Facebook Instagram X Youtube
Friday, May 1, 2026
Facebook Instagram X Youtube
Home Blog Page 372

AIADMK Releases Video That Exposes How DMK Tried To Suppress The Custodial Death Of Ajithkumar

By
The Commune
-
eps aiadmk dmk ajithkumar custodial death case sivaganga thirubhuvanam stalin

The AIADMK released a video and issued a strong statement accusing the ruling DMK government of attempting to suppress the custodial death case of 25-year-old Ajithkumar, a temple security guard in Thirubhuvanam, Sivaganga district, who died while in police custody over allegations of stealing jewellery. The video appears to show police officials attempting to coerce the victim’s family into accepting monetary compensation to “settle” the case and accept the body.

Ajithkumar died after custodial torture by police personnel during interrogation at a local police station. Following widespread protests and public outrage, five police officers involved in the interrogation were suspended and arrested, and the case was subsequently handed over to the Special Investigation Department and now to the CBI.

It was alleged that DMK functionaries including Vengaimaran, husband of the local Panchayat President; DMK leader Mahendran; Thirubhuvanam DMK City Secretary Kaleeswaran; and Manamadurai DSP approached the grieving family and offered ₹50 lakh in compensation to withdraw their protest and collect Ajith Kumar’s body from the hospital.

The family refused the offer and reiterated their demand for justice, vowing not to accept the body until strict legal action is taken against all responsible officers. “Even in court, they tried to bargain with us,” the family was quoted as saying.

The released video also shows Ajithkumar’s relatives being made to sit in a wedding hall, allegedly in an effort to pressure them into accepting the offer quietly. A commotion reportedly broke out when the police attempted to stop villagers from recording the events, and the footage is now circulating widely on social media. AIADMK on its X handle wrote, “Policemen who held a kangaroo court in the Thirubhuvanam Ajith Kumar police murder case. When Ajith Kumar’s family refused to take his body, the police tried to stop them by making his relatives sit in the hall and saying, “We will give you money.. don’t fight.” A ruckus problem arose when the police tried to stop them and when the villagers filmed it, the video has come out in the open now. Why should they be made to sit in the hall? Who are the Stalin-model DMK government’s police protecting with such efforts? Do you need any more proof than this that the puppet chief minister has no control over the police? This case has been transferred to the CBI only due to the continuous opposition of the AIADMK alliance. Otherwise, it is clear that this government would have tried to dilute the case.”

Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

Electricity Bill Shocks Poor & Middle Class In Dravidian Model Tamil Nadu, Residents Say They’re Forced To Pay Several Thousands

By
The Commune
-
electricity bill tamil nadu dravidian model

Electricity bills across Tamil Nadu have once again skyrocketed under the DMK-led ‘Dravidian model’ governance, hitting the poor and middle-class households the hardest. The latest hike reportedly a 3.16% increase across all consumer categories, including domestic users is said to be in line with the newly released Consumer Price Index (CPI). The revision came into effect on 1 July 2025.

This marks the fourth consecutive year of tariff revision by the Tamil Nadu Electricity Regulatory Commission (TNERC), which has been adjusting rates annually since 2022 as part of a five-year multi-year tariff formula based on inflation indices.

But for ordinary citizens, these bureaucratic justifications offer little comfort. Residents in Thiruvottiyur, a working-class neighbourhood in Chennai, voiced their distress and anger over the unaffordable power bills.

One distressed woman from Sivagangapuram, Thiruvottiyur, told reporters, “I’m speaking from Sivagangapuram, Raja Kadai, Thiruvottiyur. Today, they came to take the EB line meter reading. When I asked how much the current bill was, they said it’s ₹11,358. It’s been 11 years since I got married, and I’ve never paid this much money. Only in May does it usually get higher, but even then, I only pay around ₹5,000. But this time, in July, they took the reading and are saying ₹11,358. We can’t bear it.

This is so unfair! When I asked why it’s like this, they said the government increased the current bill. When I asked them, ‘Why are you doing this?’, they told me to ask the government and questioned why I was asking them. What answer can I give? When I asked them to write it on a card, they refused. They said we’d only get a message. And when we see the message, it’s such a huge bill. What are we supposed to do? We’re struggling for our basic necessities. If you charge so much for electricity, what will we do? This government gives people ₹1,000 and then takes back ₹10,000. Doesn’t this seem unfair? Won’t anyone question this?”

