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After Sridhar Vembu, Educator Vineetha Govindasamy Alleges Bribes For School Approvals, Forced Use Of School Vans During DMK Rule

By
The Commune
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After Sridhar Vembu, Educator Vineetha Govindasamy Alleges Bribes For School Approvals, Forced Use Of School Vans During DMK Rule

Educator and former school administrator Vineetha Govindasamy has publicly backed Zoho founder Sridhar Vembu’s allegations of corruption and bribery in Tamil Nadu’s school education system, sharing her own experience of running a CBSE school for nearly a decade and describing what she called years of bureaucratic harassment, unofficial demands for money and misuse of private school resources by government authorities.

Govindasamy, associated with Abhishri Academy (formerly Aurobindo Vidhyalaya), responded to Vembu’s latest post on X in which he defended his earlier claims that his trust’s rural schools faced prolonged delays and alleged demands for bribes under the previous DMK government before approvals were granted after the change in government.

Sharing her own experience, Govindasamy wrote that managing a CBSE school had shown her “just how painful it can be to deal with the government machinery.”

“There are days when you come very close to giving up; not because running a school is difficult, but because you’re exhausted from constantly having to give. Even greed should have a ceiling. There has to be a point where they should just live & let live,” she wrote.

“Every Approval Came With An Expectation Of Money”

Govindasamy alleged that demands for money accompanied almost every statutory approval required to operate a school.

According to her, clearances relating to fire safety, building safety, kitchens, hostels and several other regulatory approvals routinely came with an expectation of unofficial payments.

“Every approval (fire, safety, kitchen, hostel, or any other clearance) seems to come with an expectation of money,” she alleged.

She further claimed that government meetings held near the school also resulted in demands that private educational institutions provide money, school vehicles, staff and other resources.

“Every government meeting happening in the proximity of our school, we are not requested but demanded to provide money, school vans, staff, and other resources,” she wrote.

School Vans Allegedly Used For 2022 Chess Olympiad Campaign

Govindasamy also levelled a specific allegation regarding the 2022 FIDE Chess Olympiad hosted in Chennai.

According to her, officials instructed the school to provide several school vans for promotional activities connected with the international event.

She alleged that large posters featuring then Chief Minister M.K. Stalin alongside Chess Olympiad branding were pasted on the school’s vehicles for the campaign.

“As an example, during the FIDE Chess Olympiad in Chennai in 2022, we were instructed to provide a couple of our school vans for advertisement. Huge posters featuring our Chief Minister and the Chess Olympiad branding were put up on our school vehicles,” she wrote.

Govindasamy further claimed that when the school requested removal of the posters after the event concluded, officials allegedly refused to bear the cost.

“A month after the event, when we requested that they be removed, we were told either to leave them as they were or remove them at our own expense, which was not cheap,” she alleged.

“Officials Said Corruption No Longer Had To Be Hidden”

Perhaps her strongest allegation concerned what she claimed government officials themselves had told her.

Govindasamy alleged that officials openly admitted corruption had always existed in Tamil Nadu but claimed that under the previous government they no longer feared being caught.

“What disturbed me even more was hearing government officials openly say that corruption has always existed in TN, but under the current government, they no longer have to hide it or fear getting caught. Those words came from their own mouths,” she wrote.

Clarifying that she was not aligned with any political party, Govindasamy said her remarks were based entirely on her personal experience.

“I’m neither for nor against any political party. But when you endure one blow after another for years, it’s only natural to feel relieved, and even celebrate, when the wind changes direction and you finally sense the possibility of a fresh breeze,” she wrote.

Vembu Says Others Are Beginning To Speak Out

Vembu reshared Govindasamy’s post, stating that because she did not possess the same public profile as he did, the hardships endured by her school under the previous administration had allegedly been even more severe.

He urged other school administrators and educators who had privately experienced similar issues to speak publicly.

Govindasamy’s post came a day after Vembu issued a detailed clarification defending his earlier remarks, following criticism from the “DMK ecosystem.”

Vembu had earlier stated that Kalaivani Kalvi Maiyam, the trust that operates his free rural schools in Tenkasi and Theni, faced prolonged delays in obtaining statutory approvals during the previous DMK government and alleged that officials demanded money to process them.

According to Vembu, a retired IPS officer who had originally established the Theni campus had informed him that he was unable to obtain the mandatory No Objection Certificate (NOC) because he refused to pay the money allegedly demanded by officials.

Vembu also stated that Directorate of Town and Country Planning (DTCP) approval for permanent buildings at the trust’s Tenkasi school remained pending throughout the previous government’s tenure and was granted only after the change in government.

He further asserted that once the new government assumed office, approvals were processed without any demand for unofficial payments.

Responding to critics who accused him of fabricating the allegations to politically benefit the ruling TVK government, Vembu maintained that he was merely recounting his own experience running free schools in rural Tamil Nadu and said he had no political motive behind his remarks.

