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Dravidian Model: Government Buses Reassigned For DMK Women’s Wing Conference, Passengers Stranded For Hours

Dravidian Model: Government Buses Reassigned For DMK Women’s Wing Conference, Passengers Stranded For Hours

Passengers across several districts of western Tamil Nadu were left stranded for hours on 29 December 2025, Monday, after a large number of government buses were diverted for the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam’s (DMK) women’s wing conference held at Palladam, triggering widespread public inconvenience and criticism.

The DMK women’s conference, attended by Chief Minister MK Stalin, was held at Palladam in Tiruppur district. For the event, party cadres and women participants were transported from Pollachi, Udumalpet, Nilgiris, and surrounding rural and suburban areas. Most of the transport was arranged using Tamil Nadu State Transport Corporation (TNSTC) buses, with several buses that normally operate on village, suburban, and inter-district routes being temporarily diverted.

According to eyewitnesses and local reports, women participants were transported in buses decorated with DMK party flags and asked to wear party-coloured attire, including sarees and churidars. As a result, regular government bus services to villages, towns, and nearby cities were either curtailed or completely halted.

Passengers Wait for Hours at Bus Stands

The diversion of buses led to severe disruptions at major bus stands, including Pollachi and Udumalpet. Passengers reported waiting for several hours without any clarity on bus availability. Many bus stands appeared nearly deserted of buses, despite large crowds of commuters.

The situation was compounded by the New Year holiday rush, with thousands of people attempting to travel out of town. From Monday morning onwards, passengers at Udumalpet bus stand waited for extended periods to travel to Coimbatore, Tiruppur, Palani, and other destinations. Even the few buses that arrived were overcrowded, forcing passengers to travel in unsafe and uncomfortable conditions.

Rural commuters were particularly affected after buses operating to villages were abruptly withdrawn or suspended. Residents reported missing work, medical appointments, and essential travel due to the lack of transport.

Nilgiris Hit Hard by Bus Diversions

A similar situation was reported in the Nilgiris district, where government buses were sent to Palladam to ferry DMK women cadres despite the district already operating with a limited fleet.

According to Manoharan, president of the Coonoor People’s Safety Association, only 165 government buses operate in the Nilgiris district on a normal day. Of these, more than 30 buses were diverted to transport party workers for the DMK conference.

As a result, local passengers were forced to wait for over two hours at multiple locations. In Kotagiri, villagers waited from 8:30 am until 10:40 AM for buses to Edappalli and surrounding areas. Many commuters travelling for work, medical needs, and essential services resorted to hitching rides in passing vehicles.

Coonoor bus stand also witnessed long queues, while town buses were rerouted away from regular village routes such as Woodlands, leaving entire areas without public transport for hours.

Traffic Congestion and Policing Shortage

In addition to transport disruptions, traffic congestion worsened in several towns. With senior police personnel deployed to Palladam and other locations where the Chief Minister and ministers were present, local areas such as Pollachi were left with minimal traffic police presence.

Residents reported severe congestion, with even ambulances and emergency vehicles struggling to move through crowded roads due to the absence of traffic regulation.

Public Criticism and Calls for Accountability

Social activists and commuters criticised the routine use of government buses for ruling party events, stating that such practices had become common whenever DMK conferences or Chief Minister-led programmes were held.

They argued that government buses meant for public service should not be repurposed for political events, especially during peak travel periods and public holidays. Activists urged the government to ensure that party programmes are conducted using private arrangements without disrupting essential public transport.

Reacting to the situation, BJP leader Annamalai criticised the DMK government, stating that people who voted for the ruling party were now paying the price through daily hardships. He said that the public was repeatedly being made to suffer due to misuse of state resources for party activities.

Widespread Inconvenience Across Regions

Reports confirmed that similar disruptions were experienced across multiple towns and villages in Coimbatore, Tiruppur, Udumalpet, and Nilgiris districts. With both government and private buses diverted or suspended for the conference, thousands of passengers were affected throughout the day.

 

Source: Dinamalar

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A Murder Without A Killer: 13 Yrs Later, Kerala Court Acquits All 20 Accused In ABVP Activist Vishal Kumar Case

A Murder Without a Killer: 13 Yrs Later, Kerala Court Acquits All 20 Accused In ABVP Activist Vishal Kumar Case

Nearly 13 years after 19-year-old Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) activist Vishal Kumar was stabbed to death in broad daylight on a college campus in Kerala, the criminal justice system has delivered a verdict that has reopened old wounds rather than healed them. It has delivered a verdict that offers neither accountability nor closure. On 30 December 2025, the Additional Sessions Court at Mavelikkara acquitted all 20 adults accused in the 2012 murder, holding that the prosecution had failed to prove its case beyond reasonable doubt.

