rape of an 8th grade student resulting in pregnancy and an abortion
Ilayakannu, a 37-year-old teacher from Neyyamali, Bettanayakkanpalayam, Salem district, had been arrested under POCSO act for sexually harassing 10th and 11th grade students at the Yercaud government higher secondary school.
On 3 September 2024, Dr. S. Samson Daniel (31), a government doctor, was arrested under the POCSO Act on sexually assaulting minor girls at a hostel affiliated with a government-aided school in Trichy. His mother, S. Grace Sagayarani (54), who is the headmistress of the school, was also taken into custody for helping to cover up the offenses.
On August 2024, a 13-year-old girl was allegedly sexually assaulted by a Naam Tamizhar Katchi (NTK) functionary named Sivaraman during a fake National Cadet Corps (NCC) camp at a private school near Bargur in Krishnagiri district.
A math teacher Sundara Vadivelu working at a corporation school at Noyyal Road in Tiruppur was arrested for sexually harassing multiple students and allegedly targeted seventh-grade students over the past few months. Sources indicate that more than ten children have come forward with complaints so far.
Suresh, a Tamil teacher at Ariyalur Government School, was arrested under the POCSO Act for sexually harassing a 6th-grade student. He threatened the student’s life to keep it secret, but she informed her parents, who then filed a police complaint.
In July 2025, a 51-year-old science teacher at a government higher secondary school near Ooty was arrested for allegedly sexually assaulting 21 girl students, exposing grave safety lapses in Tamil Nadu’s government schools. The misconduct surfaced during a police awareness programme, with students from Classes 7, 8, and 10 filing written complaints. Despite earlier warnings to the headmistress on June 25, no action was taken. The teacher was remanded under POCSO and BNS provisions.
In February 2025, three teachers at a middle school in Krishnagiri were arrested for allegedly assaulting a 13-year-old girl.
Substance Abuse
August 2024: A Chennai school in Kalyanapuram, Vyasarpadi, has become a hotspot for underage substance abuse, with students as young as pre-teens consuming beer and tobacco. A report on 23 August 2024, revealed a Class IX girl drinking beer in the classroom on her birthday, with her Class VII brother purchasing it, while three Class X boys were caught smoking Beedis. These incidents highlight a disturbing trend of substance abuse among students at the school.
June 2025: In June 2025, students at the Panruti Government Boys Higher Secondary School in Cuddalore district were reportedly caught using drugs such as ganja and creating a ruckus on campus. When a teacher attempted to intervene, he was attacked with stones by the students. The incident has prompted public calls for stricter measures against drug use in schools and for proper counseling services to support students.
June 2025: A 10th-grade girl from a Chennai government school was hospitalized with severe stomach pain, leading to the discovery of drug use and a medication-induced abortion. An investigation revealed she was exploited by two men, Leo and Prasanth, whom she met via Snapchat. Leo, a distant relative, allegedly gave her drugs and had sexual relations with her, resulting in pregnancy. Prasanth continued supplying drugs and abusing her. Police found hundreds of explicit videos on her phone, filmed while she was intoxicated. The case, registered under POCSO, exposes severe lapses in child safety and rising drug abuse among teenagers, leading to her rehabilitation.
Midday Meal Food Poisoning Incidents
Over the past few years, several food contamination/poisoning incidents have been reported across various districts in Tamil Nadu raising alarming questions about the quality control, hygiene practices, and oversight in the state’s school meal schemes. Despite repeated occurrences, little seems to have been done to prevent these avoidable mishaps.
#1 24 June 2025: over 50 students at Anaivari Panchayat Union Primary School reportedly fell ill after consuming breakfast suspected to have contained a lizard in Villupuram district. Several students fainted and vomited shortly after eating and were rushed to Kalpattu Government Primary Health Centre. Two temporary kitchen staff were dismissed, and the School Education Department launched an investigation.
#2 July 2025: In a government-run hostel linked to the Government Girls’ Higher Secondary School in the Courtallam area, nine female students fell ill after breakfast and were admitted to Tenkasi Government Hospital. The hostel is reportedly managed by the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Department.
#3 13 August 2025:Eight students were hospitalized after a lizard was allegedly discovered in their breakfast of rava khichdi provided under the Chief Minister’s Breakfast Scheme at Punairuppu Government Primary School in Thiruvarur district.
#4 10 September 2022: In Tiruvannamalai district’s, Mothakal village, 47 students were hospitalized after eating contaminated midday meals that reportedly contained dead lizards.
#5 31 May 2022: In Pudukottai District, three children suffered from vomiting and diarrhea at the Thondaiman Nagar Anganwadi. Food served to 50 children was later found to contain beetles and worms. All children were treated at Pudukottai Government Hospital.
#6 29 October 2022: In Tiruvannamalai district, at a school near Keezhpennathur, 15 students were hospitalized after a lizard’s head was reportedly found in the food consumed by a class 10 student. Over 150 students were enrolled in the school at the time.
#7 September 2025: At a Panchayat Union Middle School in Adhivaraganatham, Cuddalore district, a lizard was found in breakfast served under the government’s meal scheme. Eighteen students had already eaten before detection. Though no health issues were reported, they were treated and sent to Chidambaram Government Hospital for observation. Parents staged protests.
Not Kalviyil Sirantha Tamil Nadu But Kalviyil Tharai Mattam Tamil Nadu
Based on the above evidence, the conclusion is clear and stark: the DMK government’s grand narrative of ‘Kalviyil Sirantha Tamil Nadu’ (Tamil Nadu That Excels in Education) is a carefully constructed myth that collapses under the weight of reality.
The state’s education system is in a profound crisis, characterized by systemic failure on every measurable parameter. The celebratory event in Chennai was a political spectacle, utterly disconnected from the grim conditions in government schools, where students grapple with alarming illiteracy and innumeracy, crumbling infrastructure, administrative neglect, and alarming safety threats, including sexual assault and substance abuse.
The data from national reports (ASER, NAS, PARAKH) is unequivocal: Tamil Nadu is not an educational leader but a laggard, consistently outperformed by states it often derides. The ideological resistance to the National Education Policy (NEP) has cost the state crucial reforms, while its own schemes have failed to deliver meaningful improvements.
Ultimately, the “Dravidian Model” of education has proven to be a catastrophic failure, prioritizing political propaganda over the fundamental right to safe, quality education. The gap between the government’s boastful claims and the heartbreaking ground reality has never been wider, leaving a generation of students to pay the price for this grand deception.
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Sonam Wangchuk – the name of the Ladhaki ‘activist’ has been in the news for some time now, especially after he was arrested under NSA after the Leh protests turned violent.
We had earlier profiled Wangchuk and his background, you can read that here.
In this report, we compile various controversies and allegations concerning activist Sonam Wangchuk, culminating in his arrest in September 2025. It details a pattern of actions and associations that have drawn scrutiny from Indian authorities. The allegations range from violations of financial regulations to connections with organizations and entities perceived as having anti-India agendas.
The report is structured into three parts: specific controversial incidents, funding sources for his non-profits, and his political associations as evidenced by photographs. This compilation presents the case built by authorities and media reports against his activities.
#1 Alleged Links to Pakistani Intelligence
On 27 September 2025, Ladakh’s Director General of Police, Dr. S.D. Jamwal, stated that an investigation had revealed Sonam Wangchuk was in contact with a recently arrested Pakistan Intelligence Operative (PIO). The operative was allegedly relaying information to Pakistan. This serious allegation of a connection with a foreign intelligence agency forms a core part of the case against the activist, suggesting his activities extended beyond environmental and constitutional advocacy and into the realm of national security, leading to a stringent police probe following his arrest.