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NHRC Complaint Seeks Probe Into Kurnool’s St Anthony’s Orphanage Over Alleged Illegal Child Care Operations, FCRA Irregularities

By
The Commune
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NHRC Complaint Seeks Probe Into Kurnool's St Anthony's Orphanage Over Alleged Illegal Child Care Operations, FCRA Irregularities

A complaint has been submitted to the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) seeking an immediate investigation into alleged irregularities in the functioning of St Anthony’s Orphanage in Adoni, Andhra Pradesh. The complaint, filed by NGO watchdog Legal Rights Protection Forum (LRPF), alleges that the institution has been operating orphanages without mandatory statutory recognition under the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act while receiving substantial foreign contributions for orphan welfare and related activities.

The complaint alleges possible violations relating to child rights, misuse of foreign contributions regulated under the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA), governance irregularities, and the operation of an unregistered child care institution. The allegations have not been independently verified, and no response from St Anthony’s Orphanage or the Diocese of Kurnool was available at the time of publication.

According to the complaint, St Anthony’s Orphanage is a registered society bearing Registration No. 277 of 2004, incorporated on 15 March 2004, with its registered office located near the Railway Station in Adoni, Kurnool district. The society also holds FCRA Registration No. 010270006, which remains valid until 31 March 2029.

RTI Reply Allegedly Reveals Absence Of Statutory Registration

The central allegation in the complaint concerns the institution’s legal status as a child care facility.

The LRPF stated that it obtained information under the RTI from the Project Director of the District Woman and Child Development Agency, Kurnool. Based on this information, the organisation claims that St Anthony’s Orphanage does not appear in the official list of licensed or registered Child Care Institutions in the district.

The complaint further states that telephonic inquiries were subsequently made with the District Probation Officer and the District Child Protection Officer in Kurnool. According to the complaint, both officials confirmed that St Anthony’s Orphanage had not been granted approval or recognition as a Child Care Institution under the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act.

The organisation argues that if children are indeed being housed at the premises without registration under Section 41 of the Juvenile Justice Act, it would amount to a serious statutory violation while raising significant concerns regarding child protection, institutional oversight and compliance with legal safeguards.

₹3.79 Crore In Foreign Contributions Under Scanner

The complaint also raises questions regarding foreign contributions received by the institution over several years.

Citing annual FC-4 returns filed before the Ministry of Home Affairs, the complaint states that St Anthony’s Orphanage received foreign funds amounting to ₹3,79,16,457 between the financial years 2006-07 and 2018-19.

According to the complaint, the funds were received for various purposes including construction and management of the orphanage, educational activities, social programmes and maintenance of the orphanage. The largest annual receipt was reportedly ₹1,07,30,485 during the financial year 2014-15 for construction and management of the orphanage. The complaint further contends that since the institution’s FCRA registration remains valid until 2029, additional foreign contributions may also have been received after 2018-19.

Social Media Presence Cited As Evidence Of Orphanage Operations

The complaint also shared publicly available material, including the institution’s Facebook page, to argue that St Anthony’s Orphanage is operating separate orphanages for boys and girls in Adoni under the administration of the Diocese of Kurnool.

According to the complaint, the institution publicly presents itself as an orphanage engaged in child welfare activities and has projected itself before the public and foreign donors as such. It further identifies Fr. P. John David as the Director of the institution and states that diocesan records describe him as an Assistant Parish Priest under the Diocese of Kurnool.

The complaint also cites newsletters and publications issued by the Diocese of Kurnool, alleging that they repeatedly refer to the activities of St Anthony’s Orphanage and thereby establish an administrative relationship between the Diocese and the institution.

Allegations Of Financial And Administrative Links Between Diocese-Linked Entities

The complaint also focuses on the overlapping governance structures among multiple FCRA-registered organisations linked to the Diocese of Kurnool.

According to the complaint, office bearers of St Anthony’s Orphanage simultaneously hold leadership positions in the Diocesan Educational Society, Kurnool Diocese Social Service Society and the Diocese of Kurnool Society.

The complaint identifies Gorantla Jawaharlal Nehru, President of St Anthony’s Orphanage, as also serving as President of all three related organisations. It further states that Secretary Mese Prasanna Kumar serves as Vice President of the Diocesan Educational Society, while member Mendem Ananda Kumar is also a member of the same society. Another member, David Arulappa, is stated to be Vice President of the Diocese of Kurnool Society.

Based on these overlaps, the LRPF alleges the existence of centralised administrative control, interconnected financial operations and possible coordination among the various Diocese-linked organisations. It claims these relationships warrant investigation into governance transparency, institutional independence, potential conflicts of interest, financial transactions between related entities and the possibility of diversion or layering of foreign contributions.

Questions Raised Over Child Welfare Compliance

The complaint also questions whether children housed at the institution were lawfully admitted and whether statutory authorities were informed as required under child protection laws.

It alleges that if the institution lacks legal recognition, questions arise regarding whether the District Collector, Child Welfare Committee and other competent authorities were notified about children residing at the orphanage. It also seeks an investigation into whether children staying at the institution are genuinely orphaned, abandoned or legally surrendered children, or whether they may have been projected as orphans for the purpose of obtaining foreign funding.

The complaint further seeks an inquiry into whether mandatory standards relating to nutrition, education, healthcare, psychological protection, inspections, institutional monitoring and child safety have been complied with, and whether vulnerable children may have been exposed to exploitation under the guise of charitable activities.