The judgment, delivered by Judge PP Pooja, does not dispute that Vishal Kumar was murdered. It does not deny the brutality of the attack or the fact that it occurred in a public educational institution. What it ultimately concludes is more unsettling: that after thirteen years of investigation, prosecution, and trial, the State could not legally establish who committed the crime, how it unfolded in evidentiary terms, or how collective criminal liability could be fastened on the accused.

The prosecution has said it will challenge the acquittal in the Kerala High Court. But the judgement itself reads as a post-mortem not merely of a failed case, but of a system that allowed basic investigative lapses to metastasise into irreversible reasonable doubt.

Who Vishal Kumar Was, and Why He Mattered

Vishal Kumar was 19 years old at the time of his death. Born in Saudi Arabia, he completed part of his schooling in the United Kingdom, where his parents had built a stable and comfortable life. Despite this, Vishal insisted on returning to India to continue his education and engage in organisational work linked to the Sangh. His parents initially opposed the decision, but Vishal remained firm, stating that he wished to serve the nation through ideological and organisational work.

He was a first-year BSc student at NSS College, Konni, and had already emerged as a key ABVP organiser in the Chengannur region, serving as the organisation’s Nagar Samiti president. Within a short span, he played a role in strengthening ABVP’s presence, starting new shakhas, and mobilising students. Apart from political activity, Vishal also supported the education of four students from economically weaker backgrounds.

His ideological commitment was strong enough that, by his father’s later admission, Vishal himself reshaped his family’s understanding of the Sangh and its work.

The Murder That Shook a Campus

Vishal Kumar was just 19 when he was attacked on 16 July 2012. On the morning of the incident, student organisations had gathered at Chengannur Christian College in Alappuzha district to welcome first-year undergraduate students. ABVP members, including Vishal, were present as part of that programme. According to the prosecution, the programme was proceeding without incident when a group of men arrived from outside the campus and positioned themselves near the college gate. They allegedly abused ABVP members and made derogatory remarks about Goddess Saraswati. Vishal and other ABVP activists attempted to intervene and defuse the situation.

At that point, the prosecution said, the confrontation escalated suddenly but in a pre-planned manner. The attackers allegedly formed an unlawful assembly and assaulted Vishal and other ABVP members using knives, daggers, and other deadly weapons. Vishal was repeatedly stabbed. Two others, Vishnuprasad and Sreejith, were also injured while trying to resist the attack. Several other ABVP workers were abused and threatened to prevent them from intervening.

The assault took place at around 10.45 AM, outside the college gate, in a politically charged campus atmosphere where numerous students were present.

Vishal’s Medical Struggle and Dying Declaration

Vishal sustained grievous injuries and was first rushed to Chengannur Government Hospital. As his condition deteriorated, he was shifted to Kottayam Medical College Hospital for advanced treatment.

The prosecution placed on record that while Vishal was being taken to the medical college, he told his friend that he had been stabbed by members of the Popular Front of India. This statement was relied upon as a dying declaration—an important piece of evidence reflecting Vishal’s awareness of his attackers even as he fought for life.

Despite medical efforts, Vishal succumbed to his injuries on the night of 17 July 2012.

In criminal law, a dying declaration can carry decisive weight if it is found to be voluntary, clear, and reliable. In this case, while the declaration was part of the prosecution’s narrative, it was not sufficient by itself to overcome the cumulative doubts created by procedural lapses and evidentiary weaknesses identified by the court.

Investigation: From Local Police to Crime Branch

The case was initially registered and investigated by the local police. However, delays in tracing and arresting the accused led to the transfer of the investigation to the Crime Branch. A fresh case was registered, and further investigation was carried out.

Eventually, a chargesheet was filed against 20 adult accused and one juvenile. The prosecution alleged that several accused had gone into hiding after the crime and had taken shelter at various locations, including a Popular Front office in Kayamkulam.

The Crime Branch claimed to have recovered weapons allegedly used in the attack from near Karakkad in Chengannur, based on confessional statements made by the accused. Eyewitness testimonies, weapon recoveries, documentary evidence, and the identity card of one accused were cited as links connecting the accused to the crime.

The Organisations and the Political Context

The prosecution maintained that the attackers were members of Campus Front of India (CFI), the student wing of the Popular Front of India (PFI). Campus Front later functioned under the banner of the Confederation of Indian Muslims, which formed part of the broader Popular Front ecosystem.

