After the arrest of Sattai Duraimurugan, the the policy outreach / propaganda secretary, in Courtallam on 11 July 2024, netizens criticized the DMK government for stifling freedom of speech. They also shared the song that led to Duraimurugan’s arrest, demonstrating solidarity with the idea that criticism is inherent in a democratic society.
Sattai Duraimurugan was arrested for making critical remarks against the Tamil Nadu government and referring to a song that ridiculed former Chief Minister Karunanidhi, during the final phase of election campaigning in Vikravandi.
The complaint was lodged by Arun, the district organizer of DMK IT Wing in Trichy district, resulting in a case being registered against him by the district cybercrime police under multiple sections.
Upon being presented before Trichy District Judge Swaminathan, Sattai Duraimurugan faced charges under various sections, including the Prevention of Atrocities Act. The police had requested 15 days of judicial custody, which the judge declined, leading to Sattai Duraimurugan’s release.
The DMK, expecting the arrest to quell criticism, instead saw the situation escalate, with a song about Karunanidhi becoming a fodder for memes. Even those unfamiliar with the song quickly became aware of it as it spread across the internet, gaining continuous sharing and engagement.
Social media users expressed their protest against Sattai Duraimurugan’s arrest using hashtags like #சதிகாரன்_கருணாநிதி and #கள்ளத்தனக்கருணாநிதி, sharing the song that allegedly tarnishes the “reputation” of Karunanidhi.
— ArunmozhiVarman 🇮🇳 🕉🚩🛕🎻🎧🎙🎶 (@Arunmozhi_Raaja) July 12, 2024
It is to be noted, Sattai Duraimurugan, NTK functionary, has been arrested for the second time in a row. His previous arrest stemmed from accusations of criticizing Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin. However, the Supreme Court intervened, granting him bail and criticizing the government in the process.
Previously, on 8 April 2024, the Supreme Court reinstated the bail granted to YouTuber Sattai Duraimurugan, who faces allegations related to derogatory comments about Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin. The court sharply noted, “If we start jailing everyone who makes allegations on YouTube before elections, the number of people incarcerated would be considerable.”
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The early part of the 18th century was a confusing period in the history of Tamizhagam. Arcot Nawab Muhammed Ali got back his throne after a long battle with his adversary, Chanda Sahib. It was the British who helped him in the Carnatic wars to retain his position of Nawab. He owed a lot of money to the British in place of the war expenses. Unable to pay back, he handed over the right to collect the tax from Polygars (Palayakarars), the chieftains who ruled the southern part of Tamizhagam.
Polygars were already resisting the tax collection from Nawab citing there is no jurisdiction of Nawab in the areas ruled by them. Now that the collection went to the British, it gave them more reasons not to pay the tax. Enraged by this, the East India Company resorted to collecting taxes by force. They had used mercenaries along with their army to subdue the rebels.
Yusuf Khan who was originally known as Marudha Nayagam was one such person employed by the British. He got converted to Islam when he was serving under Chanda Sahib and hence changed his name. Yusuf Khan was sent along with Colonel Heron in 1755 to subdue the Polygars around Madurai and they were fairly successful during the expedition.
After a gap of four years, in 1759, Yusuf Khan was sent again to Madurai as an independent commander and in charge of collecting taxes from the region. This time he had to face the rebellion of Polygars from Nerkattanseval and Ettayapuram
Ettayapuram Palayam was ruled by Jagaveera Rama Ettappar. He was assisted by an able leader Azhagu Muthukon who was ruling the Kattalankulam region. Together they had decided to reject the demands of the British to collect taxes. This had angered Yusuf Khan who had employed cruel methods to collect taxes. He approached Ettayapuram with an army of thousands of soldiers. Due to the treachery of one Kurumalai Thurai, the Ettayapuram army was defeated and Jagaveerarama Ettapar and Azhagumuthukon went to a nearby jungle. There Jagaveera Rama died and Azhagumuthukon made Jagaveera’s son Venkatesa the Polygar of Ettayapuram.
Collecting an army of youth, Azhagumuthukon went to war with Yusuf Khan in Peddanayakanur fort. Unfortunately, his plan was exposed by a minister of Kurumalai. So Azhagumuthukon’s army had to face the British forces led by Yusuf Khan on an open field. Despite being outnumbered by the British forces, they fought bravely. After a fiery battle that lasted more than half a day, Azhagumuthukon was defeated. He along with those who survived the battle were arrested. They were taken to a place called Nadukkatur. Azhagumuthukon was asked to apologize and pay all the taxes due immediately. He refused & categorically rejected Yusuf Khan’s demand.
He was then tied to the mouth of a cannon with iron chains and was blown to pieces. The right hand of the 248 survivors of the battle was cut off by British forces. The Kattalangulam palace and the fort built by Azhagumuthukon were destroyed by the British.
Azhagumuthukon was an early warrior against British authoritarianism. He left a legacy that was an inspiration for the likes of Kattabomman and Marudhu Brothers to take the rebellion against British on a grand scale.
TS Krishnan is a Tamil scholar and author.
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In a recent development in Tamil Nadu, Sattai Duraimurugan, the policy outreach / propaganda secretary of Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK), has been released after being detained. He was arrested following for making critical remarks against the Tamil Nadu government and referring to a song that ridiculed former Chief Minister Karunanidhi, during the final phase of election campaigning in Vikravandi.