Another local resident, Sujatha, echoed similar concerns, “Hello, my name is Sujatha. I’m speaking from Raja Kadai, Thiruvottiyur. The electricity bill is coming very high, and when we ask, they say the government has increased it. We don’t know what to do. Should we manage our family expenses or pay the electricity bill? Even when we buy a store, it’s cheaper, only ₹5,000. But when the current bill is ₹8,000, it breaks our heart. We don’t know what to do. My bill usually comes to ₹3,000, and only in May, it might be around ₹5,000 because we use AC a bit more then. Now, we’re using AC less because the bill is high, but it’s still ₹8,000. We just don’t know what to do. They said they increased it once before, and even then, it wasn’t this much. Now they’re saying they haven’t increased it, but it’s still this high. So, what is this then? The government should answer us. They give ₹1,000, but even that we don’t get. Others say they get ₹1,000, but we don’t know to what extent. They say they’re giving ₹1,000 but have increased the prices of everything and raised taxes. We pay house tax, water tax, everything. Everything is expensive. What are we supposed to do?”

Jhansi, another woman from the same area, highlighted the burden on pensioners and small families, “My name is Jhansi, and I live in Sivagangapuram, Raja Kadai, Thiruvottiyur. Looking at last March and January, my electricity bill was only ₹1,700 or ₹1,600. But this month, it’s ₹7,517. This ₹7,000… My father used to work in a private office. His pension is only ₹4,500, and this electricity bill is double that. What will my family do? Why is this government like this? Is there no one to question this? If this continues, what will everyone do? We can’t even buy essential things now. Everything’s rates have gone up. And now they’ve increased the electricity bill too. If we ask them to write down the units, they won’t (in the card). So what are we supposed to do? If they wrote down the units, we could calculate it by comparing it with last month’s bill, but they don’t do that. When asked, they just say the current bill has gone up. What are we supposed to do?”

An elderly woman from the same locality shared a similar experience, “Our electricity bill is very high; we can’t stay on the upper floor. It’s too much. My daughter isn’t even at home 24 hours; she’s gone out. Yet, her bill is around ₹7,000. In total, for both of us, it’s around ₹18,000. It used to be ₹6,000, ₹3,000, ₹1,500 per month, but now it’s a lot. If you ask about it, they don’t say anything. They’re telling everyone to pay through their phones now; they don’t write anything on cards. They just send a message saying the amount has come to this much.”

As the DMK government continues to push forward with its self-styled “Dravidian model” policies, growing frustration among the working class is becoming evident. Many citizens argue that while the government claims to be distributing welfare assistance, it is quietly recovering it through steep hikes in essential utilities like electricity, water, and municipal taxes tightening the squeeze on already struggling households.

Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

“Progressive” Predator? The Deafening Silence Of The Left On ‘The Wire’ Writer Omar Rashid’s Sexual Assault Allegations

By
Sandeep Bhardwaj
-
omar rashid

Omar Rashid, the contributing writer at The Wire, has been accused of sexual molestation. Screenshots of Instagram posts accusing him of the crime were widely circulated on all social media platforms.

The chilling details accused him of being a violent serial assaulter and rapist masquerading as a good man and how he used his position to initiate relationships and engage in intimate-partner violence and extreme forms of misogynistic and anti-women sexual behavior. Although the charges are on social media, no police complaints have been registered yet. The accused currently have a presumption of innocence until proven guilty.

The victim, an unnamed woman, has detailed the horrific account of sexual and mental harassment, and humiliation, and accused him of leveraging his progressive status and views within the capital’s liberal media to manipulate and exploit her. She also mentioned a long ordeal of abuse – repeated rape, forced consumption of beef (to violate and disrespect her identity) and disregard related to her physical health, resulting in medical complications.

