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“Let Them Come If They Want; If Not, Let Them Leave, We Aren’t Relying On Alliance”: DMK Minister Raja Kannappan Once Again Insults Congress

By
The Commune
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“One Or Two People Remaining Are Draining The Life Out Of Us”: DMK Minister Raja Kannappan Targets Congress

DMK Minister Raja Kannappan has once again stirred political debate with his latest remarks about the Congress and speaking on alliance dynamics, just days after his controversial comments about the Congress party drew criticism.

Speaking at a recent public event, Kannappan launched a sharp attack on the BJP and AIADMK while asserting the ideological strength of the Dravidian movement.

“The BJP cannot even gain a foothold. Earlier there was the AIADMK, that went away with MGR and Jayalalithaa. The Dravidian movement is the movement started by our Anna. This is the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam.”

He further claimed that AIADMK’s grassroots strength had eroded.

“So, all those who were in the AIADMK, the cadre, have come over. There is no one left there. Only the office-bearers are sitting, waiting for seats, — ‘Will I get a ticket? Will you get a ticket? Will he get a ticket?’ That’s all they are doing. There are no cadre there. They lost their deposits. In Ramanathapuram and Mudukulathur, deposits have been forfeited.”

Referring to former Chief Minister O Panneerselvam, Kannappan added: “OPS contested elections, I didn’t say he shouldn’t. One can contest elections. I myself have faced 13 elections. Out of 13, I have won eight and lost four. I have not felt bad about that. I am going to face the 13th election again and we will win. Victory and defeat are natural in elections.”

He then turned to ideological messaging, invoking the legacy of Dravidian leaders.

“But there must be an ideology. Our Anna, Perarignar Anna, started this movement. His leader was Periyar. We all belong to the Dravidian movement. Why was the Dravidian movement formed? Anna started this movement at Robinson Park facing heavy rain in Chennai. It was formed to oppose zamindars, feudal lords, big landlords, temple authorities, and industrialists.”

Kannappan also credited Dravidian rule for social mobility.

“If today we are standing as ministers, MLAs, MPs, union secretaries, city secretaries, town secretaries, if grassroots people have come to positions, it is only because Dravidian rule came.”

On the DMK’s alliance with the Congress, he signalled that the matter rested with party leadership.

“As for our Congress alliance, the Chief Minister will speak about the alliance. Let them come if they want; if not, let them leave — we aren’t relying on the alliance. We cannot run our politics depending on the alliance or depending on another party. That is their wish, it is the Chief Minister’s wish.”

Kannappan’s latest speech comes just days after he made pointed remarks about the Congress party while addressing a public event in Pudukkottai on 9 February 2026.

At that event, he questioned the party’s present strength within the alliance. He said, “In Congress, once upon a time till ’67, people were there in large numbers – can they come (to power) now? If I say something, they get offended. Is there even a functioning alliance? One or two people remain and are draining the life out of us.”

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EPS Slams DMK Govt After 2 AIADMK Functionaries Stabbed For Questioning Public Alcohol Consumption In Coimbatore

By
The Commune
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AIADMK Gen Sec Edappadi Palaniswani Demands DMK Govt End 'Cruel' Use Of Students For Agricultural Survey. stalin anna university sexual assault case eps delimitation

Two AIADMK functionaries were stabbed and seriously injured in Coimbatore’s Singanallur–Ondipudur Sungam Ground area after they allegedly questioned a group of men for consuming alcohol in a public place, in an incident that has triggered political reactions and a police manhunt.

According to reports, the incident stemmed from an altercation that took place a few days earlier near the AIADMK forum office in the locality. Three men were allegedly sitting there consuming alcohol in public and creating a nuisance while using abusive language. As several women were present in the area at the time, Coimbatore City 56th Ward AIADMK Circle Secretary Suresh and AIADMK Pasarai District Joint Secretary Eesha Senthil intervened and questioned the men, warning them against such behaviour.

Police said the trio allegedly nursed a grudge over being confronted. On the day of the incident, they reportedly returned to the AIADMK office premises and picked a heated argument with Suresh and Eesha Senthil. During the altercation, the assailants allegedly took out a concealed knife and stabbed both functionaries in multiple parts of their bodies before fleeing the scene.

Hearing the screams of the injured men, members of the public rushed to the spot, rescued them, and admitted them to a hospital for treatment.