PFI was banned by the Union government in September 2022 for its alleged involvement in extremist and terrorist activities.

The accused faced charges under Sections 120B, 143, 144, 147, 148, 212, 302, 307, 324, 323, and 342 read with Section 149 of the Indian Penal Code, covering conspiracy, unlawful assembly, murder, attempted murder, and allied offences.

Bail Proceedings and a Long Judicial Journey

In the months following the murder, several accused approached the Kerala High Court seeking bail. Early bail applications were rejected, with the court citing the seriousness of the offences and the stage of investigation.

As the investigation progressed, a shift occurred. Multiple accused were granted bail on grounds of parity, completion of substantial portions of investigation, and absence of apprehension that they would abscond. Stringent conditions were imposed, including restrictions on movement and warnings against influencing witnesses.

One accused, Afsal, was arrested later and was described by the prosecution as the brain behind the incident. While granting him bail, the High Court made strong observations about the misuse of religion for violence, even as it weighed factors like age and pre-trial detention.

Another accused, Sanuj, was later implicated in a separate criminal case in 2022, leading to the cancellation and subsequent regrant of bail with warnings.

Trial, Evidence, and the Acquittal

During the trial, the prosecution examined 55 witnesses and produced 205 documents. The case passed through multiple investigating officers over the years.

On 30 December 2025, the Sessions Court acquitted all 20 adult accused. The judgment identified several critical failures:

First Information in Doubt: The court held that the first information and connected documents appeared antitimed and possibly antedated, weakening the foundation of the case.

Suppressed Genesis: The prosecution was found to have presented a one-sided story while suppressing the broader context of the confrontation.

Eyewitness Improvements: Injured witnesses made later improvements not reflected in early statements, undermining credibility.

No Reliable Test Identification Parade: Several accused were not identified through proper identification procedures, making dock identification unsafe.

Late Motive Claims: Alleged motives such as opposition to “love jihad” were introduced late and not supported by early statements.

Search and Seizure Lapses: Key officers were not examined, and documentation reached court belatedly.

Weak Forensic Corroboration: Blood and material evidence could not conclusively link accused to the crime.

Conspiracy and Harbouring Not Proved: Without a proven core offence, add-on charges could not survive.

What Remains After Thirteen Years

The prosecution has said it will appeal. The High Court will examine whether the trial court’s conclusions were a plausible view of the evidence and whether legal principles were correctly applied.

For Vishal Kumar’s family, however, the verdict marks the end of a thirteen-year wait that offers no closure. The judgment leaves behind an unbearable truth: a 19-year-old student activist was stabbed to death in public, and more than a decade later, the law says nobody can be punished for it.

Not because the crime did not happen but because the State could not prove who did it.

If this verdict is to mean anything beyond one case, it must be read as a warning about what happens when the fundamentals of criminal investigation, prompt recording, reliable identification, disciplined procedure, and consistent prosecution are not secured from the very first day.

Source: OpIndia

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TRB Rajaa’s Old Tweet On State Debt Comes Back To Haunt Him

A five-year-old social media post made by DMK minister TRB Rajaa, when the DMK was in opposition, has resurfaced amid growing scrutiny of Tamil Nadu’s sharply rising debt under the party’s own tenure.

In 2020, Rajaa had publicly ridiculed the then AIADMK government over the State’s debt levels. In a post on X (then Twitter), he wrote that Tamil Nadu’s total debt would touch ₹4.56 lakh crore by March 2021, translating to roughly ₹57,000 per citizen. He had also flagged revenue deficit figures, contrasting actual numbers with budget estimates to accuse the AIADMK of fiscal mismanagement.

Five years later, the figures have grown significantly larger under the DMK government. According to the latest budget documents, Tamil Nadu’s total outstanding debt is projected to reach ₹9.29 lakh crore by March 2026. This amounts to an estimated ₹1.16 lakh per citizen, assuming a population of around eight crore – more than double the per-capita burden Rajaa had highlighted while in opposition.

The resurfacing of the tweet has coincided with renewed debate over the DMK’s handling of state finances, particularly in the context of the party’s 2021 electoral promises of “Vidiyal” (dawn) and a distinct “Dravidian model” of governance.

White Paper Promises vs Budget Outcomes

Shortly after assuming office in 2021, then Finance Minister Palanivel Thiaga Rajan released a high-profile White Paper on Tamil Nadu’s finances. The document blamed the previous AIADMK regime for what it described as fiscal mismanagement, claiming that debt had risen to about ₹2.63 lakh per household. Rajan had pledged that the DMK government would “set right” the fiscal situation within five years through major reforms and a dramatic transformation of public finances.