The complaint was lodged by Arun, the district organizer of DMK IT Wing in Trichy district, resulting in a case being registered against him by the district cybercrime police under multiple sections.
Sattai Duraimurugan had referred to an old political song that took political jibes at Karunanidhi. This song has been used in various stages multiple times and at times as campaign song by the AIADMK.
For referring to this song, Sattai Duraimurugan was booked under 196 (1), 192, 353, 111 (1) (2) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita and SC&ST Prevention of Atrocities Act because of the word ‘Sandala’ that comes in the song.
He was apprehended by the Trichy District Cyber Crime Squad while he was in Tenkasi District Courtallam, and subsequently taken to Trichy for investigation at the District Crime Branch office. The arrest sparked condemnation from opposition parties, including the BJP and AIADMK.
Upon being presented before Trichy District Judge Swaminathan, Sattai Duraimurugan faced charges under various sections, including the Prevention of Atrocities Act. The police had requested 15 days of judicial custody, which the judge declined, leading to Sattai Duraimurugan’s release.
Following his release, Sattai Duraimurugan addressed the media, expressing intentions to petition the court to dismiss the case against him. He also made allegations that the government had plotted to harm him, while denying ownership of remarks attributed to him during a public appearance.
Sattai Duraimurugan, “The DMK government tried to stop me by putting 11 cases continuously, and again they are trying to stop me with a false case. We have presented our arguments in court; this is clearly a fabricated case. In my 14 years of involvement in Naam Tamilar politics, I have consistently advocated for Scheduled Tribes and oppressed communities. There are 1800 videos on YouTube, among which 800 videos document the suffering and agony of marginalized people.”
He highlighted instances where he stood up for marginalized communities, such as addressing the oppression faced by Scheduled Castes in Vengayvayal, Melpadhi, Sankarankovil, and Nanguneri. Duraimurugan accused the DMK government of initiating baseless cases to suppress him.
Regarding the controversy over the song he referenced, Duraimurugan clarified, “The song I mentioned has been used in AIADMK election campaigns for 31 years and is widely available on social media. I was quoting that the DMK grew their party with song like ‘Palayamkottai Sirayinile’ and ‘Udhayanidhi Udhayanidhi’. I was quoting the song that there is a song like this, it is a song of ADMK and Seeman have sung it. I did not make derogatory remarks against any community, particularly I swear that I was unaware ‘Sandaalan’ was a derogatory caste remark. I understood that today. They prosecuted me based on that word, but the honorable judge rightfully dismissed the case, deeming it baseless.”
Duraimurugan claimed that the government conspired to harm him. He alleged that during his arrest, the police him brought in his own car, driven by a visibly intoxicated and drowsy driver, with intentions to stage a deliberate accident near Sriviliputhur. Another driver reportedly intervened, foiling their plan. Duraimurugan asserted that this incident led him to believe the government was attempting to assassinate him.
He further accused that, “This (DMK) government is deliberately planning to kill me,” adding that near the Madurai Vilangulam toll gate, a police officer deliberately caused his car to collide with another vehicle, resulting a lorry hit them from back, him suffering back pain and the driver sustaining a head injury. Following the incident, he claimed, the police changed vehicles and transported him in a different vehicle. Duraimurugan emphasized that these actions demonstrated a lack of security under the current regime and appealed to the judiciary for protection.
In a shocking development, Victor James Raja (35) hailing from Thanjavur district has been sentenced to life imprisonment by a special court under the POCSO Act for sexually assaulting children and sharing child pornography online.
Victor James Raja who hails from Poondi Thoppu has reportedly completed his M.Com and was pursuing Ph.D on ecotourism. In a video published by Pasumai Vikatan of the Vikatan Group, Victor is described as an “farmer” who creates awareness about organic farming while simultaneously pursuing his doctorate.
According to reports, Victor forced minor boys and girls from his place to perform sexual acts and recorded the same. Raja was accused of regularly engaging in sexual exploitation of boys and girls between the ages of five and eighteen for approximately two years.
Penetrative sexual assaults, digital recordings of sexual abuse, criminal intimidation of minor victims, and pressuring and inciting minor victims to engage in sexual activity with both the accused and other minor victims were among the acts of sexual exploitation. Additionally, the accused was using the victim kids for recording porn.
The Interpol’s child sexual exploitation database contained a number of items related to child sexual abuse, including pictures and videos.
Victor James Raja was identified through technical and forensic analysis. On March 7, 2023, a case was filed under the Information Technology Act of 2000 and the POCSO Act of 2012. The date of his arrest was March 16, 2023.
Raja was accused of regularly engaging in sexual exploitation of boys and girls between the ages of five and eighteen for approximately two years.
For sexual assault, penetrative sexual assault, aggravated penetrative sexual assault, using the child for pornographic purposes and abetment under the POSCO Act, rape of girls under the age of twelve, criminal intimidation, and publishing or transmitting of material depicting children in sexually explicit act in electronic form under the Information Technology Act, the CBI filed a chargesheet against Raja on May 13, 2023, before the Special Court for Exclusive Trial of Cases under POCSO Act, Thanjavur.
During the trial, 34 witnesses were questioned and questioned again, and numerous documents and artifacts were displayed as evidence.