NHRC Urged To Order Comprehensive Probe

In its prayer before the NHRC, the Legal Rights Protection Forum has sought a comprehensive inquiry into the functioning of St Anthony’s Orphanage.

The organisation has requested the Commission to direct inspections of all premises operated by the society, ascertain the identity and legal status of every child residing there, verify compliance with the Juvenile Justice Act, obtain records from the District Child Protection Unit, Child Welfare Committee and District Collector, and recommend that the Ministry of Home Affairs investigate the receipt and utilisation of foreign contributions.

The complaint also urges the NHRC to examine financial transactions between St Anthony’s Orphanage and other Diocese-linked FCRA-registered organisations and recommend criminal, regulatory or statutory action if any violations are established following investigation.

Describing the matter as one involving the safety, dignity and legal protection of vulnerable children, the complainant has sought urgent intervention by the National Human Rights Commission.

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Joseph Vijay’s TVK Govt Calling Centre As “Indian Government” Is More Dangerous Than DMK’s “Union Govt”

By
The Commune
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Joseph Vijay’s TVK government has made a deliberate linguistic shift by referring to the Centre as the “Indian Government” in official communications and public discourse.

TVK has gone one step above the DMK in its dangerous game of regionalist politics.

While the DMK spent decades slyly referring to the Centre as the “Union Government” to keep its old separatist itch alive, Joseph Vijay’s TVK government has escalated it further by openly calling it the “Indian Government” — treating the national government as something alien, external, and almost foreign to Tamil Nadu.

This is not mere semantics. It is a calculated narrative shift that, when seen in the larger picture of TVK’s early rule, reveals a deeply disturbing agenda of fragmentation and soft separatism.

From Periyar’s Dravidar Kazhagam demanding Dravida Nadu to the early DMK’s pre-1963 secessionism, the “Union” phrasing framed India as a loose contractual arrangement of states rather than one indivisible nation. Even after the 16th Constitutional Amendment curbed open separatism, the “Union” rhetoric preserved that itch — treating the Centre as an external, almost adversarial entity. DMK’s version was bad enough. But TVK has discarded even that thin constitutional veil. By normalising “Indian Government” in official communications, the new regime is fostering a mental separation far more potent and populist than anything the DMK achieved.

The Larger Picture: Identity Engineering and Anti-India Optics

This choice of words must be judged against TVK’s other aggressive moves. The Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) abandoned its decades-old alliance with the DMK to join the TVK government and bag the minorities welfare portfolio. Almost immediately, the same TVK government released official welfare material describing Christians as a separate “race” — not a religious community, but a distinct racial entity. This state-sponsored racialisation of faith is toxic and unprecedented. It carves Tamil society into ethnic-racial silos instead of uniting them as Indians.

Vijay, himself a Christian, may speak of harmony, but these actions scream vote-bank politics and identity fragmentation at the cost of national cohesion.

The danger peaked when US Ambassador Sergio Gor met Chief Minister Vijay and tweeted about cooperation “between our two nations.” A senior American diplomat framing a state of India as a separate nation is outrageous. In the context of TVK’s “Indian Government” language, IUML alliance, and racial framing of Christians, this remark — whether careless or calculated — gives legitimacy to the speculations about separatist undertones of TVK.

Opposes Vande Mataram 

TVK rushed to object to the national song Vande Mataram being accorded its due place at government functions. The party has publicly declared it will disregard the Centre’s protocol in future functions and revert to starting with the state song.

Is Singing National Anthem Before Tamil Thai Vazhthu A Crime?

Even in the Tamil Nadu Assembly, TVK has continued this disturbing pattern. Chief Minister Vijay sharply attacked the DMK over criticism of the sequence in which the National Anthem and Tamil Thai Vazhthu were rendered during the Governor’s Address. However, in attempting to highlight DMK’s hypocrisy, Vijay’s own speech repeatedly portrayed the act of singing the National Anthem before Tamil Thai Vazhthu — or singing it twice — as though it were a serious transgression requiring elaborate explanation and justification.

He cited a 2021 DMK-era event with the President of India to counter them, yet the very need to justify the National Anthem’s primacy only amplified the message: under TVK, national symbols are treated as optional or secondary, always needing political defence when they take precedence. Such episodes keep national symbols contested and distant, normalising the idea that loyalty to Tamil Nadu stands apart from, and above, loyalty to India.For decades, this brand of mental separation — viewing the national government as “them” and prioritising sub-national identities — was largely limited to Kashmir and parts of the Northeast, often ending in violence and alienation. Tamil Nadu, long integrated into India’s economic and cultural mainstream, is now being dragged down the same path

TVK’s Dangerous Path

For decades, this brand of mental separation — viewing the national government as “them” and prioritising sub-national identities — was largely limited to Kashmir and parts of the Northeast, often ending in violence and alienation. Tamil Nadu, long integrated into India’s economic and cultural mainstream, is now being dragged down the same path by a celebrity-driven government armed with mass appeal.

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‘Today A Naa***** Sits In CM’s Chair’, DMK MP A Raja Says

By
The Commune
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'Today A Scoundrel Sits In CM's Chair', DMK MP A Raja Says

DMK MP A. Raja made a series of sharp political remarks abusing the CM and also declaring that the DMK no longer needed alliances, while addressing a wedding function in Thiruvarur.