On receiving information, Singanallur constituency MLA KR Jayaram and North constituency MLA Amman Arjunan visited the hospital and inquired with doctors about the condition of the injured.

Based on a complaint, Singanallur police registered a case and launched an investigation. During preliminary inquiries, the accused were identified as Thambidurai, Anish, and Murugesan, all residents of the Singanallur area. Police have launched a search operation and are intensively tracking the three absconding suspects.

Edappadi K Palaniswami Condemns Incident

Condemning the inciden, AIADMK General Secretary Edappadi K Palaniswami wrote on his official X handle: “In Coimbatore City district, near Singanallur, at Ward No. 56, Sungam area, five days ago, some individuals were consuming alcohol in a public place.

AIADMK circle secretary Mr. Sureshkumar had advised them not to drink alcohol there. Subsequently, on the night before last (09.02.2026) at around 8:30 pm, while he was attending to party work at the party office, a gang of five persons entered the premises armed with knives and sickles and carried out a murderous assault. The news of this incident is shocking.

In this attack, Circle Secretary Sureshkumar, Coimbatore City District Pasarai Joint Secretary Mr. Eesa D. Senthil, and members of the public who intervened to stop the assault sustained grievous injuries.

The only reason criminals have become so emboldened as to enter the office of the principal opposition party and attack party functionaries is the ineffective DMK government and its puppet Chief Minister, who lack the ability to maintain law and order.

I strongly condemn the MK Stalin-led DMK government, which has turned Tamil Nadu into a haven and paradise for criminals and drug addicts.

I urge the negligent DMK government to take strict legal action against all the culprits who carried out this murderous attack on party members and the public.”

Police investigations into the stabbing incident are ongoing.

Source: ABP Live Tamil

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₹150-Crore Land Fraud Probe: DMK Minister PTR’s Ex-Aide Questioned

By
The Commune
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DMK-Minister-PTRs-Ex-Aide-And-Latters-Wife-Arrested-In-Multi-Crore-Land-Fraud-Had-Reportedly-Invoked-PTR-Link-To-Secure-Land-

Police have said that numerous complaints are being received against Jay Balaji, former assistant to Tamil Nadu Minister Palanivel Thiagarajan, alleging that he cheated members of the public by collecting money in the name of a real estate business. Preliminary findings in the investigation indicate that the total fraud amount may exceed ₹150 crore.

Jay Balaji (42), a resident of Kalaignar Nagar in Madurai, had served as an assistant to the minister before being removed from the post about a year ago. He and his wife Kalavathi (42) have been arrested and remanded to judicial custody in multiple cheating cases.

The cases include allegations that the couple fraudulently acquired house plots and collected money from the public in instalments under the pretext of operating a real estate enterprise. Police said they suspect that several more individuals could be linked to the fraud and have therefore begun compiling a list of government officials and political figures who were in close contact with Jay Balaji for further inquiry.

According to Central Crime Branch (CCB) police, Jay Balaji had floated a real estate firm named “Marudham” in his own name and another firm called “Madhuram” in the name of a relative. Through these firms, he allegedly collected money from customers promising to sell house plots but failed to properly allot the plots to those who made payments.

Many victims have already lodged complaints with the Economic Offences Wing and District Crime Branch offices, while more complainants are continuing to come forward. Police said they plan to question these victims as part of the ongoing probe and reiterated that the fraud amount is believed to be more than ₹150 crore, with the possibility of additional accused emerging as the investigation progresses.

Meanwhile, the list of allegations against Jay Balaji continues to expand, including claims that he misused the minister’s name and abused official influence in carrying out fraudulent activities involving government departments, members of the public, and businesspersons. Police said details of these alleged activities are continuing to surface.

As the scope of the case widens, senior police officials have directed the Central Crime Branch to take Jay Balaji and his wife into police custody for further interrogation in order to gather additional information. The process is being overseen by CCB Assistant Commissioner Vinodhini, and a petition is expected to be filed in court seeking permission for custodial interrogation.

Investigators have also begun summoning and questioning individuals who were closely associated with Jay Balaji during his tenure as the minister’s assistant, including government officials, acquaintances, and political contacts.

As part of this exercise, police summoned and questioned Dhanasekaran and Varun, who are currently serving as assistants to DMK Minister Palanivel Thiagarajan. The two were interrogated for more than an hour at the Crime Branch office in Viswanathapuram by a police team led by Assistant Commissioner Vinodhini.