The deafening silence of all left-leaning liberal media, social justice organizations, and activist circles – who have time and again positioned themselves as champions of women’s rights after all these revelations mirrored the hypocrisy surrounding women’s rights. The Wire issued a brief and measured statement acknowledging the matter, but the progressive ecosystem has failed to express the same outrage or solidarity routinely demanded in other cases. No opinion editorials, solidarity posts, or social media campaigns are in sight or activist eruptions like when the first whiff of allegations surfaced to other ideological camps. This conditional accountability and intellectual dishonesty have made the ecosystem reticent in such cases. A lens of skepticism is applied selectively, even while claiming to champion women’s rights.

The pattern of selective outrage is not new. The tone, energy, coverage, and herd mentality highlight a pattern in these cases. The cancel culture of the leftist academia, media, and art industry uses it according to their convenience which reveals a deeply selective and partisan pattern. Their accusations are not dictated by principles but by political allegiance. If an opposite ideology member is accused of sexual misconduct – the response is immediate and absolute. The case of M J Akbar, the former union minister, and the late Vinod Dua, a former journalist are two contrasting examples. The former case received swift condemnation and trial for which he had to resign from his post, while the latter from a coterie of intellectual liberals received a nuanced or even defensive response from ideological allies. Although the accusations are proved in court, here the highlighted issue is of strategic silence and their weapon of Cancel culture turns pious and silent when people of their rank or ecosystem are accused of any allegation. The uneven reporting leads to the politicization of cancel culture dressed in moral clothing.

The accuser has also accused that this case will not be the #Metoo movement, it’s a #Wetoo movement. The collective conscience of the Metoo movement that provides a voice to lots of women by calling their abuser seems to be polluted by devoidness of ethical consistency.

Accusations against political adversaries are often accepted at face value, while those against ideological allies are met with skepticism, demands for more evidence, or outright denial. This cherry-picking erodes the credibility of women’s movements that have struggled hard to claim
public space demanding justice.

The silence is not about two people or their public images, this creates real and damaging consequences for society in the future. The isolation leads to the demeaning of victims, sufferings are ignored, the patterns of abuse are institutionalized, and the new age women’s movement – its credibility is severely undermined. These abusive patterns become cyclical, reinforcing a culture of impunity and betrayal. The uncomfortable silence series needs to be broken up by the ecosystem and should confront its complicity.

The allegations need thorough and transparent investigation and justice for the victim. But these cases also demand accountability from those who have built their career and reputations from progressive values. This hypocrisy needs to be confronted, and the same moral and scrutiny need to be applied putting aside ideological biases. Ideology and justice should not part ways at the altar of ideological convenience.

Sandeep Bhardwaj is a Ph.D scholar.

Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

Odisha Student Dies By Self-Immolation After College Ignored Harassment Complaint; Congress’ Student Wing NSUI Partied With Accused, Bullied & Character Assassinated Victim

By
The Commune
-
odisha student death self-immolation nsui harassment complaint college

A 22-year-old B.Ed student from Odisha’s Fakir Mohan Autonomous College in Balasore, who attempted self-immolation after alleged inaction on her sexual harassment complaint against a professor, succumbed to her injuries late on Sunday (13 July 2025) night. The Odisha student had sustained over 90% burns and was battling for her life for three days at AIIMS Bhubaneswar.

In an official statement, AIIMS said, “Despite adequate resuscitation and all possible supportive management, including renal replacement therapy at Burns ICU, she could not be revived and was declared clinically dead at 11:46 pm on 14/05/25,”

Complaints Filed By Student

The student had filed a complaint on 1 July 2025 accusing her Head of Department, Professor Samir Kumar Sahu, of repeated sexual harassment. Despite submitting a detailed letter to the college’s Internal Complaints Committee (ICC), no action was taken. She was reportedly assured that action would be taken within seven days, but the promise was not fulfilled.

On 12 July 2025, while protesting outside the college along with other students demanding action, the student reportedly broke away from the group and set herself on fire near the principal’s office.

The incident has triggered public outrage and political sparring. Odisha Chief Minister Mohan Charan Majhi expressed grief over the student’s death and assured strict action.