Although the event was organised as a family function, Raja used the occasion to launch into a political speech defending the DMK’s leadership, mocking opposition criticism, and asserting the strength of the ruling party.

Drawing from historical anecdotes involving former Chief Ministers CN Annadurai and C Rajagopalachari (Rajaji), Raja argued that a single electoral defeat could not diminish the stature of a great political leader.

“Today, a scoundrel leader occupies the Chief Minister’s chair in the very Legislative Assembly where stalwarts like Anna and Rajaji once sat. Will you put these leaders to the test in an election?” 

He compared the argument to Winston Churchill losing an election after leading Britain through World War II, suggesting that electoral victories and defeats do not define historic leaders.

Raja also took exception to recent statements claiming that the DMK alliance had weakened.

Referring to a Communist Party leader’s remarks, he questioned the authority of others to declare the fate of the alliance.

“What authority do you have to declare that the DMK alliance no longer exists?”

He asserted that the DMK continued to enjoy the backing of nearly 60 supporting organisations and claimed party workers and supporters regularly expressed confidence that Stalin would return to power.

In one of the most politically significant remarks of the speech, Raja declared that the DMK would not be entering into alliances going forward.

“There will be no alliance with anyone hereafter.”

He projected confidence that the DMK alone was capable of protecting Tamil Nadu and suggested there was no viable alternative political force.

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Zoho Founder Sridhar Vembu Goes Ballastic Against DMK

By
The Commune
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Zoho Founder Sridhar Vembu Goes Ballastic Against DMK

Zoho founder Sridhar Vembu has strongly defended his recent remarks praising the Tamil Nadu government’s education sector reforms, alleging that the DMK ecosystem launched personal attacks against him after he claimed that approvals for his rural schools were delayed under the previous government due to alleged demands for bribes.

In a detailed statement posted on X, Vembu rejected allegations that he had fabricated his earlier claims to politically benefit the TVK government. He asserted that his comments were based entirely on his own experience running free rural schools in Tamil Nadu.

“The DMK ecosystem is attacking me that the school issue I reported was a lie I concocted to help the TVK government. Let me state the facts,” Vembu wrote.

Vembu explained that the trust Kalaivani Kalvi Maiyam currently operates two free National Institute of Open Schooling (NIOS) institutions – one in rural Tenkasi, where he resides, and another in rural Theni.

According to him, the Theni school was originally established by a retired IPS officer who had invested in building quality infrastructure for a CBSE school. However, the officer had to shut down the institution because he was unable to obtain the mandatory No Objection Certificate (NOC).

Vembu stated that the retired officer had informed him that government officials demanded money to issue the NOC and that, as an honest officer, he refused to pay.

“He told me that as an honest retired officer he did not have the money to pay and they would not issue the NOC otherwise,” Vembu stated.

The retired officer subsequently requested Kalaivani Kalvi Maiyam to take over the trust, following which the premises began operating as a free NIOS school, he added.

Vembu further stated that unlike the Tenkasi school, the Theni institution periodically faced difficulties because it did not possess state government registration.

When the trust later sought recognition under the Tamil Nadu State Board system, he alleged that obtaining approvals again involved monetary demands, leaving the school caught in administrative limbo.

He also described his experience while attempting to construct permanent facilities for the Tenkasi school.

According to Vembu, the trust applied for Directorate of Town and Country Planning (DTCP) approval for the new buildings but the application remained pending throughout the DMK government’s tenure.

“We waited patiently for DTCP approval for the new school buildings but the approval never came as long as the DMK was in power. The approval came automatically once the government changed,” he wrote.

Vembu added that after the change in government, approvals were granted without any demand for unofficial payments.

“Not only did the approvals come, government people told us not to pay money to anyone for any approvals. I have to appreciate this in public, having endured what we had endured before,” he said.

The Zoho founder said his earlier social media post praising the TVK government merely acknowledged what he viewed as a positive administrative change and denied accusations that he was politically motivated.

“This is the ‘lie’ that DMK wants to attack me on. I do not need their certificate on my character,” he wrote.

Vembu questioned why critics believed he would invent such allegations, stating that he is primarily a technology entrepreneur focused on software development.

“They can examine their conscience and ask why a technology nerd like me who is mostly immersed in code would post these,” he wrote.

Responding to personal attacks directed against him, Vembu said attempts to label him as a “Brahmin”, “TVK stooge” or “Sanghi” would not intimidate him.

“I will not be intimidated by their attacks. I am unafraid of death, why would I be afraid of the mere DMK?” he wrote.

He also alleged that those attacking him should instead account for money they had “looted”.

Vembu’s clarification follows the political debate triggered by his earlier posts praising the TVK government’s education reforms.

He had publicly stated that Kalaivani Kalvi Maiyam, which provides free education to rural children, experienced prolonged delays and alleged demands for bribes while seeking approvals under the previous DMK government.

According to Vembu, approvals that had remained pending were processed quickly after the TVK government assumed office.

“Our rural school Kalaivani Kalvi Maiyam, which provides completely free education to rural children, faced delays getting approvals from the previous government. Of course, significant money was demanded and we were told that was the only way, even if it is a completely free school. After @TVKVijayHQ came to power, approvals have happened quickly and automatically,” he had posted.