#2 FCRA Licence Revocation for SECMOL
The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) revoked the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) licence of Wangchuk’s non-profit, SECMOL, on 25 September 2025. The cancellation was due to repeated violations of India’s foreign funding laws governing NGOs. This action effectively severed the organization’s legal ability to receive financial contributions from abroad, crippling a major funding channel. The government’s move was based on alleged non-compliance with regulatory frameworks designed to monitor and control foreign donations, marking a significant escalation in the legal pressure on Wangchuk’s institutional work.
#3 Participation in ‘Breathe Pakistan’ Conference
On 6 February 2025, Sonam Wangchuk participated in the ‘Breathe Pakistan’ conference held in Islamabad, organized by Dawn Media. During his address, he praised the Pakistani media house, stating, “In Pakistan, I see Dawn Media is taking that responsibility as a champion of environment. I wish all countries and in my country and media house really take this responsibility like here.” His physical presence in Pakistan and public appreciation for a Pakistani entity amidst ongoing geopolitical tensions with India was viewed with suspicion by Indian authorities and security agencies.
#4 Historical Allegations from the UPA Era
As far back as 28 February 2007, the then-Congress-led UPA government formally accused Sonam Wangchuk of several violations. These included misusing funds received under the FCRA, illegally occupying 200 kanals of land without paying dues, and having alleged anti-national links with China and other foreign entities. The government also accused him of attempting to disturb the social harmony of Ladakh.
These historical charges indicate that concerns over his activities and funding are not new and have been persistent across different political administrations at the national level.
#5 Land Allotment Revoked for HIAL
On 21 August 2025, the Ladakh administration revoked the lease of 1,076 kanals of land in Phywang village that had been granted in 2018 to Wangchuk’s Himalayan Institute of Alternative Learning (HIAL). Deputy Commissioner Leh, Santosh Sukhdeve, cancelled the allotment, stating the land was not utilized for its intended purpose. The primary condition was the establishment of a legally recognized university, which authorities stated had not been created on the site, leading to the cancellation of the long-term lease for non-fulfillment of project commitments.
#6 Controversial Remarks on Goddess Sita
During an interview on 18 March 2024, Sonam Wangchuk made remarks that sparked widespread outrage. He stated that the “Modi government has turned out to be such a Ram who rescued Sita from Ravan but sold her on the open market after that.” The analogy, which used the revered Hindu deities from the Ramayana to critique government policies on Ladakh, was condemned as highly objectionable and disrespectful by many.
Ravan came in disguise of Ravan but modern day Ravans come disguised as environmentalists, journalists, activists etc
This is Sonam Wangchuk whose only agenda is to talk against the Modi Government. This hatred has become so much that now he’s talking shit about Bhagwan Ram pic.twitter.com/hUtRB36BdX
In March 2024, following the Ladakh administration’s decision to revoke the land allotted to his HIAL project, a coordinated campaign emerged on Pakistani social media platforms. Multiple accounts amplified a narrative portraying Wangchuk as a victim of the Indian government, expressing solidarity with his cause. This support from across the border was cited by critics as evidence that his activism was being leveraged for anti-India propaganda, attempting to internationalize the issue and create a false equivalence between his legal troubles and perceived persecution.
#8 Endorsement of Dan Church Aid
On 26 August 2023, Sonam Wangchuk referred to Dan Church Aid as a “reputed organisation” while alleging that the MHA was leaking his NGO’s details. This endorsement was controversial as Dan Church Aid has been under scrutiny by the Indian government. The Karnataka High Court, in a separate case, had noted that a 2013 MHA communication led the RBI to instruct banks to report any fund transfers from this Denmark-based NGO for clearance before processing, indicating official concerns about its activities in India.
👉 Sonam Wangchuk terms Dan Church Aid, a ‘reputed organisation’
👉 Dan Church Aid is funded by George Soros
👉 Alleges MHA leaking his NGO’s details@Yashfacts28 Educates Phunsukh Wangdu pic.twitter.com/bg3yiznALl
Contrary to the portrayal of his cinematic analogue “Rancho” in the film 3 Idiots as the son of a poor gardener, Sonam Wangchuk hails from an influential political family. His father, Sonam Wangyal, was a prominent Congress leader who served as a minister in the Jammu and Kashmir government. This disparity between his public image as a grassroots everyman and his actual background as part of the political elite has been used by critics to question the authenticity of his narrative and suggest a calculated projection.
#10 Marriage and Spousal Affiliations
Sonam Wangchuk married American Rebecca Norman in 1996. Norman is an academic affiliated with institutions like the School for International Training (SIT), which has ties to the U.S. State Department and receives funding from the Ford Foundation and Open Society Foundations. She is also a known supporter of U.S. President Joe Biden and a critic of Donald Trump. Critics point to this marriage as a direct personal link to organizations and political circles that are often viewed with suspicion by Indian national security agencies.
In May 2017, Gitanjali, who, according to publicly available information, is now his wife—joined Sonam Wangchuk’s Himalayan Institute of Alternatives, Ladakh (HIAL), relocating to Ladakh to support its establishment.
Funding From Anti-India Organizations
Now let us take a look at who funds his activism.
#1 Funding via Club of Rome-Linked Network
SECMOL, founded by Wangchuk, receives funding through FutureEarth Networks. The founder of FutureEarth, Paul Shrivastava, serves as Co-President of The Club of Rome. This global think tank, established with Rockefeller support, is famously known for its 1971 report “Limits to Growth,” which initiated global debates on climate and overpopulation.
Club of Rome (Thread)
Today we are going to tell you about one of most important think tank of Deep State
We will tell you How agenda of Depopulation arrived
And we will exposed a very prominent Indian who was always the member of The Club and his name will shock you
This connection places Wangchuk’s environmental activism within a network associated with globalist agendas that are often critiqued by nationalist voices for potentially undermining the economic sovereignty of developing nations like India.
#2 Partnership with Ford Foundation-Linked NGO
A partner organization of Wangchuk’s SECMOL is Karuna.org. The US chapter of the Karuna Foundation has direct links to the Ford Foundation. Evonne Chen, the Director of Karuna USA, also concurrently leads the Ford Foundation’s BUILD program. This creates a direct organizational and personnel link between Wangchuk’s operations and the Ford Foundation, an organization that has historically been a subject of scrutiny regarding its influence and funding patterns within India, raising questions about the ultimate objectives of the projects being funded.
#3 Chinese Communist Party Funders
The primary funder of Wangchuk’s initiatives, Future Earth networks, operates a China Hub that is hosted and funded entirely by institutes controlled by the Chinese Communist Party (CPC). These include the China Association for Science and Technology, Sun Yat-sen University, and the Southern Marine Science and Engineering Guangdong Laboratory. This funding pipeline directly links the financial support for his work to official organs of the Chinese state, a country with which India has a contentious border dispute, including in the Ladakh region.
#4 Rockefeller-Funded Ashoka Fellowship
In 2002, Sonam Wangchuk received an Ashoka Fellowship, a prestigious award for social entrepreneurs. The fellowship program is funded by a consortium of organizations that includes the Skoll Foundation, Schwab Foundation, and the Rockefeller Foundation. This early career endorsement and funding from powerful, Western-backed philanthropic institutions integrated him into a global network of activists and provided him with initial legitimacy and resources, while also creating a record of acceptance of foreign funding that would later be scrutinized.
#5 Political Appointments Under UPA
Following Manmohan Singh becoming Prime Minister in 2004, Sonam Wangchuk was appointed to significant policy-making bodies. He was included in the Drafting Committee of the Ladakh Hill Council Vision Document, Ladakh 2025, and was also made a member of the National Governing Council for Elementary Education under the Ministry of Human Resource Development. These appointments during the Congress-led UPA government demonstrate his established influence and close ties with the political establishment that was in power at the time.