Judge Sundarraj investigated the case and sentenced Victor James Raja to life imprisonment along with a fine of ₹6.54 lakh and suggested the government to provide relief of ₹4 lakh each to the three affected boys and girls.
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During the run up to the 2021 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, MK Stalin in a campaign propaganda video said “Law & Order would be under my direct control. Those who do wrong, I am saying again, those who do wrong will be punished“. Contradicting to the words, ever since the ascension of DMK to power, Tamil Nadu has witnessed a disturbing trend of brutal murders, often driven by caste or political motives. These incidents have drawn strong criticism from politicians and the public alike, highlighting perceived failures in the DMK government’s management of law and order in the state
In this context, Ananda Vikatan has published a critique of the ruling DMK government, highlighting recent incidents that demonstrate a worsening decline in law and order in Tamil Nadu.
Sandeeprai Rathore, who has recently been transferred from his position as Chennai City Police Commissioner, took pride by stating that the National Crime Records Bureau report states that Chennai is the safest city for women in the country. He also highlighted a significant drop in murder rates during the press meet of BSP leader Armstrong’s murder case, noting that there were 69 murders between January and June 2023, compared to just 58 murders in the same period this year. These figures suggest a decline in violent crime in the city.
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Stalin also commended the police for their swift action, pointing out that those involved in the murder of Bahujan Samaj Party Tamil Nadu President Armstrong were apprehended on the same night as the crime.
The influence of mercenaries has expanded throughout Tamil Nadu without any formal advertising that there is no need to file a police complaint for issues related to money or property, nor do you have to wait for a court decision. Simply approach us, and we will handle the matter and provide an immediate resolution. In this environment, even trivial disputes can escalate to violence. As the mercenary presence has increased, the cost of human life has surprisingly decreased. However, violent and deadly gangs armed with weapons now roam the streets, creating a deeply troubling trend. The situation is alarming, especially given recent high-profile murders, including the killings of Congress Party’s Tirunelveli East District President Jayakumar, PMK’s Shankar in Cuddalore, and ADMK leader Shanmugam in Salem by unknown assailants.
The ability of mercenaries to target political figures raises serious questions about the safety of ordinary citizens. This issue cannot be overlooked by the current government. The spread of drugs is closely linked to the rise in mercenary violence. While the government may not fully grasp this connection, the public is acutely aware of it. This fear is evident in the way people avoid confrontation with reckless drivers, suspecting they might be under the influence of drugs or affiliated with mercenaries.
Since the DMK government assumed power, there has been a noticeable deterioration in law and order, with drug-fueled mercenaries exerting control. The public is skeptical about Chief Minister Stalin’s optimism for 2026, viewing it as unrealistic in the face of growing crime. Immediate and effective measures are necessary to combat drug trafficking and mercenary violence, or else ‘Peace Park’ will remain nothing more than a symbolic phrase.
Seeman, the chief coordinator of the Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK), has strongly criticized the ruling DMK government for arresting his party member Sattai Duraimurugan. Duraimurugan was detained for criticizing the DMK and former Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Karunanidhi. Seeman expressed his outrage, questioning whether the government and Karunanidhi – the father of the current Chief Minister, are immune to criticism. He challenged them that if that was the case, then he must be arrested him as well.
The Trichy Cyber Crime police apprehended Sattai Duraimurugan, a popular YouTuber and the Policy Outreach Secretary of Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK), in Courtallam. He was taken into custody for allegedly tarnishing the reputation of former Chief Minister Karunanidhi during the Vikravandi by-election campaign and faces accusations of disparaging the Tamil Nadu government with subpar critiques.
Speaking to reporters about the Duraimurugan’s arrest, Seeman questioned, “Why was Duraimurugan detained by this government? Did he say anything worse than me? You wield your authority like a powerful monarch right… Can you detain me? Let’s see. Detaining those around me, putting pressure on me… this is some kind of administration it seems, tell me what for is this arrest?” When reporters explained that the arrest was due to Duraimurugan’s alleged defamation of Karunanidhi during a speech in Vikravandi, Seeman responded, “That wasn’t defamation; it was a song that was already there in existence for quite some time, ‘Karunanidhi, the forger, the conspirator, Karunanidhi, the villain.’ It’s a song—shall I send it to you? You’ve ignored the writer and the singer and arrested the person who sang it. Now I’ll sing it myself, file an FIR on me.”
Seeman then proceeded to sing the song and challenged the government to jail him.
Seeman then accused the DMK of targeting individuals who lack the power to retaliate, saying they should confront a worthy opponent instead. He criticized the former Chief Minister Karunanidhi, calling him a traitor to the Tamil people. Seeman challenged, “Who is prepared to debate this issue? Will you, after coming to power, glorify your father as a saint? Can the betrayal be forgotten? In the political history of the Tamils in this country, the beginning of evil rule is only after Karunanidhi came to power. Is there anyone who can deny that?”
Seeman accused the DMK’s IT wing and Chief Minister Stalin of using freedom of speech to criticize others, while any similar criticism from their opponents is met with detention under the guise of defamation.
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Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha and Congress scion Rahul Gandhi’s recent visit to Manipur have sparked a political debate. His visit has been criticized by the BJP that it was merely about pouring oil into the already raging flame.