He also reiterated that the school had followed the normal approval process during the previous government but endured delays and alleged demands before receiving approvals after the change in administration.

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‘I’m The Lawyer, Let Me In’: DMK Spokesperson & Advocate Saravanan Denied Entry During EV Velu Raid; Claims To Have Got Permission Later

By
The Commune
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'I'm The Lawyer, Let Me In': DMK Spokesperson & Advocate Saravanan Denied Entry During EV Velu Raid; Claims To Have Got Permission Later

A dramatic moment unfolded outside the Chennai residence of former DMK Minister and senior DMK leader EV Velu during the Directorate of Vigilance and Anti-Corruption (DVAC) searches, as DMK member and advocate K. Saravanan was seen peering through the door peephole after allegedly being prevented from entering the premises.

The visuals, which quickly began circulating on social media, captured Saravanan attempting to look inside the house through the small opening in the main door while security personnel stationed outside prevented him from entering. The incident came amid heightened political attention surrounding the DVAC raids conducted at multiple locations linked to Velu.

The searches were carried out in connection with a disproportionate assets and corruption case registered against Velu, ten Highways Department officials, and a contractor over allegations that payments were released for road works that were allegedly never executed in 2022.

As lawyers and party functionaries gathered outside the residence, Saravanan reportedly arrived to provide legal assistance to the former minister. However, he was initially stopped at the entrance by security personnel deployed at the location. Unable to gain immediate access, the advocate was seen anxiously looking through the door peephole, with the visuals becoming one of the most talked-about moments from the day’s proceedings.

Hours later, however, Saravanan sought to clarify the situation.

Posting on X, he stated that he was eventually allowed to meet Velu after obtaining permission from the police.

“I was able to visit and meet brother @evvelu after obtaining police permission,” he wrote.

The clarification indicated that while entry was initially denied or delayed, the police subsequently permitted the lawyer to meet the former minister after completing the required formalities.

The episode unfolded against the backdrop of the first major anti-corruption action against a former DMK minister since the TVK government led by Chief Minister C. Joseph Vijay assumed office after defeating the DMK in the 2026 Assembly elections, as reported in DT Next.

The DVAC searches were conducted at 14 locations linked to Velu and the other accused after the agency registered an FIR alleging criminal conspiracy, cheating, criminal breach of trust, forgery, and offences under the Prevention of Corruption Act. The complaint was filed based on a petition submitted by Arappor Iyakkam convenor Jayaram Venkatesan.

While the investigation itself remained the primary focus of the day, the image of the DMK lawyer peering through the door after being stopped outside the residence added an unusual visual to an already politically charged operation, before his subsequent clarification that police permission had ultimately been granted for the meeting.

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Transparency Without Accountability: The Biggest Flaw In TVK Govt’s TNEB White Paper

By
G Saimukundhan
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Transparency Without Accountability: The Biggest Flaw In TVK Govt's TNEB White Paper

The much-anticipated White Paper on the Tamil Nadu Electricity Board (TNEB), released as of 31 March 2026, was expected to serve as a no-holds-barred diagnostic of the power sector’s chronic woes. In my X post on 24 June 2026, I had articulated a simple wishlist – full disclosure on accumulated deficits, the ₹2.5 lakh crore debt mountain, monthly liquidity crises, procurement scandals under investigation, questionable power purchase agreements (PPAs), regulatory assets, section-wise distribution losses, and the real reasons behind frequent outages.

The 39-page document does deliver on some fundamentals but falls significantly short on depth, candour, and the forensic scrutiny the crisis demands.

The Good: Hard Numbers on Finance and Debt

The White Paper deserves credit for presenting consolidated financials in clear tables. It exposes the staggering accumulated operational gaps (Revenue Receipt minus Expenditure) across five-year blocks. The fifth-year snapshots reveal persistent pressure, though the 2025–26 revised estimate shows a narrowed gap of Rs.933 crore following a 3.16% tariff hike in TNPDCL, towards the fag end of the previous Government. (This amount of Rs.933 Crores deserves a special attention else where for what a farce it is, and I have delved into it separately. Readers may keep track of this.)

Debt figures are equally explicit. As of 31 March 2026, total outstanding debt stands at a massive Rs.2,47,130 crore validating the alarming scale flagged in public discourse. Following the 2024 unbundling, this burden is allocated across entities, with the distribution arm (TNPDCL) carrying the lion’s share at Rs.1,07,365 crore.

These disclosures provide a baseline that earlier, more opaque regimes rarely offered. Recent improvements in gap reduction and long-term procurement savings—projected at Rs.215 crore per month by shifting from expensive short-term market purchases (Rs.8.70/unit) to long-term open access (LTOA / MTOA) deals (Rs.6.63/unit) are highlighted as key achievements.

Infrastructure and Staffing: Quantity Over Quality

Sections on equipment and human resources list massive cumulative additions: 447,603 distribution transformers added over 25 years, thousands of substations, and line kilometres. The document also explicitly details a crippling vacancy crisis: 65,921 posts vacant out of 1,40,635 sanctioned. To address this, a major recruitment drive of 15,058 posts (plus 5,391 pending gangmen approvals) is proposed for 2026–27, alongside plans for 231 new substations costing Rs.15,032 crore.