#6 Awards and Ties to International NGOs
Wangchuk has received several international awards with funding ties to major foundations. These include:
2016 Fred M. Packard Award (funded by Rockefeller, Pew, and Packard Foundations)
2017 TN Khoshoo Memorial Award (Ford Foundation)
2018 Ramon Magsaysay Award, which critics often associate with networks linked to the CIA and Ford Foundation. His affiliations also extend to LEAD India and the International Association for Ladakh Studies, both of which have received funding from the Ford and Rockefeller foundations, illustrating a deep, long-standing financial ecosystem.
Controversial Connections
Let us now take a look at his controversial connections – Urban Naxal connections.
#1 Association with Anti-national Actor Prakash Raj
On 26 March 2024, actor and vocal government critic Prakash Raj met Wangchuk in Leh to support his hunger strike for Ladakh’s statehood and inclusion in the Sixth Schedule. Later, on September 27, 2025, Raj protested Wangchuk’s arrest, posting their photo with the caption, “You can cage a bird, but you can’t stop it from singing.”
This association highlights Wangchuk’s alignment with prominent urban naxals who are known for their strong opposition to the ruling central government and its policies, further politicizing his activism.
#2 Meeting with AAP MP Sanjay Singh
In October 2024, during a protest at Ladakh Bhavan in Delhi, Wangchuk was met by Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) Rajya Sabha MP Sanjay Singh. The meeting occurred as Wangchuk and his volunteers were protesting after being denied permission to demonstrate at Jantar Mantar. This public show of solidarity from a senior leader of a key opposition party directly linked Wangchuk’s Ladakhi demands to the broader political struggle against the ruling BJP, framing his local movement within the context of national opposition politics.
#3 Support from AAP Leaders
On 7 May 2024, Wangchuk received a delegation of Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) leaders, including Abhinandita Dayal Mathur and the party’s Ladakh convener Tsering Phuntsog.
The AAP leaders expressed their support for the four-point constitutional demand for Ladakh that Wangchuk was advocating. This meeting further cemented his connections with the AAP, a party in direct political contest with the BJP, and demonstrated a coordinated effort to gain opposition backing for his cause, amplifying its reach and political significance beyond the Ladakh region.
#4 Photo with Muhammad Yunus
On 8 February 2020, Sonam Wangchuk was photographed with Muhammad Yunus, the Bangladeshi microfinance pioneer and Chief Advisor of Bangladesh, at an event at the British High Commission in Dhaka.
Associations with international figures like Yunus, while part of a global activist network, are often scrutinized by security agencies who assess the nature of these connections and the potential for his local movement in Ladakh to be leveraged by international actors for broader geopolitical narratives concerning the South Asian region.
#5 Meeting with Michelle Bachelet and Controversial Comment
In January 2018, Wangchuk met former Chilean President Michelle Bachelet in Santiago. While posting a photo from the event, he made a controversial comparison, noting that a stronger earthquake in Chile killed far fewer people than a weaker one in Haiti, attributing it to better preparedness.
The comment, while seemingly about disaster management, was perceived by some as an indirect critique of India’s development status compared to other nations, using a natural disaster analogy to make a political point about governance and preparedness on an international platform.
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Speculation is mounting that the Indian National Congress may be considering a dramatic political realignment in Tamil Nadu, potentially abandoning its long-standing alliance with the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in favor of a new partnership with actor-politician Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) for the 2026 state elections. This potential shift comes amid growing tensions between the Congress and DMK, with multiple Congress leaders publicly demanding a greater share of power and seats, while TVK positions itself as a viable alternative to established Dravidian parties.
The political temperature in Tamil Nadu has risen significantly following the tragic Karur stampede at a TVK rally that claimed 41 lives, which unexpectedly opened new channels of communication between national opposition leader Rahul Gandhi and fledgling politician Vijay. As traditional alliances show signs of strain and new players emerge, Tamil Nadu’s political landscape appears poised for potentially significant transformation ahead of the crucial 2026 assembly elections.
Growing Strains in the DMK-Congress Alliance
The tensions between the Congress and DMK in Tamil Nadu have always been pretty visible. Former Tamil Nadu Congress Committee (TNCC) chief KS Alagiri has been vocal about Congress’s “legitimate right” to demand more Assembly seats and a substantial share in governance, arguing that the party’s significant vote bank warrants proportional representation.
The friction escalated when Congress’s Tamil Nadu in-charge Girish Chodankar reportedly made a bold “fifty-fifty demand” at a party meeting in Tirunelveli, seeking 117 Assembly seats out of Tamil Nadu’s 234 constituencies and pushing for a coalition government arrangement. This demand represents more than double the 25 seats Congress contested in the 2021 elections, signaling an unprecedented power grab within the alliance.
Congress Legislature Party Leader S Rajeshkumar further intensified the standoff by expressing doubts about DMK’s electoral prospects and demanding that Congress MLAs be given ministerial berths in any future government. “If the Congress has to grow in Tamil Nadu, we need to be a part of the government, so that we can make a difference in the lives of the people directly,” Rajeshkumar declared.
As regards the Karur stampede, Congress MP Chidambaram’s public criticism of the government’s handling of the stampede has been seen by political observers as particularly significant. “There is fault from all sides. Every party should rectify their fault in the upcoming events,” Chidambaram stated, effectively distancing Congress from the DMK government’s administrative lapses.
His son Congress MP Karti Chidambaram also laid the blame on the government machinery for the tragedy.
Internal party sentiment reflects frustration with being kept “at an arm’s length” by the DMK government, with some Congress functionaries noting the stark contrast with the accessibility enjoyed during former Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi’s tenure.
Historical Context of Seat-Sharing Tensions
The current tensions around seat-sharing arrangements are not entirely new but appear to be intensifying as elections approach.
In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the Congress was allocated only 10 seats (9 in Tamil Nadu and 1 in Puducherry) under the DMK alliance, the same number it contested in 2019.
Congress leaders have pointed to historical precedents, noting the party contested 48 seats in 2006, 63 in 2011, and 41 in 2016, making the current allocation of 25 seats in the 2021 Assembly elections seem comparatively limited.
The public sparring between allies has become increasingly visible, exemplified by the confrontation between Congress MP Jothimani and DMK leader V. Senthil Balaji over alleged defection engineering, with Jothimani warning that the Congress would “never accept such disrespect” in the name of coalition.
The Karur Stampede and Rahul Gandhi’s Phone Call – More Than Condolences?
The tragic stampede at a TVK event in Karur unexpectedly created an opening for political engagement between the Congress and TVK. In a notable development following the Karur tragedy, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi reached out to TVK chief Vijay. While the call to Stalin appeared routine, Gandhi’s direct conversation with Vijay has sparked intense speculation about deeper political consultations.
Sources within Congress circles suggest that the call went beyond mere condolences, with Gandhi reportedly discussing the broader political situation in Tamil Nadu and expressing concern about the administrative failures that led to the tragedy. The timing of this outreach, when Vijay was facing his first major political crisis, is being interpreted as a strategic move to build bridges with the TVK leadership.
Rahul Gandhi’s personal call to TVK chief Vijay to express condolences over the stampede casualties, while also speaking to CM Stalin about the same incident, has been interpreted by political observers as a significant gesture.
The timing of this communication is particularly notable given the existing strains in the DMK-Congress relationship and Congress’s simultaneous demands for a greater political share.
Strategic Calculations for Both Parties
A potential Congress-TVK alliance would offer strategic advantages to both parties.