During the questioning, investigators sought details regarding Jay Balaji’s activities while serving as the minister’s assistant, how long the two had known him, the government officials, politicians, and associates who were in close contact with him, who visited the minister’s office to meet him, and the nature of tasks he carried out on behalf of the minister. Their statements were recorded, and they were allowed to leave after submitting written undertakings that they would appear for further inquiry whenever required.

Police sources said preliminary information suggests that Jay Balaji may have amassed more than ₹150 crore through misuse of influence and wrongful means while working as the minister’s assistant, and that documentary evidence is being collected to substantiate these findings.

Investigators are also examining whether the alleged proceeds were generated through real estate firms and other channels. Police confirmed that the questioning of the minister’s current assistants, Dhanasekaran, attached to the minister’s office, and Varun, attached to the minister’s residence, has yielded certain information relating to Jay Balaji and his wife. The two may be included as witnesses in the case.

Police further indicated that, similar to the municipal property tax irregularities case, the fraud may not be confined to Jay Balaji and his wife alone and could extend to multiple individuals in a chain. Officials added that the investigation is progressing swiftly, with instructions having been issued by both the Tamil Nadu government and Minister Palanivel Thiagarajan to probe the matter thoroughly and take action against all those found involved.

Source: Hindu Tamil

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Cash-For-Jobs In HR&CE-Administered Tiruvannamalai Temple Recruitment?

By
The Commune
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Cash-For-Jobs In Tiruvannamalai Temple Recruitment

Shocking allegations of large-scale cash-for-jobs corruption have emerged in the recruitment process for vacant posts at the Arunachaleswarar Temple in Tiruvannamalai, with fingers being pointed at functionaries linked to the ruling DMK establishment.

The controversy comes even as interviews are being conducted for 109 vacancies at the historic temple, for which as many as 10,500 candidates have applied. The posts, including 70 security guard positions, carry modest monthly salaries ranging between ₹13,000 and ₹25,000, making the scale of the alleged bribery demands particularly explosive.

According to reports, the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Department had approved the creation of the new posts to manage surging devotee crowds, especially the growing influx of pilgrims from neighbouring Andhra Pradesh. Applications were invited in February 2025, and interviews have been underway since 2 February 2026.

However, serious allegations have now surfaced that the recruitment process has been compromised by political interference and recommendation-based irregularities.

It is alleged that, with elections approaching, the district in-charge minister, EV Velu, divided the available posts among ruling party and alliance functionaries in a bid to politically “take care” of them. Each functionary was reportedly given a quota of jobs to recommend candidates.

The names recommended through this political channel are said to be compiled into a final list and routed back through the minister’s office, after which appointment orders are expected to be issued.

More damaging are the bribery allegations linked to these recommendations. Functionaries who secured job allocations are accused of collecting between ₹8 lakh and ₹12 lakh per post. In several cases, it is alleged that money has been collected from three to four aspirants for the same single post, multiplying the scale of the alleged scam.

The controversy does not end there. Party administrators who did not receive any quota allocation are also reportedly exploiting the recruitment drive by independently collecting money from job seekers, promising appointments through “influence.”

The minister is said to have been taken aback upon learning the extent of the collections.

At the administrative level, another layer of political calculation has reportedly set in. With 10,500 applicants competing for just 109 posts, there are concerns within the ruling establishment that unsuccessful candidates, particularly those who paid money, could turn hostile ahead of elections.

To manage the fallout, it is learnt that a decision has been taken to conduct only the interview process for now and defer the issuance of appointment orders until after the elections.

However, this delay has triggered fresh pressure from ruling party functionaries. Those who have already collected money are said to be demanding immediate job orders, fearing backlash if there is any change in government before appointments are formalised.

Amid this growing internal chaos, discussions are reportedly underway to stall the entire recruitment exercise through legal means. One proposal under consideration is to facilitate the filing of a public interest litigation (PIL) in court, citing the election period, and to obtain a stay order on the appointments, effectively buying time.

Caught in the middle of this alleged recruitment scam are thousands of genuine applicants, party intermediaries, and job aspirants who have allegedly paid large sums and are now left in uncertainty.

Source: Dinamalar

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Dravidian Model Tamil Nadu: UP Teen Working At Panipuri Stall To Support Ailing Parents Allegedly Assaulted, Threatened Daily

By
The Commune
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Salem: UP Teen Working At Panipuri Stall To Support Ailing Parents Allegedly Assaulted, Threatened Daily

A 14-year-old boy from Uttar Pradesh, identified as Ramu, who had been selling panipuri in Salem to fund his parents’ medical treatment, was allegedly assaulted by an elderly man, according to a video that recently went viral on social media.