Yet, these metrics are presented purely as success stories of expansion. The document offers zero engineering analysis of why these massive infrastructure additions continue to result in frequent outages, or how utilisation rates and maintenance quality lag behind asset creation.

Critical Shortfalls: What the White Paper Avoids

This is where my expectations were completely dashed:

Procurement Irregularities: The document is completely silent on collusive tendering, active investigations into transformer procurement (with alleged 30% to 50% bid inflation), or industry reports of steep commissions demanded from solar developers. Procurement is framed entirely through positive future asset additions with zero mention of accountability for past overruns.

Sanitizing Recruitment Irregularities: The document takes a hypocritical, “holier-than-thou” approach to human resources by quietly scheduling the induction of 5,391 Gangmen pending financial clearance. This completely ignores the fact that Electricity Minister CTR Nirmal Kumar himself explicitly alluded to deep-seated corruption and procedural irregularities involved in that very recruitment batch. By framing this as a routine onboarding process, the presentation acts as an administrative laundry machine eager to absorb the personnel numbers into its future workforce projections while completely burying the minister’s own public charges of institutional malfeasance, made right during the presentation (and not some months or weeks back).

The Cloud Audit Failure: In a quiet admission of administrative failure, the report notes that the heavily promoted “Cloud Audit” mechanism was abruptly discontinued on 01.06.2026 and reverted back to conventional physical scrutiny to clear severe payment delays for contract workers.

Distribution Losses vs. Ground Realities: Despite detailed tables on revenue and expenditure, there is no section-wise Aggregate Technical & Commercial (AT&C) loss data, no breakdown of commercial vs. technical losses, and no frank discussion of power theft. These remain convenient black boxes used to justify tariff hikes.

The Missing Regulatory Assets: The looming Rs.59,000 crore Regulatory Asset crisis—which mandates an additional annual recovery burden of roughly Rs.11,800 crore beginning in FY 2026–27—finds absolutely no mention in the document. This item alone warrants a detailed discussion else where.

The Artificial Subsidy Fix: The TNEB presentation proudly boasts a dramatically narrowed annual deficit of just Rs.933 crore for FY 2025–26 RE. However, the Finance Ministry’s macro-level White Paper exposes this as an accounting mirage propped up by unsustainable bailouts. It bluntly points out that pumping over Rs.33,478 crore in annual subsidies and loss-funding grants in FY 2025-26 alone merely creates an illusion of stabilization while draining state resources and crowding out productive infrastructure investments.

What is a Regulatory Asset, and Why Does This Omission Matter?

In utility accounting, a regulatory asset is essentially an approved expenditure (like fuel cost spikes or power purchase inflation) that the utility (TNEB, in our case) incurred but was legally barred from collecting from consumers immediately due to political or regulatory caps on tariff hikes. Instead of taking an immediate loss, the utility creates a “regulatory asset” on its balance sheet, promising to recover these costs through consumer bills at a later date.

In TNEB’s case, this is a ticking fiscal time bomb. These are deferred consumer bills from previous years that must now legally be extracted from the public under judicial mandates. By entirely omitting this ₹59,000 crore liability, the paper presents an artificially smoothed, misleadingly positive picture of future financial health while keeping consumers completely in the dark about upcoming tariff shocks.

And the tragic part is the promise by the Energy Minister Mr. CTR Nirmal Kumar that, in the current year, the Government will not revise the tariff at all! This “policy intent”, coupled with the proposed Rs.50000 Crore spend on infrastructure, would only add to the “Regulatory Asset”. In essence, this Government will continue to involve itself in the accounting jugglery, skipping genuine accountability.

The Structural Deception: A Slideshow Re-labeled as a “White Paper”

Beyond the specific data gaps, the most disappointing aspect of this release is its very format. When a government promises a “White Paper” on a bankrupt state utility, the public expects an exhaustive, multi-chapter forensic diagnostic report filled with structural analysis. Instead, what has been delivered as a White Paper is quite literally just a 39-page summary presentation slide deck.

By passing off a high-level executive slideshow as a complete White Paper, the ministry provides just enough data to look transparent, while holding back the granular details required for true public scrutiny. The “Way Forward” section suffers the most from this format, offering generic corporate bullet points like “Scale Up Storage” and “Smarter Power Procurement” without a single page of economic modeling, binding timelines, or enforceable policy frameworks. It reads less like an official state recovery plan and more like an aspirational pitch deck.

A Partial Step Forward

The Tamil Nadu government has taken a welcome stride toward transparency by publishing audited-style financial summaries and clear debt positions that were long overdue. For that, credit is due.

However, by omitting procurement scandals, granular loss data, regulatory asset burdens, and independent scrutiny mechanisms, the White Paper fails to meet the higher bar of accountability set by public discourse. True reform requires not just listing problems, but dissecting failures especially those involving systemic inefficiencies and alleged irregularities.

The people of Tamil Nadu deserve a much fuller reckoning.

G Saimukundhan is a Chartered Accountant.

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Over 7 Acres Of Temple Land For Kalaignar Intl Convention Centre That May Become TN’s New Secretariat?

By
The Commune
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Over 7 Acres Of Temple Land For Kalaignar Intl Convention Centre That May Become TN's New Secretariat?