For Congress, partnership with TVK could provide the opportunity for more substantial seat allocation and potentially greater influence in governance, addressing the party’s current grievances with the DMK arrangement. The fact that over 25,000 people gathered for his rally, more than double the permitted crowd, showcased his mass following, while the administrative failures highlighted the need for experienced political partners.
Congress leaders reportedly see this as an opportunity. Sources suggest that Congress could offer TVK the administrative expertise and national political connections that the fledgling party lacks, while TVK provides the mass base and electoral appeal that Congress desperately needs in Tamil Nadu
For TVK, an alliance with Congress could provide organizational support and access to a statewide network, potentially compensating for the party’s newcomer status in electoral politics.
AICC General Secretary KC Venugopal, who has been handling Tamil Nadu affairs, is reportedly among those advocating for exploring alternatives to the DMK alliance. Sources indicate that Venugopal believes the Congress-DMK relationship has reached a saturation point where further growth is impossible.
The speculation gained further traction when unverified social media reports claimed that “Congress finalises alliance with TVK, 62 seats offered” with “KC Venugopal guided by Rahul led the discussions”. While these reports remain unconfirmed, the timing coincides with increased political activity following the Karur tragedy.
Some analysts suggest that Congress may be using the potential TVK alliance as leverage in negotiations with DMK, with one noting “they will make noises like this to use it as a bargaining chip to get more seats, but they won’t leave”.
The Complex Road Ahead – Navigating Existing Alliances and Commitments
Any potential realignment would require careful navigation of existing political arrangements. The Congress-DMK alliance operates within the broader I.N.D.I bloc framework at the national level, complicating any outright separation in Tamil Nadu.
DMK has been the linchpin of opposition alliances in Tamil Nadu for decades, making a complete Congress departure a significant strategic shift with potential ramifications beyond state politics.
Timing and Strategic Considerations
With elections approaching, all parties face critical strategic decisions. For the Congress, the calculation involves balancing the desire for greater influence in Tamil Nadu against the potential risks of abandoning an established, successful alliance for an untested partnership.
For TVK, the decision involves whether maintaining its stance as an independent alternative outweighs the potential benefits of alliance with a national party.
The coming months will be crucial, with Congress leader Manickam Tagore noting that seat negotiations would typically take place in “January-February” ahead of the elections.
A Political Gambit in the Making
The Karur tragedy has irrevocably shifted the tectonic plates of Tamil Nadu politics. For the Congress, long stifled within the DMK alliance, the crisis presented a stark choice: remain a junior partner in a dwindling arrangement or gamble on a new force with palpable public momentum. The calculated phone call from Rahul Gandhi to Vijay was less a condolence and more a political signal, opening a backchannel that bypasses the DMK entirely.
While public commitments to the I.N.D.I. bloc persist, the underlying logic has fractured. The Congress’s vocal demands for a greater share of power are no longer just bargaining chips; they are the prerequisites for survival, and the DMK appears unwilling to meet them. TVK, meanwhile, offers untapped potential and the promise of a partnership where the Congress could wield real influence.
The established DMK-Congress alliance, once a constant of the state’s politics, is now a vessel cracking under pressure. The events in Karur exposed its structural weaknesses, creating an opening that both the Congress and TVK seem compelled to explore. Whether this realignment culminates in a formal pact or remains a powerful tool of negotiation, one truth is now inescapable: the road to 2026 no longer runs through a stable two-party alliance, but through the uncertain and opportunistic terrain shaped by tragedy and ambition. The old marriage is, if not over, then openly and profoundly broken.
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Rahul Gandhi and KT Rama Rao, both sophisticated scions of famous political families, recently made the audacious attempts to manipulate the Gen-Z of Bharat into creating Nepal-like unrest with indirect calls for political action.
Rahul Gandhi’s social media post proclaimed, “the nation’s youth… Gen Z, will defend the Constitution, protect democracy and stop vote theft. I always stand with them. Jai Hind!”, even invoking Nepal’s student-led protests. This rhetoric is dangerous and hypocritical. Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis aptly described him as an “urban Maoist.” Fadnavis said that “Rahul Gandhi has effectively asked Gen-Z to rise and overthrow a democratically elected government. That’s not ‘vote chori’, it’s his brain that’s been stolen. He speaks the language of urban Maoists who don’t believe in the Constitution or democratic institutions”.
Leaders like Virendra Sachdeva hailed the student’s vote for ABVP as proof that Gen-Z has “shown its resolve” and spurned Rahul’s vision, calling the ABVP’s win a “slap in the face” for Rahul Gandhi. Similarly, KT Rama Rao from Telangana’s political dynasty, who inherited power from his father K Chandrasekhar Rao warned ominously at the NDTV Yuva Conclave that “a Nepal-like Gen Z protest could happen in India if governments fail the aspirations of the people”.
The Nepal Narrative
The narrative peddled by these politicians crumbled when Nepal’s own Gen-Z protesters spoke their truth with clarity and confidence. In exclusive interviews, young Nepali demonstrators openly stated, “Not Oli, we want a prime minister like Modi.” One passionate protester explained, “Nepal needs a PM like Modi who can prioritize the country’s welfare. Under PM Modi’s leadership, India has made remarkable changes in the past decade, and we want to see similar progress in Nepal.” They went on to stress that their demand is not about party politics but about strong, decisive leadership that can deliver jobs, infrastructure, and dignity to the youth.
Many of them expressed frustration over years of political stagnation and corruption, saying they are inspired by the energy and development they see across the border. For these young voices, the call for a “Modi-like” leader reflects a deeper yearning for accountability, growth, and a future where merit takes precedence over family name.
ABVP’s Nationalist Sweep Across Campuses
Over the past few months, India’s Gen-Z delivered their verdict through democratic means, rejecting the anti-national narratives across university campuses. India’s Gen-Z Students are choosing leaders who talk about national pride, development, and everyday campus concerns. The Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) achieved historic victories across multiple prestigious institutions:
Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) 2025: ABVP secured three of four key posts, with Aryan Maan winning the presidency with 28,821 votes, defeating NSUI’s candidate, who managed only 12,645 votes. This is proof that Gen-Z has shown its resolve and demonstrated its faith in nationalist ideology.
Punjab University: In a groundbreaking achievement, ABVP’s Gaurav Veer Sohal won the presidential post for the first time in 48 years, securing 3,148 votes with a margin of 488 votes. This historic victory shattered decades of opposition dominance and established ABVP as a formidable force in Punjab’s academic landscape.
BIG BREAKING NEWS 🚨 ABVP candidate Gaurav Veer Sohal elected as President of Panjab University.
For the first time in history, ABVP won in Panjab University 🔥🔥
AAP backed candidate at 3rd position while Congress backed candidate secured 4th position 😂 Historic victory for… pic.twitter.com/aPeZgng7gP
University of Hyderabad: ABVP completed a remarkable sweep, winning all six posts, including president, vice-president, general secretary, joint secretary, cultural secretary, and sports secretary. The victory came after seven years and was achieved with substantial margins of 400-1,000 votes, demonstrating overwhelming student support.
Gen Z has spoken again – loud & clear in HCU Students’ Union elections after #DUSUElections2025!
Young Bharat trusts #ABVP’s vision of nationalism, student welfare & vibrant campuses.
Assam University: ABVP secured a comprehensive victory with Subham Roy winning the presidency, Pranjal Dey the vice-presidency, Kuldeep Pal as AGS, and Bishal Chanda as Cultural Secretary, reflecting students’ trust in ABVP’s nationalist vision.