The incident reportedly took place along the roadside at Thiruvagoundanur on a highway stretch in Salem, where the minor had been running a small panipuri stall. Ramu had been staying at his sister’s residence in Salem while working.

His parents, who remain in Uttar Pradesh, were said to be undergoing treatment for serious health conditions. To support their medical expenses, the boy had been selling panipuri and sending the money he earned back home.

The matter drew public attention after a video surfaced showing the child in tears describing the alleged harassment. In the footage, he claimed that an elderly man had been beating him and chasing him away, warning him not to operate a roadside stall.

When questioned in the video, the boy alleged that the elderly man had been threatening and attempting to assault him on a daily basis. He further stated that others in the area, including a man and a woman, frequently picked quarrels with him. He alleged that his food items had been thrown away and that he had been pushed aside by the elderly man on the day the video was recorded.

The individual who filmed the interaction also questioned the elderly man on camera. The man responded defiantly, asking why he was being questioned and claiming that he had taken the place on contract rent and had authority over the shop space.

Following the circulation of the video, officials from the Child Welfare Department reached the spot and intervened. The minor was rescued and placed in a protection home. Authorities have initiated arrangements to ensure that he continues his education.

However, the boy’s sister expressed concern that if he stopped working, he would no longer be able to send money to support their parents’ ongoing medical treatment in Uttar Pradesh. She appealed to the government and volunteers to extend financial and humanitarian assistance to the family.

This is one of the many instances occurring in TN that demonstrate growing hostility against fellow Indians from the north of the country/Hindi speakers. It is also believed that Dravidianist political narratives around a north-south divide are contributing to rising verbal and physical attacks against the community.

Source: Organiser

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For Me Blood, For You Tomato Ketchup: Dhanya Rajendran Cries “Press Freedom” For Soros Lackey Ravi Nair Conviction, Stays Silent On DMK Govt Arresting Netizens & YouTubers

By
The Commune
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The conviction of self-styled “independent investigative journalist” Ravi Nair in a criminal defamation case has triggered predictable outrage from India’s entrenched left-liberal media ecosystem. Leading that chorus is The News Minute and its editor Dhanya Rajendran, who have rushed to frame the judgment as an assault on press freedom rather than what it legally is – a conviction delivered by a court of law after due process.

A magistrate court in Mansa, Gandhinagar, convicted Ravi Nair under criminal defamation provisions and sentenced him to one year of imprisonment along with a monetary fine. The conviction stemmed from a series of tweets and publications targeting Adani Enterprises Limited, where the court found a pattern in what Ravi Nair, the Soros lackey did – alleging illegality, manipulation of policy, and impropriety without substantiated proof meeting legal thresholds.

Yet, in TNM’s telling, this was not adjudication but victimhood.

TNM’s ‘mourning piece’ attempts to elevate Nair into the pantheon of persecuted truth-tellers. But the record shows that much of his output consisted of amplification of already-published material, often packaged with insinuation-heavy commentary.

Courts are not social media timelines. The defence of “I shared links others published” does not automatically absolve imputations that courts deem defamatory in tenor, direction, and cumulative effect.

The judgment itself underscored that the publications, though spread across time, maintained a uniform narrative alleging unethical conduct and misuse of state machinery. In law, reputation harm need not show quantifiable financial loss, only demonstrable tendency to damage standing.

That distinction, inconvenient to activism masquerading as journalism, lies at the heart of the verdict.

What makes Dhanya Rajendran’s indignation ring hollow is not merely its defence of Nair – it is its deafening silence elsewhere.

Where was this moral urgency when commentators and YouTubers in Tamil Nadu faced arrest under the DMK regime? There were so many YouTubers, so many political commentators, portals like The Commune – every single one who was against the DMK ecosystem faced arrests and cases after cases piled up against them. Where was Dhanya when Maridhas was arrested, when Kishore K Swamy was detained, when Felix was arrested, when police hounded Savukku Shankar and his family over and over again. Where was Dhanya when a 70+ year old YouTuber Varadharajan was arrested and remained in prison even during Deepavali, away from his family – where were you Dhanya? Was your mouth plastered or had you swallowed Fevicol?