Police have since arrested the accused professor, Samir Kumar Sahu, as well as the college principal, Dilip Ghosh. The student’s father has alleged that both the ICC and the principal had pressured the family to withdraw the complaint, even threatening them with an FIR if they didn’t comply. The student’s brother also vowed to fight for justice.

Rahul Gandhi’s Allegations

Amid mounting criticism, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi reacted to the incident, calling it “an organized murder by the system.” In a strongly worded post, he wrote, “The death of a daughter fighting for justice in Odisha is nothing less than a murder by the BJP’s system. That brave student raised her voice against sexual harassment – but instead of delivering justice, she was threatened, tormented, and repeatedly humiliated. Those who were supposed to protect her kept breaking her. As always, the BJP’s system continued to shield the accused – and forced an innocent daughter to set herself on fire. This is not suicide; it is an organized murder by the system. Modi ji, whether in Odisha or Manipur – the daughters of the nation are burning, breaking, and dying. And you? You remain silent. The country doesn’t need your silence; it needs answers. India’s daughters need safety and justice.”

What Is The Other Side Of The Story?

Several eyewitness accounts and social media reports have contradicted Gandhi’s statement, alleging that it was in fact student leaders from the Congress-affiliated NSUI (National Students’ Union of India) and BJCD (Biju Chhatra Dal) who harassed the victim. According to students close to the victim, the college principal allegedly dismissed her complaint after learning she was affiliated with the ABVP (Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad), the student wing of the RSS.

The harassment allegedly escalated after her complaint, with NSUI and BJCD activists accused of mocking her, questioning her character, and labeling her “unstable” and “attention-seeking.” Photographs and testimonies have also emerged showing the accused professor dining with NSUI leaders, fueling further anger and calls for accountability across political lines.

While Rahul Gandhi blamed the “BJP system” for shielding the accused, critics have pointed out the contradiction in his claims, highlighting NSUI’s alleged role in the victim’s social isolation and harassment.

(With inputs from NDTV)

Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

13 July Martyrs’ Day Masks a Massacre: Kashmir’s Forgotten Hindu Victims Of The 1931 Carnage

By
The Commune
-

Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah once again found himself embroiled in controversy as tensions escalated near the Martyrs’ Graveyard in Srinagar on the morning of 14 July. Security forces attempted to block Abdullah and his supporters from entering the site to pay tribute, despite a formal ban on such visits.

On 13 July 2025, the Srinagar police had denied permission for any processions or visits to the cemetery, placing several senior leaders under house arrest. The District Magistrate rejected the National Conference’s request for access to the Mazar-e-Shuhada, citing law and order concerns.

Defying the restrictions, Abdullah attempted to reach the site, resulting in a chaotic standoff with police. Videos of the incident widely shared on social media showed him climbing over a back gate to gain entry, which critics described as a political stunt.

Abdullah had sought to commemorate the 22 people killed on 13 July 1931, when Dogra forces under Maharaja Hari Singh opened fire on protesters. Although the observance of Martyrs’ Day was discontinued following the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019, Abdullah seized the moment to revive the symbolic ritual and reassert his political presence in the Valley a region long plagued by deep-rooted communal divisions.

What The Day Means For Islamists

The observance of 13 July as Martyrs’ Day has less to do with honoring genuine sacrifice and more with political appeasement aimed at the Muslim electorate. The catch here is that both politicians in the Valley and separatist extremists align on this matter, using the remembrance of the event to keep communal tensions alive.  The incident from 1931, often projected as a symbol of resistance against autocracy, is mired in communal overtones.

Until Article 370 was revoked in 2019, 13 July was an official public holiday in Jammu and Kashmir. The day marked the killing of 22 Muslims who had gathered outside Srinagar Central Jail, where a British cook, Abdul Qadeer Khan accused of sedition for inciting rebellion against Dogra rule was on trial. As the crowd swelled to several thousand, a confrontation ensued. Dogra police opened fire, resulting in multiple deaths.

While one version describes the crowd as peaceful and praying, others suggest they attempted to storm the jail, threw stones, and attacked officials, prompting the police to retaliate. The deceased were buried near the Naqshband Sahib shrine in Srinagar, which later became a site of political symbolism.