On 8 July 2024, Rahul Gandhi visited relief camps in Manipur to support those displaced by the ongoing ethnic violence. Numerous videos and photos captured him interacting with individuals at the camp in Tuibong village, Churachandpur district. After Gandhi went to the Jiribam Higher Secondary School relief camp to offer his support. He was scheduled to meet Governor Anusuiya Uikey at 5:30 PM and address a press conference at the Manipur Congress office at 6:15 PM. However, during the press conference, Gandhi abruptly left following a heated exchange with journalists.
Previously, Gandhi had criticized Prime Minister Narendra Modi for avoiding the press, but he chose to avoid difficult questions, stating, “Please respect what I am saying. I have come here to give a clear message; I am not interested in answering questions that are designed to divert the issue. I have made my statement,” before leaving the press conference.
#WATCH | Imphal, Manipur: When asked questions by reporters after his press conference, Lok Sabha LoP and Congress MP Rahul Gandhi says, "…Please respect what I am saying. I have come here to give a clear message, I am not interested in answering questions that are designed to… pic.twitter.com/bmOxdbEohT
The criticism intensified after Gandhi abandoned a press conference and avoided answering challenging questions. But why is Rahul Gandhi so desperately raking up the issue of Manipur in order to attack the Modi government? There’s a historical context to it.
Ethnic Composition And Historical Context of Manipur
Manipur’s geographical features significantly influence its socio-political landscape. The state is divided into 16 districts, categorized into “valley” and “hill” districts. The Imphal Valley, located centrally and surrounded by hills, represents about 10% of the state’s landmass. This valley, dominated by the non-tribal Meitei community, is accessed by four major highways, two of which are critical lifelines for the state. The Meitei community, which makes up over 64% of Manipur’s population, holds 40 out of 60 legislative seats. In contrast, the hills cover nearly 90% of the state’s area, inhabited by various recognized tribes who are represented by only 20 MLAs.
Historically, the valley districts of Thoubal, Bishnupur, Kakching, Imphal East, and Imphal West were a part of the ancient kingdom of Kangleipak, ruled by the Ningthouja dynasty. While some historians assert that the tribal areas outside the valley were also under this kingdom, this is contested by the tribes, particularly the Naga tribes. The kingdom, a British protectorate, faced frequent attacks from the northern Nagas. To protect the valley, the British introduced the Kuki-Zomi from Burma’s Kuki-Chin hills as a buffer against the Nagas. The Kukis, fierce warriors similar to the Nagas, were settled along the ridges to shield the valley.
Immediate Trigger For The Violence
Since 2012, there has been an ongoing demand led by the Scheduled Tribes Demand Committee of Manipur (STDCM) for Scheduled Tribe (ST) status for the Meitei community. The Meitei Tribe Union argued that the Meiteis, once recognized as a tribe before Manipur’s merger with India in 1949, lost their tribal status after the merger. They seek ST status to preserve their land, culture, and language, citing marginalization from 59% of the population in 1951 to 44% in 2011.
On 19 April 2023, the Manipur High Court directed the state government to submit a decade-old recommendation to the Union Tribal Affairs Ministry for including the Meitei community in the ST list. This order referenced a 2013 letter from the Union Tribal Ministry requesting recommendations, including the latest socio-economic and ethnographic reports.
The Meitei ST status demand has faced strong opposition from other tribal groups. These groups argue that the Meiteis already have demographic and political advantages and are more advanced academically. They fear that granting ST status could lead to loss of employment opportunities for tribals and enable Meiteis to acquire land in the hills, displacing the tribals. Tribal organizations, such as the All Tribal Students’ Union of Manipur, also contend that the Meiteis’ language is included in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution and that many Meiteis already benefit from SC or OBC status.
Recent unrest in Manipur intensified following the Manipur High Court’s 19 April 2024 directives, with the All Tribal Students’ Union of Manipur organizing a “Tribal Solidarity March” against the Meitei ST status demand. This march led to violent clashes, prompting the deployment of the Indian Army and other central forces. The state government issued “shoot at sight” orders in extreme cases to control the violence.
Other contributing factors to the unrest include growing tensions between the Meiteis and tribes like the Kukis, disputes over state government notices declaring certain villages as illegal settlements, concerns about the delimitation process, and the impact of the Myanmar military coup causing a refugee crisis. Additionally, there are allegations of a sudden increase in villages in Churachandpur district and claims that some tribal groups are obstructing anti-drug efforts.
The ethnic conflict between the Meiteis and hill communities has roots in the historical kingdom of Kangleipak and escalated with the rise of the Naga national movement in the 1950s. This led to insurgency among the Meiteis and Kuki-Zomi. By the 1990s, as the NSCN-IM pushed for Naga self-determination, the Kukis began to militarize, leading to the “Kukiland” movement and a rift between the Kukis and Meiteis.
The Supreme Court has deemed the Manipur crisis a “humanitarian problem,” emphasizing that only the President can designate a community as ST. The Chief Justice of India has urged the Centre and the Manipur government to protect the people. The Union Home Minister stated that the court’s order would be reviewed with stakeholders before any decisions are made. Meanwhile, the Indian Army has increased surveillance using UAVs and helicopters to monitor the situation and the Indo-Myanmar border.