ABVP Congratulates the Student Community & Karyakartas of Assam University for winning Assam University Students Union election.ABVP Candidate Shri Subham Roy won as President, Pranjal Dey as Vice President, Kuldeep Pal as AGS and Cultural Secretary Bishal Chanda.
Patna University: In Bihar, Maithili Mrinalini of Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), in a historic win, became the first female President of the prestigious Patna University Students Union (PUSU). She secured victory over her closest competitor, Manoranjan Kumar Raja of the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI), with a margin of 603 votes in the PUSU elections.
High voter turnouts and decisive margins in these campuses make it clear that these victories are not mere accidents but, young voters are showing that they value strong leadership, honest governance and a focus on real issues like infrastructure, opportunities and campus development. This wave of student support signals a generational move away from legacy politics and towards a more active, issue-driven form of participation.
JNU: In April 2025, ABVP made a significant comeback at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) by winning the Joint Secretary post through Vaibhav Meena, marking the organization’s first central panel victory in nine years. While the Left alliance retained dominance by winning the President, Vice-President, and Secretary positions, ABVP’s breakthrough was historic given JNU’s reputation as a Left bastion.
More significantly, ABVP won 23 out of 42 councillor seats across JNU’s 16 schools and special centers – the highest number ever secured by any single organization. This included winning two seats in the School of Social Sciences for the first time in 25 years.
Mangalore University: Completing September’s hat-trick, ABVP secured all six seats in the Mangalore University College student union elections, which the organization described as a “historic mandate”. This victory followed the pattern established at Delhi University and Hyderabad University, reinforcing ABVP’s national reach.
BREAKING NEWS 🚨 📢
ABVP wins all 6 posts in Mangaluru Students Union elections.
Adding to September’s victories, ABVP won student union elections across more than 100 colleges in Uttarakhand, despite the ongoing UKSSSC paper leak controversy. BJP leaders highlighted this as evidence that student confidence in the government remained strong despite opposition claims of youth discontent
High voter turnouts and decisive margins in these campuses make it clear that these victories are not mere accidents, but young voters are showing that they value strong leadership, honest governance, and a focus on real issues like infrastructure, opportunities, and campus development. This wave of student support signals a generational move away from legacy politics and towards a more active, issue-driven form of participation.
Waning Influence of NSUI and Leftist Unions
The so-called traditional opposition student organizations are struggling to connect with today’s student community. The Congress’s NSUI and the various Left-leaning federations, such as SFI and AISA, saw their relevance collapse. NSUI won only one post (VP) at DU but didn’t win a single position at Assam University. Its vote share is dwindling – in DUSU, NSUI won 29,339 votes for VP, but ABVP candidates trounced them elsewhere, and NSUI candidates barely matched the top-tier counts in other races.
Similarly, the AISA–SFI combined polled only a few thousand votes and captured no seats. The so-called student wings of old national parties performed poorly this year. This decline reflects wider trends: Gen-Z voters seem disenchanted with dynastic politics and class-based appeals. Even Congress leaders admit the challenge: NSUI president Varun Choudhary complained that his union was fighting “the combined force” of establishment powers during the DU polls, but results speak louder than excuses. The Gen-Z students clearly prioritized issues and identity over party loyalty.
As MP Nishikant Dubey noted, today’s generation “is against nepotism and dynastic rule”, a sentiment reflected in the margins of every student vote.
A Student’s Perspective
As a student activist observing these developments, I find this shift reassuring. Instead of being swayed by alarmist calls for revolution, Gen-Z in India is embracing electoral and issue-based engagement. Across campuses from the Northeast to the West and North to South, I’ve seen peers prioritize campus problems and national pride. We chant ‘’Vande Mataram’’ and ‘’Jai Hind!’’, not slogans for overthrow. The election results are a reflection of that spirit. They show that despite the anguish and social media uproar, most young Indians want stability and progress under institutions they trust. They prefer leaders who speak of “Vikaas’’ (development) and ‘’Rashtra’’ (Nation) over those who stoke fear or exploit dynastic grievances.
This pattern also undercuts the “anti-national” label that Rahul Gandhi often levels at his opponents. In reality, it is his narrative that has been rejected: the data is plain that Gen-Z voted overwhelmingly for organizations like ABVP, pledging patriotism and integrity. The student electorate has smashed the idea that the students are inclined toward an external model like Nepal’s; instead, they have reaffirmed faith in India’s democratic path. By choosing ABVP candidates, Gen-Z has signalled that it stands with the nation and its future, not with imported agitation.
In the end, Rahul Gandhi and KTR’s attempt to paint Indian students as eager for revolution has failed. As Maharashtra’s CM put it, “the youth of today… firmly believes in the Constitution”. The evidence is on record: at every campus where polls were held, students voted for the pledge “Nation first”, not the divisive rhetoric of dynastic politicians.
Karthik HP is an entrepreneur and ABVP activist.
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Author J.K. Rowling has delivered a sharp rebuttal to Emma Watson following the actor’s recent remarks about their differing views on transgender rights. Watson, who portrayed Hermione Granger in the Harry Potter films, expressed her support for trans rights in a recent podcast while also acknowledging her respect for Rowling prompting the author to respond via a lengthy post on social media platform X.
In her post, Rowling described Watson as being “ignorant of how ignorant she is.” The author, who has long drawn criticism for her views on gender and identity, accused the actress of exacerbating tensions during a period when Rowling was facing serious personal threats.
Critiquing Watson’s understanding of the issue, Rowling wrote, “Like other people who’ve never experienced adult life uncushioned by wealth and fame, Emma has so little experience of real life she’s ignorant of how ignorant she is.”
She continued, “I’m not owed eternal agreement from any actor who once played a character I created. The idea is as ludicrous as me checking with the boss I had when I was twenty-one for what opinions I should hold these days.” Rowling also mentioned her long history with Watson, admitting it had once been difficult to let go of her protective feelings toward the actress she had known since childhood.
Reflecting on a pivotal moment, Rowling pointed to the 2022 BAFTA Awards, during which Watson made a public statement supporting the trans community. Rowling recalled, “Until quite recently, I hadn’t managed to throw off the memory of children who needed to be gently coaxed through their dialogue in a big scary film studio.” She noted that Watson later sent her a message saying, “I’m so sorry for what you’re going through,” which Rowling found more hurtful than the speech itself.
The author described the period as one marked by “death, rape and torture threats” that had forced her to tighten security for herself and her family. She expressed disappointment in Watson, stating, “Emma had just publicly poured more petrol on the flames, yet thought a one line expression of concern from her would reassure me of her fundamental sympathy and kindness.”
Rowling also took aim at what she sees as Watson’s lack of personal exposure to the realities many women face, particularly regarding single-sex spaces. “Emma was ‘never likely to need’ to use the types of single-sex spaces she has campaigned against trans people having access to, such as changing rooms and public toilets,” Rowling wrote.
Expanding on her criticism, Rowling added, “She’ll never need a homeless shelter. She’s never going to be placed on a mixed sex public hospital ward. I’d be astounded if she’s been in a high street changing room since childhood. Her ‘public bathroom’ is single occupancy and comes with a security man standing guard outside the door. Has she had to strip off in a newly mixed-sex changing room at a council-run swimming pool? Is she ever likely to need a state-run rape crisis centre that refuses to guarantee an all-female service? To find herself sharing a prison cell with a male rapist who’s identified into the women’s prison?”
Rowling contrasted her own early life with Watson’s privileged upbringing, asserting, “I wasn’t a multimillionaire at fourteen. I lived in poverty while writing the book that made Emma famous,” and emphasized her belief that Watson’s stance on trans issues shows a disconnect from the lived experiences of vulnerable women. “I therefore understand from my own life experience what the trashing of women’s rights in which Emma has so enthusiastically participated means to women and girls without her privileges.”