The Unspoken Hindu Carnage

The event, however, was not entirely peaceful. Reports indicate that what began as a protest escalated into violent riots. Mobs looted, torched buildings, and specifically targeted Hindu households in areas like Maharajgunj and Safakadal. Hindu women were assaulted, property ransacked, and several people were killed highlighting the communal nature of the unrest.

Hindu shops were looted, homes were torched, women molested, and several Hindus killed — this communal violence is conveniently omitted in the official narrative of “martyrdom.”

The crowd outside the jail was not just a peaceful assembly — inflammatory speeches were made, often invoking Islamic supremacy and calling for rebellion against the “infidel” Dogra rulers.

The sentiment quickly turned from political protest to religious frenzy, with Hindus targeted for being seen as symbols of the Maharaja’s administration. Several contemporary British and local reports from 1931-32 acknowledge that the violence quickly turned communal, targeting a specific religious community — Hindus.

Although over 300 rioters were detained, most were released under pressure from communal leaders.

These so-called martyrs were not innocent civilians — they were part of a mob that tried to break into a court/jail, which any government would have to respond to for law and order reasons.

Over the years, 13 July has been used by separatist and Islamist groups to stoke anti-India, anti-Hindu sentiments under the garb of “freedom struggle.”

Leaders like Sheikh Abdullah and later Omar Abdullah have used this date to build communal political capital while ignoring the actual victims of that unrest.

Historical Parallels: Echoes of Direct Action Day

Some commentators compare the 13 July unrest to the infamous Direct Action Day on 16 August 1946, in Calcutta. That day, called by the Muslim League and supported by Bengal Chief Minister H.S. Suhrawardy, saw widespread and targeted violence against Hindus. Armed mobs, equipped with voter lists, systematically attacked Hindu homes and businesses. The violence led to the murder, rape, and displacement of thousands, marking one of the bloodiest episodes in India’s pre-independence history.

Just as Direct Action Day was portrayed as a political assertion for Pakistan but resulted in massacre and chaos, the 1931 Kashmir uprising is also seen by critics as the foundation for radical Islamist separatism, often rebranded over decades as a freedom struggle by political dynasties like the Abdullah family.

Political Exploitation vs. Historical Reckoning

The return of the National Conference to power in Jammu and Kashmir in 2024 reignited efforts to restore 13 July as a state-recognized day of remembrance. However, the BJP firmly opposed any official recognition, calling it a distortion of history.

On 13 July 2025, police in Srinagar denied permission for any processions or cemetery visits, placing senior leaders under house arrest. The District Magistrate rejected the National Conference’s formal request for access to the site, citing law and order concerns.

Opposition parties like the TMC and DMK have jumped in to support such events, with critics alleging that their backing is aimed at consolidating Muslim vote banks. These critics argue that by doing so, these parties are indirectly encouraging separatist or extremist narratives under the pretext of defending minority rights, while turning a blind eye to the communal violence and complex historical realities associated with such commemorations

Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

MK Stalin And Mamata Slams Centre After J&K CM Omar Abdullah Defies Security To Pay Tributes To Islamists On Martyrs’ Day In Kashmir

By
The Commune
-
omar abdullah martyrs' day

On 14 July 2025, opposition parties lashed out at the BJP-led Centre following the house detention of former Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah and several of his party colleagues. The detentions were aimed at preventing their visit to the Naqshband Sahib graveyard in Srinagar to pay homage on Martyrs’ Day, observed annually on 13 July to commemorate those killed during protests against Dogra rule in 1931.

Until Article 370 was revoked in 2019, 13 July was an official public holiday in Jammu and Kashmir. The day marked the killing of 22 Muslims who had gathered outside Srinagar Central Jail, where a British cook, Abdul Qadeer Khan accused of sedition for inciting rebellion against Dogra rule was on trial. As the crowd swelled to several thousand, a confrontation ensued. Dogra police opened fire, resulting in multiple deaths.

Despite the restrictions, Omar Abdullah climbed over the graveyard gates in Srinagar to pay respects to the 22 people who were killed by Dogra forces on 13 July 1931.