Congress’ Blunder Leading To The Kuki Militancy’s Role
The recent surge in violence in Manipur has been allegedly attributed to the actions of Kuki militant groups. The immediate catalyst for the unrest was the expiration of the Suspension of Operations (SoO) agreement with 25 Kuki-Zomi militant factions. Despite the agreement’s expiration, the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) has yet to announce whether it will be extended. Reports indicate that the Central Government has not decided on renewing the SoO agreement amidst growing demands from political parties and civil society organizations in Manipur to end the pact. So, what is this agreement?
Originally established in 2005 under the UPA-I regime, the SoO agreement was formalized on 22 August 2008, as a tripartite accord involving the Government of India under former Union Home Minister P Chidambaram, the Government of Manipur, and Kuki-Zomi militant groups represented by the Kuki National Organisation (KNO) and the United People’s Front (UPF). The KNO comprises 17 Kuki-Zomi militant groups, while the UPF includes eight. The insurgents who have signed this agreement in 2008 get a stipend of ₹6,000 every month to help in their rehabilitation, but they were unaccounted for.
After the agreement in September 2008, leaders from the central committee of the Young Mizo Association (YMA) engaged in discussions with the ZRA and the Hmar People’s Conference-Democracy (HPC-D) in Churachandpur. They urged these groups not to disrupt the upcoming elections for the 40-member Mizoram legislature. However, violence resumed in 2010. The ZRA members involved in smuggling of ammunition into the area and arrested for possessing weapons, even carried out extorting money from the public and government employees to fund their group. To address the unrest, Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram visited the ZRA’s designated camp at Singhat in Churachandpur District on 15 December 2010. Spending about 45 minutes there, he noted the positive attitude of the cadres and their eagerness to initiate political dialogue. Chidambaram acknowledged improvements in the law and order situation in Manipur, with a reduction in killings, but emphasized the need for strict measures against extortion and kidnapping. He warned that achieving lasting peace would require time.
Despite the then Home Minister Chidambaram’s assurance that the ZRA displayed a willingness to initiate dialogue, a team from the Assam Rifles apprehended 17 alleged ZRA members along with a substantial cache of arms and ammunition in Churachandpur District. The seized weapons included 15 AK assault rifles with 28 magazines, three hand grenades, three wireless transmission sets, 1,355 AK ammunition rounds, and two live M-16 rifle rounds. On 25 January 2012, seven militants were arrested in Churachandpur District for their attempts to disrupt the assembly elections and intimidate voters in the Thanlon and Tipaimukh constituencies. On 23 October 2011, the CBI filed charges against three ZRA cadres for their involvement in the fraudulent withdrawal of INR 4.54 crores from the UBI Churachandpur branch in October 2009.
The continuous influx of illegal migrants from Myanmar into Manipur has been ongoing for a significant period. These migrants, accepted as militants, have contributed to a growing population that is housed by Kuki chiefs, officials, and SoO militant groups in available lands such as Reserve and Protected Forests, protected sites, and wildlife sanctuaries. This has led to encroachment, deforestation, and other illegal activities.
The current Suspension of Operation (SoO) pact has fostered a favorable environment for strengthening militant groups. These groups are responsible for bringing in Kuki migrants from Myanmar, offering them language and combat training in their camps, and utilizing illegal migrants as labor for poppy cultivation, arms trafficking, and drug smuggling.
Since the SoO agreement in 2008, crores of rupees have been spent on stipends, and the public continues to face extortion and intimidation. The Rules of Engagement (RoE) hinder security forces from detecting violations by the SoO groups.
The current crisis is attributed to terrorism by Kuki militant groups funded by narco-money and supported by Kuki policymakers and officials, using illegal migrants as soldiers. This has led the Meiteis to demand the abrogation of the SoO.
Manipur Violence 2023
Violence erupted on 3 May 2023, when Kuki-Zomi militants launched attacks on the Meitei community in Manipur’s Churachandpur and Bishnupur districts, setting fire to their homes. In response, numerous civil society organizations have called for the abrogation of the SoO agreement. Thousands of women protested across Imphal Valley on 28 February 2024, demanding the termination of the SoO pact. These protests included sit-ins during the day and torch rallies at night, organized by the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI), a coalition of five valley-based civil society groups.
The escalating pressure led the 5th Session of the 12th Manipur Legislative Assembly to pass a unanimous resolution on February 29, urging the Central Government to completely revoke the SoO agreement with all Kuki-Zomi militant groups. Manipur Chief Minister Nongthombam Biren confirmed this resolution, stating it was aimed at restoring peace and security in the region.
Despite this, the 10 MLAs from Kuki-Zomi-Hmar tribes, including two ministers, have boycotted the Assembly sessions since the outbreak of violence. Previously, on 10 March 2023, the Manipur Government had unilaterally withdrawn from the SoO agreement with two Kuki-Zomi groups, the Kuki National Army (KNA) and the Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRA), citing escalating violence and illegal rallies.
The MLAs from Kuki-Zomi-Hmar tribes criticized the Assembly’s resolution, claiming it was motivated by prejudice and a lack of consideration for the Joint Monitoring Group (JMG), which is responsible for overseeing adherence to the SoO agreement. They argue that the resolution was influenced by bias rather than actual violations reported by the JMG.