The Tamil Nadu government’s ambitious ₹525-crore Kalaignar International Convention Centre at Muttukadu has entered its final phase of construction. However, even before the project is completed, fresh concerns erupted over reports that an additional 7.62 acres of land under the control of the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Department is proposed to be transferred to facilitate ancillary infrastructure for the project.

The development has reignited long-standing concerns over the State government’s treatment of Hindu temple properties and raised uncomfortable questions about why lands belonging to Hindu religious institutions are repeatedly viewed as a readily available resource for government infrastructure projects.

Project Conceived Under DMK, Nearing Completion Under TVK Government

The Kalaignar International Convention Centre was announced during the previous DMK regime as a flagship infrastructure project intended to transform Chennai into a global destination for conventions, exhibitions and business summits.

Spread across nearly 37.99 acres on East Coast Road at Muttukadu, the project carries an estimated cost of ₹525 crore. The foundation stone was laid in May 2025, and nearly 60% of the structural work has now been completed, as reported in The Hindu.

The project is being executed by the Public Works Department and is expected to be completed by December 2026 or early 2027.

While conceived during the DMK government, the project is now being completed under the TVK government headed by Chief Minister Vijay.

Adding another political dimension, the State government is also reportedly examining whether the convention centre could eventually serve as Tamil Nadu’s new Legislative Assembly complex, easing space constraints at Fort St. George. Officials have reportedly indicated that next year’s Governor’s Address and Assembly sittings could potentially be held there, subject to the Chief Minister’s approval.

Massive Convention Complex Taking Shape

The convention centre is designed as one of the largest such facilities in South India.

The 5.12 lakh sq. ft. complex will include:

An exhibition hall capable of accommodating nearly 15,000 people, featuring a 71.5-metre column-free steel-truss roof.
A convention hall with seating for 5,000 delegates.
A 1,500-seat auditorium.
Four banquet halls spread across the ground and first floors.
Parking for 1,706 cars and nearly 1,700 two-wheelers.
Solar-powered infrastructure and an 800 KLD sewage treatment plant.

The government is also planning to lease land within the campus for the development of a luxury hotel.

The Questionable 7.62 Acres

The controversy centres on a statement by Public Works Department officials that work on several components of the project including landscaping, roads, compound wall and a grand entrance arch with traditional sthapathy work can commence only after 7.62 acres of land is transferred from the HR&CE Department.

The report did not specify the exact nature or ownership history of the land.

However, if the land is indeed under the control of the HR&CE Department, it is reasonable to infer that it constitutes land belonging to Hindu temples or Hindu religious endowments administered by the department.

This has led to sharp criticism from activists who question why temple lands are once again being diverted for a government infrastructure project unrelated to the religious institutions that own them.

Temple Lands Are Not Government Property to Be Diverted at Will

The proposal to transfer 7.62 acres of land from the HR&CE Department raises serious questions about how the Tamil Nadu government continues to treat lands belonging to Hindu temples and religious endowments.

The convention centre itself is already nearing completion, with nearly 60% of the structural work finished. The additional land is reportedly required not for the main building, but for landscaping, approach roads, compound walls and a grand entrance arch.

There is no justification for alienating temple lands for such ancillary works. Lands donated to Hindu temples over centuries were endowed for religious, charitable and community purposes. They were never meant to serve as a reserve land bank for government infrastructure projects or beautification works.

If the State requires land for roads, landscaping or an entrance plaza, it should identify and utilise government-owned land instead of appropriating property belonging to Hindu religious institutions. The repeated reliance on temple assets for secular government projects reinforces the perception that temple properties are treated as the government’s to dispose of whenever convenient.

Temple lands are trust properties held for the benefit of the deity and devotees – not surplus government land that can be transferred to facilitate expansion of a convention centre, irrespective of how prestigious the project may be.

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Joseph Vijay’s Congress Higher Education Min Expresses Regret After Viral Video Of Him Touching Schoolgirls Sparks Outrage

By
The Commune
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POCSO Complaint Filed Against Joseph Vijay’s Congress Higher Education Minister After He Massaged Legs & Inappropriately Touched Girl Marathon Participants

Joseph Vijay’s Congress Higher Education Minister Viswanathan has expressed regret following widespread criticism over a viral video showing him touching the legs of schoolgirls during a marathon event held in Madurai, as reported in Daily Thanthi.

The controversy stems from a marathon organised by the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) on 21 June 2026 at a government school ground in Melur, Madurai district, to mark Chief Minister C. Joseph Vijay’s birthday. The event was inaugurated by Minister Viswanathan.

According to reports, after the marathon concluded, several girls who had participated in the race were seated on the stage with their legs stretched out as they rested after completing the run.

The viral video shows the minister massaging the legs of the girl marathon participants and, according to reports, attempting to relieve muscle cramps in the toes of another participant.

The footage quickly spread across social media, triggering criticism from several quarters. Many questioned whether it was appropriate for the minister to touch minor girls in a public setting, with the incident sparking widespread debate online.

Amid the growing controversy, Viswanathan issued a statement expressing regret over the episode.