In this backdrop, West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee condemned the move, stating it was a denial of fundamental rights. “What is wrong in visiting the graveyard of martyrs? This is not only unfortunate, it also snatches the democratic right of a citizen. What happened this morning to an elected Chief Minister @OmarAbdullah is unacceptable. Shocking. Shameful.”

Similarly, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin also voiced his disapproval, highlighting the irony of placing an elected leader under house arrest merely for attempting to honor historical figures. “At a time when there is a growing demand for the restoration of Jammu and Kashmir’s statehood, the current events unfolding there are a grim reminder of how far things have deteriorated. The elected CM Hon’ble @OmarAbdullah is being placed under house arrest simply for wanting to pay homage to the 1931 martyrs and is forced to climb walls to do so. Is this how an elected Chief Minister should be treated?” Stalin asked in his post on X.

He further accused the central government of systematically eroding the authority of state governments. “This is not just about one state or one leader. From Tamil Nadu to Kashmir, the Union BJP Government is systematically stripping away the rights of elected State Governments. If this can happen in Kashmir, it can happen anywhere, to any elected representative of the people. Every democratic voice must unequivocally condemn this,” he wrote, calling for a unified condemnation from all democratic voices.

Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

‘What Problem Do People Have? Custodial Deaths Happen All The Time’ — DMK MP A. Raja, Who Once Demanded EPS’s Resignation Over Jeyaraj-Bennix Case, Now Justifies Custodial Deaths Under DMK Rule

By
The Commune
-

Dravidianists who cried foul during the Felix-Bennix custodial death in 2020 under the AIADMK government have been justifying and pushing aside the custodial deaths in the DMK regime. The latest one to join the bandwagon to expose the so-called Dravidian model where hypocrisy is a quality to have is DMK MP A Raja.

In an interview with a YouTube channel, a clipping of which has gone viral, Raja exposes his hypocrisy – the hallmark of a Dravidianist.

Speaking about EPS, Raja said, “He (EPS) says let’s protect the people. What problems are the people facing? What is the problem that people are facing? There may be a problem somewhere in some remote place.”

When pointed out by the interviewer that Stalin had conducted a survey recently that government schemes have not been reaching the people properly. To this, Raja replied, “This cannot be blanketed as problems for the people. This survey was for ensuring the penetration of some schemes to the people. Don’t use our own surveys as a tool to pinpoint us. Is there any insecurity among the people of Tamil Nadu? Or are they going hungry daily? Or is there a drought? Please tell me.”

To this, the interviewer brought up the case of the recent custodial death of the 27-year-old temple security guard Ajithkumar. Raja nonchalantly replied, “1 or 2 cases like that happen always. Do you think there can be no accidents, no murders? Has no lockup death occurred before?”

When countered by the fact that the DMK was up against the AIADMK government when the 2020 Felix-Bennix case happened, Raja replied, “When the death occurred, how did the Chief Minister react? This is a good question. How did Edappadi Palaniswami react when the lockup death occurred? Did he call the victim’s family and apologise for what happened, I am there for you?”

The interviewer then pointed out to the fact that Stalin did this act of apologizing to the victim’s family, and it was the 25th victim of custodial death in the DMK rule. Raja instantly replied, “How many ever deaths happen, at the moment it happens, regretting that it occurred and should not have happened, someone who says I regret this, I am sorry – the mental strength to say that, why didn’t Edappadi have that?”

Once again the interviewer pointed out the fact that had Stalin apologized when the first custodial death occurred, it would have some meaning. But the apology came after 24 deaths and public outrage following media coverage. To this Raja once again exposes his hypocrisy and says, “He said this will not repeat to the public, it is not necessary to say this to the victim’s family.”

This is what A. Raja had said when custodial death of Jeyaraj  & Bennix happened during the Edappadi K. Palaniswami regime.

Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally. 

DMK Govt Implements “ப”(Pa)-Shaped Seating In Select Schools Despite Expert Warnings And Public Backlash

By
The Commune
-

Despite widespread criticism from educators, health professionals, and parents, the Tamil Nadu School Education Department (SED) has moved forward with implementing the experimental ‘ப’ (Pa)-shaped seating arrangement in select government schools, reviving its controversial “no backbencher” classroom model.