The list of people facing police action, the people against the DMK ecosystem, is long, very long, and conspicuously under-reported by the same platforms now sermonising about democratic freedoms. This is the ‘raththam, thakkali chutney’ logic. It hurts only when it happens to them, while they cheer and laugh when it happens to someone on the other side – this was the same crowd that cheered when Arnab Goswami was arrested.

What Ravi Nair is facing is hardly anything. Here’s what Savukku Shankar and his family faced – case after case for exposing the DMK government, arrest under Goondas Act for alleged finding of ganja in his home, and here’s the worst – In March 2025, a group of unidentified individuals posing as sanitation workers allegedly broke into Savukku Shankar’s residence, vandalised the property, terrorised his mother, and dumped filth inside the house. Shankar said stones were thrown at his vehicle before the intrusion and that the attackers used his mother’s phone to video call him. He linked the attack to his corruption allegations he made against TNCC President Selvaperunthagai over sanitation vehicle contracts.

TNM’s framing of the Ravi Nair case foregrounds selective tweets while downplaying others central to the defamation findings – particularly posts courts considered imputational rather than analytical.

This is classic narrative management that the Left has mastered – Humanise the accused, politicise the prosecution, internationalise the outrage, omit inconvenient parallels – basically, flash the victim card over and over again.

If Dhanya Rajendran and TNM wish to be taken seriously as defenders of free speech, their outrage must be consistent, not curated.

Press freedom cannot be loud in one state, silent in Tamil Nadu, fierce for Nair, muted for regional dissenters, global when convenient, local when risky.

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The Alappuzha Killings Of 1982: How Communist Goons Brutally Killed An RSS Family

By
The Commune
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Kerala’s long history of political violence is often reduced to slogans, party statements, and disputed numbers. What tends to disappear in that process are the individual lives, the families, and the moments of extreme brutality that defined entire phases of the state’s political history.

A brutal episode of political violence unfolded in central Alappuzha on 13 June 1982, when a couple, Dharmajan and his wife Yashoda, were beaten and hacked to death in broad daylight, in what later came to be cited as one of the most gruesome political killings in the state’s history.

Dharmajan, an ex-serviceman, had earlier been a sympathiser of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) but later shifted his political allegiance to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Bharatiya Janata Party. He was serving as a mandal committee member at the time, while his daughters were active in the Rashtra Sevika Samiti. His political defection is said to have heightened tensions in the locality, with repeated threats issued against him.

On the morning of June 13, around 9 AM, Dharmajan and Yashoda were confronted in a busy part of Alappuzha. They were first assaulted with cycle chains and then hacked to death using daggers and swords. The attack took place in full public view. Their daughter Girija sustained injuries during the assault but survived.

The violence did not end there. The following day, June 14, Dharmajan’s son-in-law, Kaladharan, who had intervened during the earlier attack, was chased by assailants and killed inside a nearby temple.

The killings shocked the region and came during a period marked by frequent political clashes in Kerala. Despite the scale and brutality of the violence, the incident received limited sustained coverage in mainstream media at the time, even as it became emblematic of the deadly nature of political rivalries during that era.

Source: Aahuti

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Mamata Govt’s Police Goes All The Way To Noida To Arrest Journalist For ‘Fake Chat’ Leak Involving TMC MP Mahua Moitra

By
The Commune
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Mamata Govt's Police Goes All The Way To Noida To Arrest Journalist For 'Fake Chat' Leak Involving TMC MP Mahua Moitra

In a development that has triggered sharp political and legal controversy, West Bengal Police on Tuesday landed unannounced at the Noida residence of journalist Surajit Dasgupta in an attempt to arrest him over the circulation of alleged private chats linked to a Trinamool Congress MP, a move that seemingly reflects the growing weaponisation of state police machinery under the Mamata Banerjee government.

The attempted arrest relates to social media posts in which Dasgupta had shared purported chats claimed to be between TMC MP Mahua Moitra and political strategist Prashant Kishor. Moitra had subsequently filed a written complaint in Nadia district alleging that fabricated content was being circulated in her name, following which an FIR was registered and an investigation initiated.

Police Action Raises Due Process Questions

West Bengal Police claimed that the chats were “fake” and moved swiftly to arrest Dasgupta. However, questions have been raised over who determines the authenticity of such material and whether criminal liability can be fastened merely for sharing content already circulating in the public domain.

It is noteworthy that if private chats entered the public sphere, the leak could only have originated from one of the two parties involved, raising further questions on why enforcement action appeared focused on those amplifying the content rather than tracing the source.