COCOMI, in its letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi dated 26th February, urged caution against hastily extending the SoO agreement with Kuki-Zomi militant groups. They highlighted repeated violations of the agreement’s ground rules and expressed concerns over increased violence and illegal activities by these groups, including attacks on Indian Army and state police personnel. The COCOMI letter cited specific incidents, such as Kuki-Zomi militants participating in violent rallies, hoisting militant flags, and engaging in the narcotics trade. It also noted a significant rise in poppy cultivation in SoO territories and irregularities in reporting casualties, further exacerbating the conflict.
In addition, the Meitei Alliance, representing various Meitei organizations, submitted a memorandum to the Union Home Minister on 21 February 2024, questioning the continuation of the SoO agreements due to perceived threats to national security. The Alliance accused Kuki-Zomi militants of exploiting the SoO pact to undermine India’s security, particularly following armed attacks and public displays of sophisticated weaponry during peace marches.
Since 2017, the N. Biren Singh government in Manipur has been striving to address the region’s issues through legal and administrative measures aimed at achieving a permanent resolution rather than temporary fixes. However, the process has been complicated by opposition interference and the influence of pressure groups. In this volatile climate, the actions of political leaders, civil society organizations, and government bodies will be crucial in shaping Manipur’s future stability. Effectively addressing both the immediate and root causes of unrest is essential for restoring peace and ensuring equitable governance. For lasting peace, it is vital that political interference, militant activities, and pressure group influences are minimized, allowing for a balanced and constructive resolution to the conflict in Manipur.
A shelter for the mentally challenged located in Kunthaladi Bekki near Nelliyalam in Pandalur taluk in the Nilgiris district, operated by Augustin for over 25 years, has come under intense scrutiny after revelations that it has been functioning without a license.
The alarming discovery emerged following a complaint lodged during a meeting chaired by the Nilgiris District Governor last week. This prompted the Gudalur Revenue Commissioner and the Dewala Deputy Superintendent of Police to initiate an inspection of the shelter.
On 8 July 2024, officials conducted a thorough inspection of the facility, uncovering its unlicensed status. They found that the mentally challenged residents were living in deplorable conditions, lacking basic amenities. Even more disturbingly, it was revealed that the bodies of over 20 deceased individuals had been buried on the property without the knowledge or consent of government authorities.
Village administrative officer Shanmugam filed a complaint with the Nelakottai police station regarding the illicit burials. Based on this complaint, a case has been registered, and the police have begun investigating the identities of the 20 deceased. There are also suspicions about potential attempts to sell the body parts of the deceased, which the police will investigate further.
According to the VAO’s complaint, ‘Love Shore’, the facility was managed by a trust, with Augustin from Calicut serving as its managing director. Augustin and his family resided in close proximity to the home in Kunthaladi Bekki. However, when revenue officials arrived to seal the premises, Augustin was notably absent from the scene.
The Nilgiris district authorities have summoned 10 individuals, including the owner of the shelter, for questioning. The summons follows the rescue of 13 mentally challenged individuals from the facility known as ‘LoveShore Charitable Trust,’ which had been operating for 23 years.
The investigation is being led by Deputy Superintendent of Police Saravanan from Dewala. The focus will be on interrogating the 10 summoned individuals to gather more information about the illegal operations of the shelter and the condition of its residents.
The Tamil Nadu Revenue Department officials closed down the illegal home. A. Senthil Kumar, the Revenue Divisional Officer of Gudalur, told The Hindu that while the organization was registered as a charitable trust, it lacked proper signage at its facility. Moreover, the trust did not have the necessary permissions to accommodate individuals with intellectual disabilities or mental illnesses, either from the Institute of Mental Health in Chennai or from the Commissionerate of Differently-abled Persons.
#JUSTIN || நீலகிரி மாவட்டம் குந்தலாடி சட்டவிரோத காப்பக உரிமையாளர் உள்பட 10 பேருக்கு சம்மன்
சட்டவிரோத காப்பகத்தில் இருந்து 13 பேர் மீட்கப்பட்ட நிலையில் சம்மன் அனுப்பியது காவல்துறை
தேவாலா சரக காவல் துணை கண்காணிப்பாளர் சரவணன் தலைமையிலான குழு விசாரணை
This is not the first time that a shelter for individuals has come under scrutiny.
In October 2022, in Vellore, St. Joseph’s Charity Home, which catered to destitute and elderly individuals, was investigated for mistreatment of residents. As a result, 69 elderly individuals were rescued and provided medical aid at government hospitals.
In February 2023 in Vizhuppuram, four individuals associated with a Christian home for destitutes, Anbu Jothi Ashramam, were arrested on various charges, including rape. 142 residents were rescued, with reports of sexual assault, physical abuse, and torture. The unregistered institution had been operational since 2005, allegedly luring destitute individuals with false promises of meals and employment.
Recent incidents have led to allegations that private Hindu temple lands in Tamil Nadu, particularly in urban centers like Chennai, are increasingly being targeted by local political groups for systematic expropriation.
This alarming trend has been highlighted following a recent investigation linked to the untimely death of Kalyani, a former teacher who later became a spiritualist and established a Sai Baba temple in Pozhichalur, Chennai. The investigation suggests that the primary motive behind her demise was to unlawfully seize her property, given her unmarried status and lack of direct heirs. Adding complexity to the unfolding mystery is the alleged involvement of the temple manager, Karunakaran.