The initiative aimed to restructure classroom layouts into a semi-circular format resembling the Tamil letter ‘ப’. The design, officials said, would promote student inclusivity, erase the frontbench-backbench hierarchy, and foster interactive learning environments.

However, after the plan drew intense criticism, particularly over potential ergonomic and psychological impacts on students, the department had earlier announced a temporary suspension pending further review, as per a Dinamalar report. School Education Director S. Kannappan had indicated over the weekend that implementation would be paused in light of “ongoing discussions.”

Yet by Monday, 14 July 2025, the department confirmed that the seating model had in fact been introduced in classrooms with fewer students and sufficient space. “The exact number of schools that have adopted the arrangement is yet to be compiled,” a senior official said. In Chennai, sources confirmed that institutions like Lady Willingdon Government Girls’ Higher Secondary School and Presidency Government Girls’ Higher Secondary School have already adopted the new format.

The seating model is inspired by a classroom design popularized in the Malayalam film Sthanarthi Sreekuttan and first trialed at a school in Valakom, Kerala. It positions students in a U-shape or along the classroom walls to ensure equal visibility and proximity to the teacher.

Despite its egalitarian goals, the model has faced significant opposition. The Indian Association of Physiotherapists (Tamil Nadu Branch) issued a public advisory warning that the layout could cause neck and spine strain, postural fatigue, and other musculoskeletal issues, especially among young students. The statement cited guidelines from the WHO and International Ergonomics Association, which recommend symmetrical seating facing the front to ensure healthy posture and visual comfort.

Beyond health concerns, the format has raised logistical and psychological red flags. Educationists warned of its unsuitability for overcrowded classrooms and lack of adaptability for students with disabilities. Mental health experts cautioned that constant eye contact and visibility might cause anxiety for introverted or neurodivergent children who prefer more private seating.

The Federation of Private School Associations of Tamil Nadu also opposed the plan, stating it was impractical in most school environments and could result in increased visual and physical strain.

(With inputs from The New Indian Express)

Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

BJP Leader Annamalai Alleges Political Nexus In Activist Manivasagam Murder, Links Accused To Former DMK Minister Senthil Balaji

By
The Commune
-
annamalai senthil balaji

BJP leader K. Annamalai has alleged that Vangal Venkatesh, one of the accused in the murder of anti-sand smuggling and social activist Manivasagam, has close ties to former DMK Minister for Electricity and Excise, Senthil Balaji.

In a post shared on his official social media account, Annamalai attached a photograph purportedly showing the murder accused alongside Senthil Balaji. He wrote, “In Karur, Manivasagam, who attempted to prevent sand smuggling, has been hacked to death by a person named Vangal Venkatesh. Four others, including two women, have been severely injured. Everyone will recall former Minister Senthil Balaji’s statement during his election campaign, ‘Once the DMK comes to power, within ten minutes, sand can be extracted from rivers, and there will be no one to stop it.’ It is now known that Vangal Venkatesh, the person involved in this murder, is close to former Minister Senthil Balaji. It was also under this same DMK government that government officials who tried to prevent mineral resource looting were hacked to death inside their own offices. Now, another murder. This is a direct threat issued to the public, that ‘if you stop sand smuggling, we will kill you.’ The obvious fact that sand smugglers are acting with such impunity and committing murder without the slightest fear of the law clearly indicates that “Karur Gang” behind them. What action will Chief Minister @mkstalin going to take? Justice must be served for the death of Manivasagam. I warn that all those involved in this murder, and those behind the sand smuggling must be brought before the law and given severe punishment. Otherwise, the DMK government will face strong opposition from the people of Karur.”

Annamalai’s remarks come amid rising demands for a transparent investigation into Manivasagam’s killing and the networks behind the alleged sand mafia operating in the Karur region.

Subscribe to our Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram channels and get the best stories of the day delivered instantly.