In his statement, the minister said the marathon had been organised to create awareness against drug abuse and sexual crimes against women. He stated that the participating students had completed a four-kilometre run under intense summer heat, causing some of them to faint and suffer physical exhaustion.

Viswanathan maintained that his actions were intended solely as first aid to assist the students and alleged that the incident had been portrayed with a “wrong motive” by sections of the media.

“As a father of a daughter, I rendered assistance purely out of humanitarian concern. It is deeply painful that the help I extended is being portrayed in a wrong manner,” the minister said.

He further stated that attributing ulterior motives to his actions had come as a shock to him.

“Since my approach has, in one way or another, been misunderstood, I express my regret,” he said.

The minister, however, maintained that his actions were driven purely by humanitarian considerations and denied any improper intent behind the incident.

It is noteworthy that a POCSO complaint was also filed after the video went viral.

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Maafi Veer: The Many Times Rahul Gandhi Apologized For His Remarks

By
The Commune
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rahul gandhi surrender apology bail court sorry

In what appears to be the latest in a series of clarifications before the court, Maafi veer Rahul Gandhi expressed regret before the Madhya Pradesh High Court over his allegedly defamatory statement concerning Union Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan’s son, Kartikeya Singh, stating that the remark was not intended to refer to him, as reported in The Hindu.

Congress scion and Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi on Wednesday, 24 June 2026, filed an application before the Madhya Pradesh High Court expressing regret over an allegedly defamatory statement concerning Union Agriculture Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan’s son, Kartikeya Singh.

The application, submitted through Gandhi’s counsel, stated that the Congress leader’s remarks were not intended to refer to Kartikeya Singh.

The case stems from a criminal defamation complaint filed by Kartikeya Singh before a special court in Bhopal designated to hear cases involving Members of Parliament and Members of Legislative Assembly.

According to the complaint, Rahul Gandhi, while addressing an election rally in Jhabua in 2018, allegedly referred to Kartikeya Singh in connection with the Panama Papers leak, thereby harming his reputation.

Following the complaint, the Bhopal court issued summons directing Rahul Gandhi to appear in person. Challenging both the summons and the defamation proceedings, Gandhi subsequently approached the Jabalpur Bench of the Madhya Pradesh High Court seeking to have them quashed.

The matter came up before Justice Pramod Kumar Agarwal of the Madhya Pradesh High Court. During the proceedings on Wednesday, the petitioner produced the records of the trial court in compliance with an earlier direction issued by the High Court.

Advocate Sankalp Kochhar appeared on behalf of the complainant, Kartikeya Singh.

The High Court is scheduled to hear Rahul Gandhi’s petition on Thursday, 25 June 2026, when it is expected to consider his plea seeking the quashing of both the summons and the pending defamation case.

This is not the first time he has apologised or clarified his remarks. Here are a few instances.

“Chowkidar Chor Hai”

In 2018, the Supreme Court dismissed all petitions seeking a court-monitored probe of the Rs 59,000 crore contract for Rafale fighter planes made by Dassault Aviation of France, saying that there was no reason to doubt the decision-making process. Despite the Supreme Court judgement, in 2019, Rahul Gandhi based his entire campaign on the Rafale deal, coining the slogan “Chowkidar Chor Hai.” During a media interaction, he alleged that the Supreme Court had confirmed the “Chowkidar” was involved in theft and had accepted corruption in the Rafale issue. Rahul Gandhi even called the Prime Minister “Chor” (Thief) on the floor of the Lok Sabha, which was expunged. The Court, on a petition filed by BJP leader Meenakshi Lekhi, sent Gandhi a criminal contempt notice for misrepresenting it and attributing “Chowkidar Chor Hai” to the Court’s decision.

Rahul Gandhi issued an apology to the Supreme Court for incorrectly attributing his “chowkidar chor hai” (watchman is a thief) comment to the apex court. The court had issued a contempt notice to Rahul Gandhi for the remark. However, Rahul Gandhi clarified that he had made the statement in the heat of political campaigning and that it was not intended to attack the court or its judges. Consequently, he expressed regret and apologised for the same.

In other cases, he clarified that he did not ‘mean’ what it seemed to be.

“Khoon Ki Dalali” Remark On PM 

In 2016, during an election rally, Rahul Gandhi accused Prime Minister Narendra Modi of doing “khoon ki dalali.” His comments were widely condemned, prompting him to clarify that he supported the surgical strikes but not using the Army for political propaganda. His controversial remarks about the surgical strikes evoked strong reactions from the public and other opposition parties. The incident also reminded people of his mother and former Congress President’s infamous “maut ka saudagar” jibe against then Gujarat CM, Modi.

Blaming RSS For Mahatma Gandhi Killing

One of the most prominent controversies involving Rahul Gandhi is his statement made in 2014 during an election rally, where he accused the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) of killing Mahatma Gandhi. The RSS worker, Rajesh Kunte, filed a case against him for defaming the organization, and the courts reprimanded him for making defamatory remarks. Initially, Rahul Gandhi refused to retract his statement, asserting that he would provide evidence to support his claim. However, he changed his stance after the Supreme Court criticized him for collective denunciations and required him to face trial. Rahul Gandhi then “clarified” that he did not blame the RSS for Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination but rather people “associated” with it, which was a flimsy rebuttal far from the truth.

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