Another incident is centered around the renowned Sri Agastheeswarar Temple in Pozhichalur, Chennai. Local reports indicate that Vanaja Dayalan, a DMK President of the Pozhichalur Panchayat Council, is allegedly the main intermediary in this effort. She reportedly threatened the hereditary trustee of the temple, citing directives purportedly from PK Sekar Babu, the Minister of Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) department in the DMK government. A widely circulated audio tape of their mediation portrays the DMK functionary acting in a manner reminiscent of a kangaroo court. The underlying issue revolves around allegations that the DMK government seeks to replace the hereditary trustee with someone loyal to them, aiming to facilitate the expropriation of temple lands. Vanaja allegedly employed aggressive tactics, including the use of goons, to intimidate and negotiate with the trustee.
The hereditary trustee of the temple filed a complaint against the controversial mediation process, but regrettably, it was not addressed. Conversely, complaints from opposition goons who attended the mediation were acknowledged, demonstrating influence. Even when hereditary trustee’s presented evidence, including instances where goons accompanying Vanaja were observed removing CCTV cameras in broad daylight within the temple premises to prevent the gathering of incriminating evidence.
A common link has emerged between the Agastheeswarar temple issue in Pozhichalur, Chennai, and a previous incident involving spiritualist Kalyani and the private Sai Baba temple land in the same area as mentioned above – Karunakaran, a DMK man.
Karunakaran who had claimed himself to be the manager of Sai Baba temple built by Kalyani was present during the mediation led by DMK president Vanaja Dayalan at the Sri Agastheeswarar Temple in Pozhichalur. This is the same, Karunakaran, a card-carrying DMK member and is linked to one ‘Comrade’ Elango aka ‘Comrade’ Elango, also known as Murali who is a member of the Dravida Iyakka Tamilar Peravai (Dravidian Movement Tamils Association) which is run by rabid Dravidianist Suba Veerapandian. It is this Karunakaran who filed an FIR for Kalyani’s death and also facilitated her funeral.
Activists involved with temple affairs warn that these issues are not confined to these temples alone. They point to Government Order 221 issued by the Tamil Nadu government on 4 May 2023, under the Natham settlement and land records policy. This order specifies that public lands without hereditary rights can be declared government property (“sarkar lands”), potentially paving the way for irregular practices where such lands could later be allocated to politically connected private entities for profitable purposes.
Here’s what the GO says:
Source: Tamil Nadu Govt Order GO.Ms.No. 221
In August 2023, the Madras High Court unequivocally stated that temple lands cannot be converted into government property (“poramboke”) as outlined in the Government Order (GO). However, activists remain concerned about these kangaroo courts, which continue to operate despite legal rulings, particularly impacting marginalized and voiceless communities.
Note that there is no mention of mosque or church lands that has been classified to be considered as ‘Sarkar Poramboke’ or government lands.
This was brought to light political commentator Maridhas in a video and also in an article published in Thuglak.
Maridhas had written in Thuglak that “Temples have been added to this list (GO). Why lands of mosques or churches are not present? Or why not the Christian Churches of South India which hold huge swathes of land? That’s Dravidian Model for you.“, pointing out that there exists a law now that allows for government to usurp temple lands or village lands as they want.
He alleged that a religious fundamentalist group close to the DMK is behind these alleged attempts targeting temple lands adding that once these lands are usurped by the government citing the GO, it would be given to real estate firms linked to the DMK family in the name of urban development.
HR&CE Refutes Allegations
Responding to Maridhas’ allegations, the HR&CE department gave a vague reply in the Thuglak issue dated 17 July 2024. Joint Commissioner R. Vanmathi claimed that the government has initiated legal action to prevent an individual (Shanmugavel) from selling the properties of the Chola-era Agastheeswarar Temple and attaining pecuniary benefits.
According to the HR&CE department, Shanmugavel’s father Kumarasamy Mudaliar along with 5 others were granted the hereditary trusteeship through an order (O.A. No. 100/72/) dated 24 September 1973.
After Kumarasamy expired in 1994, Shanmugavel had applied for registering as a hereditary trustee based on lineage. Apparently he had also got a stay order from Supreme Court to disallow the kin of other 4 hereditary trustees from staking claim.
Apparently in 2004, Shanmugavel had sought permission from the HR&CE department to sell lands belonging to the temple which was denied. He had appealed against the denial of permission and later in 2008, a GO (No. 371) was passed to prevent the sale of temple lands.
A petition has been filed to declare this 2008 GO as null and void, which is currently subjudice.
The HR&CE Department in its response said that there is no post called poorveega dharmakartha (native/lineage trustee) that is in practice. However, it said that the post of hereditary trustee was awarded to 5 through the order dated September 1973.
It went on to claim that Shanmugavel was removed as hereditary trustee based on a court order and an official was appointed as the “Thakkar” of the temple.
The HR&CE department also emphasized that there was no relation between the said Karunakaran and the temple.
“Without knowing the entirety of the issue, the article has been published wrongly alleging that the HR&CE Minister is intimidating through Goondas”, the HR&CE department’s reply said.
The response also noted that the GO 221 issued in May 2023 that classified temple Natham lands as “Sarkar poromboke” is applicable to “other religious places” too. However, as seen in the GO there is no mention of other religious places.
Irony died a thousand deaths on 17 February 2024 when K. Selvaperunthagai was appointed by the Congress high command as the President of the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee. His appointment came as a disappointment to many of the Congress leaders in the state. There’s a reason.