Karnataka Congress Pushes Divisive, Draconian Campus Caste Law At Rahul Gandhi’s Behest — In The Name Of Rohith Vemula, Who Wasn’t Dalit As Per Telangana Police

By
The Commune
-

In a move that will further divide students in campus and weaponize caste identity politics, the Congress-led Karnataka government is set to table the controversial and draconian “Rohith Vemula (Prevention of Exclusion or Injustice) Bill, 2025” in the upcoming Monsoon Session of the State Assembly. The draft legislation, inspired by Congress MP Rahul Gandhi’s direct intervention, seeks to criminalize “discrimination” in educational institutions—but observers warn it will only open the floodgates to political overreach and selective targeting in the name of “social justice”.

Named After Someone Who Is Not Dalit

The proposed law, named after Rohith Vemula—a University of Hyderabad student whose 2016 suicide sparked national outrage—will apply to all higher educational institutions in Karnataka, including private and deemed universities.

Contrary to the Left’s widely circulated claim portraying Rohith Vemula as a Dalit, the Telangana Police has filed a closure report confirming he did not belong to a Scheduled Caste.

The report concludes that Vemula himself was aware he did not belong to the SC category, and had used an SC certificate obtained by his mother—raising fears that exposure could jeopardize his academic credentials or invite prosecution.

Authorities found no evidence linking the actions of the accused to his decision to commit suicide, suggesting instead that personal pressures contributed to his tragic death.

What The Karnataka Congress Govt Bill Is About

According to the draft, any act perceived as caste-, creed-, or gender-based discrimination will be treated as a cognisable and non-bailable offence, punishable with up to 3 years of imprisonment and fines of up to ₹1 lakh. Even first-time offences invite jail time and monetary penalties.

What has raised eyebrows, however, is the timing and political context of the bill. Rahul Gandhi, in April 2025, wrote a letter to Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, pushing for legislation to “protect” marginalized students. Within weeks, the Karnataka government began drafting the bill, signaling what many critics view as the Congress party’s increasing tendency to use legislation as a tool for caste-based vote-bank consolidation.

Possible Overreach And Misuse

Legal experts and academic voices warn that the bill may inadvertently encourage frivolous complaints, chill open debate, and turn campuses into hyper-politicized spaces where ideology trumps merit. They argue that existing laws like the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act already offer legal remedies for caste discrimination, and this new law creates overlapping criminal liability that could be misused for vendetta or political pressure.

Additionally, the bill empowers students or their kin to file police complaints directly, circumventing internal institutional mechanisms, a move critics say will erode academic self-governance and expose universities to politically motivated harassment.

Targeting Institutions, Not Reforming Them

Perhaps most troubling is the provision allowing the government to withdraw grants and financial aid from institutions found in violation—essentially holding entire universities hostage for the alleged actions of individuals. This punitive model, critics argue, reflects a draconian, control-heavy approach that punishes institutions rather than enabling reform.

The proposed legislation also lacks clear safeguards against misinterpretation of intent, a concern especially in a politically charged atmosphere where ideological fault lines are sharp.

Politicization Of A Tragedy?

Rohith Vemula’s death was undeniably tragic, but its politicization continues to stir debate. While his suicide note made no direct reference to caste-based harassment, the Congress and affiliated student unions have consistently used the incident as a rallying cry to push their ideological narrative.

By pushing this bill through Karnataka’s Assembly, the Congress appears more focused on institutionalizing grievance-based politics rather than fostering true academic upliftment or mental health support. Far from empowering students, critics warn that such legislation may stifle freedom, breed division, and deepen caste consciousness in places that should stand for merit and equal opportunity.

A Blueprint For National Expansion?

Congress leaders have already called for similar laws in other party-ruled states like Telangana and Himachal Pradesh. If passed in Karnataka, the “Rohith Vemula Bill” may become a template for a nationwide campaign that will enable weaponization of politics in Indian academia.

Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

1...371372373...1,852Page 372 of 1,852
TheCommune
The Commune is a news and views portal focusing on social and political issues of the southern part of India with a focus on Tamil Nadu.
Contact us: thecommune.news@gmail.com
Facebook Instagram X Youtube

NATIONAL NEWS

How Congress “Gerrymandered” Constituencies When It Was In Power

The Commune - 0
In 2009, Congress won 206 Lok Sabha seats - a stunning 61-seat jump from its 2004 tally of 145. Every analyst credited MGNREGA, the...
© The Commune 2025. All Rights Reserved.