During her podcast appearance, Watson shared her thoughts on navigating ideological differences. “It’s my deepest wish that I hope people who don’t agree with my opinion will love me, and I hope I can keep loving people who I don’t necessarily share the same opinion with.” She reaffirmed her support for trans rights, saying, “Trans people are who they say they are and deserve to live their lives without being constantly questioned or told they aren’t who they say they are.”
Rowling, responding to Watson’s recent tone, claimed it seemed calculated. “A change of tack I suspect she’s adopted because she’s noticed full-throated condemnation of me is no longer quite as fashionable as it was.”
She added, “Adults can’t expect to cosy up to an activist movement that regularly calls for a friend’s assassination, then assert their right to the former friend’s love, as though the friend was in fact their mother. Emma is rightly free to disagree with me and indeed to discuss her feelings about me in public but I have the same right, and I’ve finally decided to exercise it.”
Despite their differences, Watson spoke warmly of Rowling during the interview. “There’s just no world in which I could ever cancel her out, or cancel that out, for anything,” she said, adding, “It has to remain true. It is true.” She concluded with a message of hope: “I just don’t know what else to do other than hold these two seemingly incompatible things together at the same time and just hope maybe they will one day resolve or co-join themselves, and maybe accept that they never will, but that they can both still be true.”
Both Watson and fellow Harry Potter star Daniel Radcliffe have previously taken public stances contrary to Rowling’s views on gender identity, which have drawn both criticism and support. Rowling has consistently rejected claims of transphobia, stating that her concerns lie with the protection of women’s rights particularly in single-sex spaces.
Dhanya Rajendran, Editor-in-Chief of the Leftist-Dravidianist portal The News Minute—often seen as DMK’s unofficial mouthpiece—has rushed to shield the Stalin Government from blame over the Karur TVK rally stampede, dismissing actor Vijay’s condolence video as mere ‘conspiracy mongering.’
In a five-minute video statement posted on social media platform X, the actor-politician expressed deep sorrow over the September 27 tragedy. “I have never faced such a painful situation in my life. My heart is filled with pain, only pain. I express my deepest condolences to the families who have lost their loved ones. I know that no word can ever compensate for the loss. Right now, I pray for the speedy recovery of those undergoing treatment at hospitals. I will meet everyone very soon,” Vijay said, addressing the public for the first time since the incident.
Vijay responded to criticism over his quick exit from the site after the stampede, clarifying that his decision was made to avoid triggering further panic.
Hinting at possible political angles behind the tragedy, he remarked, “We went to at least five districts for our campaign, and no such incident took place in any of those places. It only happened in Karur. How did this happen? The public knows the truth, they are seeing everything. Soon all the truth will come out.”
In a direct dare to Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, Vijay stated, “If you want revenge, do whatever you want to me, don’t touch my cadre. I will either be at my home or the office, you can do anything to me.”
He further raised concerns over the FIRs filed against three TVK leaders — district secretary Mathiyalagan, state general secretary ‘Bussy’ Anand, and deputy general secretary Nirmal Kumar — along with several social media commentators, stressing that his party had complied with every instruction given by the authorities.
Dhanya Rajendran Rushes To Defend DMK
Reacting to Vijay’s video, Dhanya Rajendran rushed to defend the DMK government while trying to absolve it of any wrongdoing.
Vijay may not have said the word “sorry” or “apologies” but he did convey his pain and offered condolences to the families of the deceased expressing remorse over the untoward tragedy.
However, Dhanya Rajendran claimed in her X post that Vijay offered no apologies.
Alluding to Vijay’s mention of possible political sabotage, Dhanya Rajendran tried to deflect the blame on DMK by labelling his speech as ‘conspiracy mongering’.
However, eyewitness accounts offer a different take.
Rani, the wife of a TVK functionary who has been arrested, recounted the chaos at the Karur rally, saying things were fine until the bus arrived and people began throwing slippers, sparking a riot-like situation. She described how the crowd pushed and trampled attendees, even strangling a mother and her two children with a party flag. Rani alleged that some outsiders conspired, leaving rowdies in the crowd who sprayed a substance that made people faint. Panic ensued as people fell into a pit, were pushed over one another, and were stamped on in the stampede.
Another eyewitness revealed to the NDA delegation which visited the site about unidentified individuals infiltrating the rally and that some miscreants allegedly used knives to injure attendees.
But all this has been brushed aside by Dhanya Rajendran.
Dhanya Rajendran: Editor-in-Chief of The New Murasoli
Much like Murasoli, the DMK’s official party organ, The News Minute under Dhanya Rajendran has repeatedly displayed patterns of selective reporting, omission, and partisan amplification that align closely with the interests of the ruling DMK.
TNM loudly criticizes the central government on issues of press freedom and arrests of activists, yet remains conspicuously silent when the DMK government in Tamil Nadu clamps down on dissent.
For instance, when the Stalin government announced a Social Media Monitoring Centre under police control to “curb fake news,” TNM raised no alarms — despite the obvious threat it posed to free speech.
Similarly, TNM showed little outrage over arrests and FIRs filed against critics of DMK leaders, including ordinary social media users, while projecting itself as a champion of press freedom elsewhere.
In a classic case of partisan journalism, The News Minute (TNM) and its editor-in-chief Dhanya Rajendran have once again exposed their blatant bias by amplifying Rahul Gandhi’s unsubstantiated allegations of voter fraud while conveniently ignoring the DMK’s brazen misuse of government machinery to harvest voter data under the guise of electoral verification.
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Disturbing eyewitness accounts related to the Karur stampede incident have emerged, with claims that unidentified individuals infiltrated the rally and that some miscreants allegedly used knives to injure attendees. These shocking revelations were presented to an eight-member National Democratic Alliance (NDA) parliamentary committee, constituted by BJP National President JP Nadda and headed by BJP MP Hema Malini.
On 30 September 2025, BJP Tamil Nadu President Nainar Nagendran, accompanied by senior leaders including K. Annamalai, met with the NDA panel to present their findings and testimonies related to the tragic incident.
During the meeting, Annamalai introduced a female eyewitness who had been present at the rally and gave a harrowing account of the chaos that unfolded.
Annamalai questioned her, asking, “How long did this issue last after Vijay came? Half an hour, one hour, 40 minutes. How long were the people in this commotion?”
The woman responded, “He spoke for only about four minutes. Before that, everyone here fainted and fell. I don’t know why they fainted. It’s because of the crammed. I don’t know why it became a crammed. But at the last entry, an ambulance came and stopped unnecessarily. The minute the ambulance stopped, there was a stampede. When the ambulance stopped there, they started to move us aside and when everyone started pushing it created a commotion.”
Further questioning by Annamalai followed: “For how long did this last? After you fell into the ditch, half an hour, one hour, how long?” The witness replied, “It would be one hour. Everyone fainted and fell, and the ambulance going away, it took one hour for all this to clear up.”
When asked, “Then when did Vijay leave?” she said, “Within four minutes, they knew there was a commotion here and started fainting. They threw about 10 bottles of water for them. Before they could get the water, the next minute he left. It’s not just that. It didn’t even take two seconds. The moment the current was cut, they moved.”
Annamalai then asked whether she felt outsiders were present among the crowd. The woman replied, “Sir, definitely there is.” She further explained, “Because we are normal people. Now there are so many of us, we are all normal. But it is clear that they were not normal. Because with a beard, a certain kind of face, they should be normal, right? They were not normal.”