However, subsequent budget documents indicate that the debt burden per household has increased substantially during the DMK’s tenure. Based on an estimated two crore households, the per-family debt has risen to approximately ₹4.65 lakh by 2025–26—an increase of about ₹2.02 lakh per household since 2021.

Rising Debt Trajectory

Official figures show a steady year-on-year rise in borrowing:

2021: Total debt of ₹5.7 lakh crore (₹5,70,000 crore) that translates to ₹2.63 lakh per household (White Paper baseline)

2022: Total debt of ₹6.67 lakh crore (₹6,67,975 crore) that translates to ₹3.34 lakh per household (27% increase)

2023: Total debt of ₹7.41 lakh crore (₹7,41,497 crore) that translates to ₹3.70 lakh per household (41% cumulative increase)

2024: Total debt of ₹8.34 lakh crore (₹8,34,544 crore) that translates to ₹4.17 lakh per household (59% cumulative increase)

2025: Projected debt of ₹9.29 lakh crore (₹9,29,959 crore) that translates to ₹4.65 lakh per household (79% cumulative increase)

The cumulative increase represents one of the sharpest expansions of sub-national debt among Indian states in recent years.

Borrowing-Fuelled Governance

Financial analysts note that the DMK government has relied heavily on borrowing to fund welfare schemes and subsidies, rather than significantly expanding revenue or reducing structural deficits. For 2025–26 alone, Tamil Nadu plans to borrow ₹1.62 lakh crore – an amount larger than the entire annual budgets of several smaller states.

While the 2025 budget projects that debt as a percentage of Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) will gradually decline over the next few years, critics point out that these projections follow four consecutive years of aggressive borrowing that have already raised the absolute debt burden to record levels.

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“What Connection Do You (Citizens) Have With State Debt?” Asks TN Planning Commission Vice Chairman Jeyaranjan, Gets Schooled By Netizens

"What Connection Do You (Citizens) Have With The Debt?" Says TN Planning Commission Vice Chairman Jeyaranjan About TN State Debt

Senior economist and Executive Vice Chairman of the Tamil Nadu State Planning Commission Jeyaranjan has dismissed concerns over the State’s rising debt burden, arguing that government borrowing has no direct connection to ordinary citizens and is part of a routine fiscal process.

In a recent video interview with a YouTube channel, Jeyaranjan responded to repeated questions about Tamil Nadu’s growing loans, including borrowings from institutions such as the World Bank. He questioned the premise itself, saying, “What exactly has to come down? The debt burden? Why should it come down for you? What connection do you have with that? … What connection do I have with it?”

He compared government borrowing to long-term investment, stating that even if a parent had taken a loan, it would not automatically become a problem for the individual. “If your father had taken that loan, or your mother had taken it, even then there is no problem now. … The government borrows. The government is going to repay the loan, right?” he said, adding that political parties in power were irrelevant to repayment. “Today DMK is in power, tomorrow AIADMK may come. Whoever is in power, it does not matter. The government is a separate administration.”

Jeyaranjan explained that the State has continuous income and expenditure, with loan repayments forming one part of regular spending. He said borrowed funds were used for capital projects, noting, “What do they do with that borrowed money? … They construct the Metro and run trains. They buy buses for the PTC. Somewhere they build a dam.” According to him, such loans are repaid over long periods. “You repay it over 30 years… you are taking loans now and making those investments, and you keep paying the repayments for that.”

He also criticised what he described as political messaging around debt, saying, “They say, ‘Tamil Nadu has been brought to a debt trap. Look how much debt they have taken!’ When they say it like that, it registers in people’s minds.” Questioning public anxiety, he asked, “How does it affect you? What is it to you? Is anyone going to catch you by the collar and ask you to pay?”

Addressing limits on borrowing, Jeyaranjan said States could not borrow arbitrarily. “You cannot just borrow as you wish,” he said, explaining that borrowing is linked to the size of the economy and tax revenue. He added that legal provisions cap State borrowing at 3.5% of Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP). “Only up to 3.5% of that GSDP can be borrowed. Beyond that, the RBI will not permit,” he said, stressing that all government income and expenditure must be backed by law.

Jeyaranjan’s repeated refrain – “What connection do you have with the debt?” – has triggered sharp backlash precisely because it runs counter to lived economic reality. The assertion that State debt has no bearing on ordinary citizens is being described as not just misleading, but intellectually dishonest.