The conduct of the Krishnanagar police seemed to reflect a troubling pattern of policing driven by political sensitivities rather than constitutional safeguards.

Notice, Warrant, And “Lightning Speed” Action

For offences carrying punishment of up to seven years, criminal procedure mandates issuance of notice for appearance. Despite Dasgupta residing outside West Bengal’s jurisdiction, police reportedly issued a notice demanding appearance within 24 hours, seen as unreasonable and procedurally coercive.

This was followed by a rapid move to secure an arrest warrant from a local court in Nadia after he did not appear. One can contrast the “lightning speed” in this case with what they described as slower investigative responses in serious crimes such as rape and crimes against women in the state.

Bengal Police vs Noida Police: Conflicting Claims

The attempted arrest soon snowballed into an inter-state policing controversy, with West Bengal Police and Noida Police issuing sharply conflicting versions of events.

According to a senior Noida Police source cited by NDTV, a Krishnanagar police team arrived Monday morning to execute the warrant. Bengal Police alleged that after locating and detaining the accused, a large contingent of Noida Police personnel, around 10 to 15 officers, intervened and stopped them from completing the arrest.

They further claimed the four-member Bengal team was taken to a local police station and held there for nearly 90 minutes, during which time the accused allegedly escaped.

Krishnanagar Superintendent of Police K. Amarnath stated that the Bengal team had detained Dasgupta and was preparing the arrest memo when Noida Police intervened and removed them from the location, leaving the accused unguarded.

Noida Police Deny Obstruction

Noida Police rejected the allegations of interference. The Station House Officer of Phase-2 Police Station stated that the Bengal team had arrived without prior intimation. He said local police had requested time to follow mandatory procedure, including forming a raiding team.

Officials added that apartment security had to be informed before conducting a raid, as required by protocol. When the joint operation was carried out, the suspect was not found at the premises.

The SHO denied any lack of cooperation, stating that full support had been extended and that both the SHO and chowki in-charge were part of the search operation.

Forensic Claim And FIR Basis

Police sources said a forensic examination conducted by the Forensic Science Laboratory had concluded that the circulated chats were forged. Based on this finding, Dasgupta was issued notice to appear before investigators.

After he failed to do so, the arrest warrant was obtained.

Political And Civil Liberty Concerns

The episode has triggered broader concerns about press freedom, due process, and alleged political overreach.

The speed and manner of police action seemed to suggest an attempt to criminalise embarrassment of political figures rather than uphold law. One also wonders how an MP of a regional party appeared able to trigger such swift interstate enforcement mobilisation.

The incident has further fuelled allegations that governance and policing structures in West Bengal are increasingly blurred with party interests, raising questions about democratic accountability and institutional neutrality.

Source: NDTV

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DMK-Congress Rift Widens: Congress MP Manickam Tagore Regrets Supporting DMK During 2006 Minority Govt

By
The Commune
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manickam tagore dmk congress

Congress MP Manickam Tagore has stirred fresh political debate ahead of the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections after invoking the 2006 election outcome and suggesting that the Congress party erred in not implementing the people’s mandate at the time.

In a post on his X page, Tagore wrote that the people would decide whether Tamil Nadu should have a coalition government or a single-party government, adding that the failure to implement the people’s verdict in 2006 was a mistake committed by the Tamil Nadu Congress.

In his words, he wrote, “The people will decide. Whether it will be a coalition government? Or Whether it will be a one-party government. It is our @INCTamilNadu mistake not to implement the people’s verdict in 2006.”

His remarks come at a time when Congress leaders have been increasingly vocal about seeking a share in governance within the DMK-led alliance.

The statement has drawn attention particularly because Chief Minister MK Stalin asserted, while speaking at an India Today event, that power-sharing arrangements were not suitable for Tamil Nadu, effectively pushing back against Congress demands. Leaders such as Praveen Chakravarthy and Tagore himself have been pressing the issue of governance participation as alliance negotiations gather pace ahead of the polls.

Looking back at 2006: The election Tagore referenced

Tagore’s post has revived discussion around the 2006 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections and the political arrangement that followed.

At the time, the Congress party was in power at the Centre and was part of the DMK-led alliance in Tamil Nadu, along with the PMK. In that election the DMK contested 132 seats and won 96 whereas the Congress contested 48 seats and won 34. The PMK contested 31 seats and secured 18 victories.