#WATCH | Karur stampede | ""TVK's Aadhav Arjuna went up to Vijay and said that people are fainting. They immediately started throwing water bottles from the vehicle…Local administration failed…The road is 19-ft and the vehicle itself took 12-ft…After the commotion started,… pic.twitter.com/hWvxPgtraF
She also revealed that during the chaos, some individuals wielded knives and injured people who were standing on the opposite side. Four acquaintances and friends standing on the opposite side were slashed and admitted to the Government Hospital.
#WATCH | Tamil Nadu: Members of the eight-member NDA-BJP leaders' delegation interact with people in Karur. On 27th September, a stampede during a public event of TVK (Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam) chief and actor Vijay claimed 40 lives. pic.twitter.com/Qwz2qCp2Pe
The NDA committee, formed to probe the events leading up to the September 27 stampede, includes BJP MPs Anurag Thakur, Tejasvi Surya, Braj Lal, Aprajita Sarangi, Rekha Sharma, as well as Shrikant Shinde from Shiv Sena, and Putta Mahesh Kumar from the Telugu Desam Party (TDP).
The delegation’s objective is to conduct an on-ground investigation, speak with the victims and families of those affected, and prepare a detailed report on the causes and lapses that contributed to the tragic event.
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Uttar Pradesh has seen a noticeable increase in Christian missionary-led conversion activities, raising concerns about religious manipulation through so-called “healing” events, temporary prayer halls, and community gatherings.
These programs, often operating under the guise of offering medical help, financial support, or social upliftment, primarily target economically and socially vulnerable Hindu communities.
Recent cases in cities like Lucknow and Gorakhpur have shed light on the growing use of deceptive tactics by individuals who secretly converted to Christianity commonly referred to as crypto-converts and are now involved in orchestrating mass religious conversions.
Widespread Exposure of Missionary Activities Across India
Similar to earlier reports concerning Islamic missionary work, Christian conversion campaigns appear to be expanding, particularly in rural and semi-urban regions of Uttar Pradesh. The state is now home to numerous Changai Sabhas (healing prayer sessions), temporary churches, and door-to-door outreach led by newly converted Christians who often conceal their religious identity.
These events frequently make promises of healing, improved livelihoods, better job prospects, or even marriage to encourage participation and eventual conversion. However, under Uttar Pradesh’s stringent anti-conversion laws namely the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Religious Conversion Act and applicable sections of the Bhartiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) several individuals have already been arrested and charged.
Lucknow Man Arrested for Converting Over 50 Hindus
In a major case from Lucknow, a man formerly known as Malkhan, now going by the name Mathew, was arrested for allegedly converting more than 50 Hindus. According to the complaint filed by local activist Dharmendra Sharma, Mathew had converted around ten years ago and began holding bi-monthly “healing sessions” at a makeshift venue built on his farmland in Bakhtaurikheda Mehndauli village.
During these gatherings, he reportedly, sprinkled “holy water”, read from the Bible, showed videos of churches and missionary sermons via projector, made claims of curing illnesses such as arthritis, epilepsy, and respiratory conditions and discouraged devotion to Hindu deities and promoted Christianity
An FIR (No. 186/2025) was registered at Nigoha Police Station on September 28. Following the complaint, a team led by ACP Rajneesh Verma and supervised by DCP Nipun Agarwal arrested Mathew and seized Bibles and promotional content from his residence.
Authorities are now investigating the financial sources backing his activities, including a probe into the bank accounts of his family members. Police have confirmed that he also conducted baptism ceremonies, particularly focusing on Scheduled Caste families. The arresting team was rewarded ₹25,000 for their swift action.
Over 100 Villagers Attend Suspected Conversion Event in Gorakhpur
Another case surfaced in Gorakhpur on the same day. A religious gathering held at the residence of Lakshmi Yadav in Bhagaura village, Sahjanwa area, was allegedly part of a conversion campaign. The event, attended by over 100 villagers mostly women was disrupted after members of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) intervened.
Saurabh Jaiswal, VHP’s district vice-president, filed a formal complaint (FIR No. 509/2025) at Sahjanwa Police Station, accusing Lakshmi and unidentified accomplices of attempting to convert attendees by claiming that prayer sessions could cure illnesses.
Lakshmi, whose husband left her years ago, stated during questioning that she began turning to prayer after struggling with kidney stones. She said a person in Bahraich had introduced her to a religious text and daily prayer practices, after which she started hosting weekly prayer sessions under the pretense of offering healing.
She and three others are currently being interrogated. Authorities have confirmed that four people were taken into custody for further investigation.
Broader Pattern Emerging Across the State
These incidents are not isolated. Reports of faith-based conversion attempts disguised as welfare or healing programs are becoming increasingly frequent in Uttar Pradesh. The enforcement of anti-conversion laws has intensified, and many are now watching to see whether the judicial system will deliver strict penalties to those found guilty.
Moreover, these developments have reignited the ongoing debate about the misuse of affirmative action and reservation benefits. Many individuals from Dalit and tribal communities who have converted to Christianity allegedly continue to claim Scheduled Caste benefits that are reserved for Hindus. This has led to growing demands for a policy reassessment, with some suggesting that caste-based benefits should be limited to those who remain within the Hindu fold.
Critics argue that such conversions, often induced through financial incentives or emotional manipulation, dilute the spirit of social justice and divert resources away from those who genuinely need them.
Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam (TVK) chief Vijay broke his silence on Tuesday, days after a deadly stampede at his party’s rally in Karur claimed 41 lives, stating that his heart is filled with “pain, only pain” and assuring the public that “all the truths will come out soon.”
In a five-minute video statement posted on social media platform X, the actor-politician expressed deep sorrow over the September 27 tragedy. “I have never faced such a painful situation in my life. My heart is filled with pain, only pain. I express my deepest condolences to the families who have lost their loved ones. I know that no word can ever compensate for the loss. Right now, I pray for the speedy recovery of those undergoing treatment at hospitals. I will meet everyone very soon,” Vijay said, addressing the public for the first time since the incident.
Vijay also addressed criticism about his abrupt departure from the scene following the stampede, explaining that he acted to prevent further panic. “But something that never should have happened, unfortunately, occurred. I am also just a human. How could I leave Karur when so many people were being affected at the rally at the time? But in order to prevent any further untoward incident or panic situation, I avoided going back,” he clarified.
He also thanked all the political leaders who spoke in support of him and the party.
Hinting at possible political motives behind the tragedy, Vijay noted, “We went to at least five districts for our campaign, and no such incident took place in any of those places. It only happened in Karur. How did this happen? The public knows the truth, they are seeing everything. Soon all the truth will come out.”
In a pointed message that seems to be directed at Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, Vijay declared, “If you want revenge, do whatever you want to me, don’t touch my cadre. I will either be at my home or the office, you can do anything to me.”
He also questioned the FIRs filed against three TVK functionaries – district secretary Mathiyalagan, state general secretary ‘Bussy’ Anand, and deputy general secretary Nirmal Kumar and other social media commentators, asserting that the party had followed all instructions from authorities.
The development comes as two TVK office bearers were sentenced to 14 days’ judicial custody in connection with the stampede, even as CM Stalin earlier urged the public to avoid “irresponsible and malicious news” and await the findings of the one-person judicial inquiry under Justice (Retd) Aruna Jagadeesan.
His affiliations also extend to 
The comment, while seemingly about disaster management, was perceived by some as an indirect critique of India’s development status compared to other nations, using a natural disaster analogy to make a political point about governance and preparedness on an international platform.
Congress May Ditch DMK And Join Hands With TVK For 2026: Reports
Speculation is mounting that the Indian National Congress may be considering a dramatic political realignment in Tamil Nadu, potentially abandoning its long-standing alliance with the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in favor of a new partnership with actor-politician Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) for the 2026 state elections. This potential shift comes amid growing tensions between the Congress and DMK, with multiple Congress leaders publicly demanding a greater share of power and seats, while TVK positions itself as a viable alternative to established Dravidian parties.