During the 2016 Assembly elections, Congress leader D Yashoda, who had previously served as the representative for Sriperumbudur in 1980, 1984, 2001, and 2006, raised concerns about Selvaperunthagai’s candidacy, alleging his support for LTTE. She had alleged that Selvaperunthangai is a staunch supporter of the LTTE and had joined the Congress with the motive of safeguarding his alleged “ill-gotten wealth”.
Selvaperunthagai’s criminal history and his “ill-gotten wealth” has once again become a talking point thanks to BJP Tamil Nadu President K. Annamalai. It seems to have started after Selvaperunthagai accused that criminals were enrolling in the BJP. In return, Annamalai accused him of being a history-sheeter during a press meeting after visiting the bereaved family of TN BSP leader Armstrong.
Annamalai refused to retract his words or apologise for his remarks. In fact, he even put out a list of crimes that Selvaperunthagai was allegedly involved in.
Annamalai in his official X account stated, “When I mentioned that Tamil Nadu Congress Committee President Selvaperunthagai was on the list of criminals, Selvaperunthagai said he was very upset since I have insulted him who came in the path of Mahatma Gandhi. Below is the path taken by the one who claims to be a Mahatma Gandhi follower.
Auditor Pandian murder case – main culprit
Case No. 24(A)/2001 of 2001. CBI Case Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, Section 13(2) r/w 13(1) (e)
Case No. 136/2003 IPC 307 of 2003 – Attempt to murder
Case No. 138/2003 of 2003 – Assault
2003 Case No. 277/03 – Threat to kill
2003 Case No. 451/2003 IPC 324 – Assault with dangerous weapons, IPC 506 – Threats to kill, Explosives, 1908.
It is noteworthy that in this case, he was apprehended under the Goondas Act.
2008 Case No. 1464/2003 IPC 147 – Rioting, IPC 148 – Rioting with deadly weapons, IPC 506 – criminal intimidation
Attempt to murder case, criminal intimidation case, assault with deadly weapons case, rioting with deadly weapons case, explosives case, murder case, and many other cases which are some of the worst crime cases in society. Notably, there were three cases of criminal intimidation (death threats) were filed against him. Apart from this, the Auditor Pandian murder case.”
தமிழ்நாடு காங்கிரஸ் கமிட்டியின் தலைவர் திரு. செல்வப்பெருந்தகை அவர்களை, குற்றவாளிகள் பட்டியலில் இருந்தவர் என்று குறிப்பிட்டதற்கு, மகாத்மா காந்தி வழி வந்த தன்னை, நான் அவமானப்படுத்தி விட்டதாக திரு. செல்வப்பெருந்தகை அவர்கள் மிகவும் வருத்தப்பட்டிருக்கிறார்.
This led us to a video report from News J that surfaced a few years ago. The report questions the origins of the funds used to establish a college in London. This college is allegedly linked to TNCC President Selvaperunthagai.
Selvaperunthagai is said to have begun his political journey with the Puratchi Bharatham (Revolutionary Bharat) Party, and based on the party leader’s recommendation, he was able to secure a position as a peon at the Reserve Bank. Over time, Selvaperunthagai transitioned from a humble peon to a millionaire.
His political career, however, has been marred by controversy. AuditorPandian’s assassination led to suspicions around Selvaperunthagai, resulting in his expulsion from the Puratchi Bharatham Party its leader. Seeking political refuge, he joined Dr Krishnasamy’s Puthiya Tamizhagam Party, only to be dismissed after his identity and past were revealed.
Subsequently, Selvaperunthagai aligned with the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK), where his activities attracted legal scrutiny. During the AIADMK regime in 2001 and 2006, the Goondas Act was invoked against him due to allegations of amassing wealth illegally.
Despite these setbacks, he managed to secure a position in the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly, representing Sriperumbudur for the VCK in the 2006 elections. However, he was expelled from the party after allegedly betraying its leadership.
Selvaperunthagai’s political journey did not end there. He joined the Bahujan Samaj Party led by Mayawati, only to be expelled shortly thereafter. Finally, he found a stable position within the Congress Party. He contested elections from Sengam and Sriperumbudur in 2014 and 2016, facing defeat in both attempts. However, he won the Sriperumbudur seat in the 2021 assembly elections, representing the Congress Party.
Interestingly, Selvaperunthagai, in his 2011 election affidavit mentioned that there was no cases or FIRs filed against his name.
However, as of 2016, it is noteworthy that there were lots of cases pending and atleast 3 major cases were live.
Selvaperunthagai’s alleged links to the Buckingham College of London have resurfaced, especially after it was revealedthat his wife UmayalSelvamwas listed as one of the directors. It is noteworthy that the website containing the details of the college’s directors also states that Umayal resigned in 2012.
It is notable that this allegedly bogus college was dissolved in 2017 and the website states that accounts are still overdue.
Given his humble beginnings as a Reserve Bank peon 30 years ago, the question arises: how did Selvaperunthagai accumulate the wealth necessary to build a college in London?
Thalaivar @annamalai_k recently mentioned about Tamilnadu state president of @INCIndia K.Selvaperunthakai @SPK_TNCC’s investment in the UK which shocked and surprised many in Tamilnadu