On the opposing side, the AIADMK contested 188 seats and won 61, the DMDK contested 232 seats but won 1 seat, while securing 8.4% vote share. No party secured an absolute majority in the Assembly.

Minority government with outside support

Despite the fractured mandate, the DMK went on to form the government on its own. The Congress and PMK extended outside support but were not given a share in the government.

Then Opposition Leader J Jayalalithaa repeatedly criticised the DMK administration as a “minority government,” using the issue as a political attack point across public platforms.

The experience of 2006 is widely seen as having shaped the DMK’s later electoral strategy. Determined to avoid reliance on outside support, the party began insisting on contesting a larger number of seats in subsequent elections to secure a clear majority.

In the 2021 Assembly elections, the DMK directly contested 173 seats. Stalin and several other DMK leaders have repeatedly stated that the party intends to contest no fewer than 200 seats in 2026 as well.

Source: OneIndia Tamil

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TN CM Stalin Once Again Pastes ‘Dravidian Model’ Sticker On Women’s Hostel Initiative Funded By Modi Govt

By
The Commune
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DMK Peddles 'Dravidian Model' Claim On Girls Hostels - Official Data Says Otherwise

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin, while delivering the keynote address at the India Today Tamil Nadu Roundtable, highlighted his government’s welfare initiatives and claimed that several states were studying and adopting schemes implemented under the “Dravidian model.”

Referring specifically to women’s welfare infrastructure, Stalin said that multiple states had sent officials to study Tamil Nadu’s initiatives and added that even the Union Government had drawn inspiration from the State’s “Thozhi Hostel” model while announcing a nationwide scheme for working women.

Speaking at the event, he said, “Looking at the Dravidian model govt schemes, several states are keen to adopt those schemes and send officers to do case study. Even now, taking our Thozhi hostel as a model, the union government announced a scheme in the budget.”

However, the Chief Minister’s remarks and claims misrepresent both the historical record and the funding structure behind such hostels in Tamil Nadu.

On 1 February 2026, Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman announced in the Union Budget that working women’s hostels would be established in every district across India. Following the announcement, Dravidianist voices, DMK spokespersons, and aligned media platforms amplified the narrative that Tamil Nadu had already implemented such a model as early as 2010 under the “Dravidian model.”

However, available records indicate that working women’s hostels in Tamil Nadu significantly predate 2010 and that a substantial portion of the existing infrastructure was created under previous administrations.

Government data shows that as early as 1980–81, during AIADMK rule, government-run working women’s hostels were established in several districts of the state. Of the 24 such hostels functioning in Tamil Nadu as of 2024, 20 were started during AIADMK tenures.

Funding details further complicate the narrative being projected. According to official documents, the Central Government provides the majority share of funds for the construction of working women’s hostels in Tamil Nadu. Under the centrally sponsored “Sakhi Niwas” initiative for working women on 1 April 2022, the Centre contributes 60% of the project cost, with the Tamil Nadu government contributing the remaining 40%. These hostels are implemented nationwide, including in Tamil Nadu, where the DMK government branded them as “Thozhi hostels”/ Thozhi Viduthi initiative was launched on 13 July 2023.

Financial data shows that the Union Government allocated ₹223 crore to Tamil Nadu under the scheme and released ₹147.18 crore toward its implementation.

In the Union Budget 2024–25, presented in July 2024, Sitharaman announced that the Centre would establish working women’s hostels in collaboration with industries and create crèches to improve women’s workforce participation.

Earlier documentation from August 2021, released by the Ministry of Women and Child Development, shows that the Centre sanctioned funds to the Tamil Nadu government for a working women’s hostel with a daycare facility in Tambaram district. The project, executed by the Tamil Nadu Working Women Hostel Corporation Limited, received a non-recurring central grant of ₹7.005 crore, representing 60 per cent of the total approved project cost of ₹11.675 crore. The first instalment released amounted to ₹3.5025 crore, accounting for 50 per cent of the Centre’s share.

The documents also clarify that the Working Women Hostel scheme functions as a sub-scheme under the Centrally Sponsored Umbrella Scheme Mission for Protection & Empowerment for Women, with the Centre–State funding ratio fixed at 60:40.

So whichever way it is looked at, the Dravidianists have been peddling a lie for the past 2 years and repeating it to push the “Dravidian Model” narrative once again.

And they continue to peddle the same lie even at several big platforms like those of India Today.

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