The political temperature in Tamil Nadu has risen significantly following the tragic Karur stampede at a TVK rally that claimed 41 lives, which unexpectedly opened new channels of communication between national opposition leader Rahul Gandhi and fledgling politician Vijay. As traditional alliances show signs of strain and new players emerge, Tamil Nadu’s political landscape appears poised for potentially significant transformation ahead of the crucial 2026 assembly elections.
Growing Strains in the DMK-Congress Alliance
The tensions between the Congress and DMK in Tamil Nadu have always been pretty visible. Former Tamil Nadu Congress Committee (TNCC) chief KS Alagiri has been vocal about Congress’s “legitimate right” to demand more Assembly seats and a substantial share in governance, arguing that the party’s significant vote bank warrants proportional representation.
The friction escalated when Congress’s Tamil Nadu in-charge Girish Chodankar reportedly made a bold “fifty-fifty demand” at a party meeting in Tirunelveli, seeking 117 Assembly seats out of Tamil Nadu’s 234 constituencies and pushing for a coalition government arrangement. This demand represents more than double the 25 seats Congress contested in the 2021 elections, signaling an unprecedented power grab within the alliance.
Congress Legislature Party Leader S Rajeshkumar further intensified the standoff by expressing doubts about DMK’s electoral prospects and demanding that Congress MLAs be given ministerial berths in any future government. “If the Congress has to grow in Tamil Nadu, we need to be a part of the government, so that we can make a difference in the lives of the people directly,” Rajeshkumar declared.
As regards the Karur stampede, Congress MP Chidambaram’s public criticism of the government’s handling of the stampede has been seen by political observers as particularly significant. “There is fault from all sides. Every party should rectify their fault in the upcoming events,” Chidambaram stated, effectively distancing Congress from the DMK government’s administrative lapses.
His son Congress MP Karti Chidambaram also laid the blame on the government machinery for the tragedy.
Internal party sentiment reflects frustration with being kept “at an arm’s length” by the DMK government, with some Congress functionaries noting the stark contrast with the accessibility enjoyed during former Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi’s tenure.
Historical Context of Seat-Sharing Tensions
The current tensions around seat-sharing arrangements are not entirely new but appear to be intensifying as elections approach.
In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the Congress was allocated only 10 seats (9 in Tamil Nadu and 1 in Puducherry) under the DMK alliance, the same number it contested in 2019.
Congress leaders have pointed to historical precedents, noting the party contested 48 seats in 2006, 63 in 2011, and 41 in 2016, making the current allocation of 25 seats in the 2021 Assembly elections seem comparatively limited.
The public sparring between allies has become increasingly visible, exemplified by the confrontation between Congress MP Jothimani and DMK leader V. Senthil Balaji over alleged defection engineering, with Jothimani warning that the Congress would “never accept such disrespect” in the name of coalition.
The Karur Stampede and Rahul Gandhi’s Phone Call – More Than Condolences?
The tragic stampede at a TVK event in Karur unexpectedly created an opening for political engagement between the Congress and TVK. In a notable development following the Karur tragedy, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi reached out to TVK chief Vijay. While the call to Stalin appeared routine, Gandhi’s direct conversation with Vijay has sparked intense speculation about deeper political consultations.
Sources within Congress circles suggest that the call went beyond mere condolences, with Gandhi reportedly discussing the broader political situation in Tamil Nadu and expressing concern about the administrative failures that led to the tragedy. The timing of this outreach, when Vijay was facing his first major political crisis, is being interpreted as a strategic move to build bridges with the TVK leadership.
Rahul Gandhi’s personal call to TVK chief Vijay to express condolences over the stampede casualties, while also speaking to CM Stalin about the same incident, has been interpreted by political observers as a significant gesture.
The timing of this communication is particularly notable given the existing strains in the DMK-Congress relationship and Congress’s simultaneous demands for a greater political share.
Strategic Calculations for Both Parties
A potential Congress-TVK alliance would offer strategic advantages to both parties.
For Congress, partnership with TVK could provide the opportunity for more substantial seat allocation and potentially greater influence in governance, addressing the party’s current grievances with the DMK arrangement. The fact that over 25,000 people gathered for his rally, more than double the permitted crowd, showcased his mass following, while the administrative failures highlighted the need for experienced political partners.
Congress leaders reportedly see this as an opportunity. Sources suggest that Congress could offer TVK the administrative expertise and national political connections that the fledgling party lacks, while TVK provides the mass base and electoral appeal that Congress desperately needs in Tamil Nadu
For TVK, an alliance with Congress could provide organizational support and access to a statewide network, potentially compensating for the party’s newcomer status in electoral politics.
AICC General Secretary KC Venugopal, who has been handling Tamil Nadu affairs, is reportedly among those advocating for exploring alternatives to the DMK alliance. Sources indicate that Venugopal believes the Congress-DMK relationship has reached a saturation point where further growth is impossible.
The speculation gained further traction when unverified social media reports claimed that “Congress finalises alliance with TVK, 62 seats offered” with “KC Venugopal guided by Rahul led the discussions”. While these reports remain unconfirmed, the timing coincides with increased political activity following the Karur tragedy.
Some analysts suggest that Congress may be using the potential TVK alliance as leverage in negotiations with DMK, with one noting “they will make noises like this to use it as a bargaining chip to get more seats, but they won’t leave”.
The Complex Road Ahead – Navigating Existing Alliances and Commitments
Any potential realignment would require careful navigation of existing political arrangements. The Congress-DMK alliance operates within the broader I.N.D.I bloc framework at the national level, complicating any outright separation in Tamil Nadu.
DMK has been the linchpin of opposition alliances in Tamil Nadu for decades, making a complete Congress departure a significant strategic shift with potential ramifications beyond state politics.
Timing and Strategic Considerations
With elections approaching, all parties face critical strategic decisions. For the Congress, the calculation involves balancing the desire for greater influence in Tamil Nadu against the potential risks of abandoning an established, successful alliance for an untested partnership.
For TVK, the decision involves whether maintaining its stance as an independent alternative outweighs the potential benefits of alliance with a national party.
The coming months will be crucial, with Congress leader Manickam Tagore noting that seat negotiations would typically take place in “January-February” ahead of the elections.
A Political Gambit in the Making
The Karur tragedy has irrevocably shifted the tectonic plates of Tamil Nadu politics. For the Congress, long stifled within the DMK alliance, the crisis presented a stark choice: remain a junior partner in a dwindling arrangement or gamble on a new force with palpable public momentum. The calculated phone call from Rahul Gandhi to Vijay was less a condolence and more a political signal, opening a backchannel that bypasses the DMK entirely.
While public commitments to the I.N.D.I. bloc persist, the underlying logic has fractured. The Congress’s vocal demands for a greater share of power are no longer just bargaining chips; they are the prerequisites for survival, and the DMK appears unwilling to meet them. TVK, meanwhile, offers untapped potential and the promise of a partnership where the Congress could wield real influence.
The established DMK-Congress alliance, once a constant of the state’s politics, is now a vessel cracking under pressure. The events in Karur exposed its structural weaknesses, creating an opening that both the Congress and TVK seem compelled to explore. Whether this realignment culminates in a formal pact or remains a powerful tool of negotiation, one truth is now inescapable: the road to 2026 no longer runs through a stable two-party alliance, but through the uncertain and opportunistic terrain shaped by tragedy and ambition. The old marriage is, if not over, then openly and profoundly broken.
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