The truth is that Tamil Nadu’s revenue streams are already stretched thin, with a substantial portion of annual receipts consumed by administrative expenditure, salaries, pensions, interest payments, and welfare schemes. What remains for genuine capital formation – roads, irrigation, dams, public transport, and long-term infrastructure, is limited. When borrowing fills this gap, it is not an abstract accounting exercise; it is a deferred charge imposed on the public.

Debt is not repaid in a vacuum. It is serviced through taxes, user charges, and fee hikes. When borrowings rise, governments inevitably increase electricity tariffs, water charges, milk prices, property taxes, stamp duty, registration costs, and transport fares. In effect, debt functions as a hidden tax on citizens – paid not upfront, but in instalments through rising costs of living.

To suggest that citizens have “no stake” in such loans is to deny this basic fiscal mechanism. A government that takes expensive loans and then executes corrupt or inefficient tenders for road works, dam construction, or urban infrastructure must be questioned. Public borrowing without accountability is not development – it is liability creation.

The argument that “the government will repay the loan, not you” has also been criticised as sophistry. Governments do not generate independent income; they draw revenue from the people. Every rupee repaid, whether today or 30 years later, is repaid from public money. When debt rises, fiscal flexibility shrinks, subsidies are trimmed, and essentials become unaffordable. That is why gas subsidies are cut, power tariffs are raised, and welfare itself comes under strain.

Critics have also pointed out that Tamil Nadu currently runs a revenue deficit of around 1.3% of GSDP, even though the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (FRBM) Act mandates zero revenue deficit or a surplus. This means the State is borrowing not just for capital investment, but to meet day-to-day expenses – a practice widely regarded as fiscally unsound. By contrast, states often caricatured in political discourse, such as Uttar Pradesh, have posted revenue surpluses in recent years.

The manner in which Jeyaranjan dismissed these concerns, by browbeating a young anchor with rhetorical questions rather than offering clear explanations – has further fuelled anger. Observers have questioned how someone, who is not even a regular economics professor at a reputed university, was appointed as Executive Vice Chairman of the State Planning Commission, a body expected to offer rigorous, transparent, and accountable fiscal reasoning.

The controversy has also revived memories of earlier ideological theatrics, such as outrage over the Indian rupee symbol, despite the symbol having been designed by a DMK member, reinforcing the perception that ideology often trumps logic.

At its core, the pushback is simple: when debt rises, taxes rise; when taxes rise, the common man pays. Electricity bills, property tax, fuel costs, and registration charges do not increase by accident. Every citizen, therefore, has not only the right but the obligation to question why loans are taken, how they are spent, and whether they generate real returns.

What citizens expect from the State’s top economic official is not condescension, but clarity. Not rhetorical dismissal, but accountability.

In a democracy, debt is never just a number on paper. It is a claim on the future of its people.

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From Screen To Street: How Dravidiawood’s Glorification Of Drugs And Violence Is Poisoning Tamil Society

A 34‑year‑old man named Suraj had come from Odisha to make a living in Tamil Nadu. On that day, he was just minding his own business travelling in a local train. Enter a bunch of 17-year-old uncouth, deracinated, drug addict ‘Pullingos’ brandishing machete. One of them was harassing the Odisha man who doesn’t even know the language and what these guys are high on. Another fellow is shooting a video to upload it on Instagram. Suraj avoids them and goes about his work but he’s dragged away, and hacked in a deserted spot while the attack was filmed like entertainment content.

These four school‑age boys did not wake up one morning and suddenly invent this grammar of violence. They brandished a weapon on an EMU train, using a sickle as a prop to shoot “reels”. Stalked the victim after he got down, dragged him to an isolated area, brutally assaulted him, and filmed it like a set piece.

It is an indictment of a cultural ecosystem that has normalised blood, blades, and intoxication as “style.”

This is exactly the visual language that much of present‑day Tamil cinema (Dravidiawood) has been peddling: slow‑motion swagger with machetes, “mass” entries bathed in blood, and violence cut and packaged like a music video. When teenagers consume hundreds of hours of such content, the line between performance and reality begins to blur.

Dravidiawood’s Blood‑Soaked Aesthetic

Look at Tamil posters and trailers of the last few years – Guns, sickles, splashes of blood – “first look” itself is a riot of gore.

This is the poster of a film featuring the much-hyped director Lokesh Kanagaraj who is known for glorifying drugs and violence in his films.

Far from showing any restraint, Kanagaraj has been unapologetic when confronted about this portrayal, bluntly stating that there will be “no compromise on violence” in his films.

Lokesh Kanagaraj’s filmography follows a strikingly consistent pattern: the centrality of the drug trade, the normalisation of extreme violence, and the aestheticisation of gun and machete culture. This is not incidental storytelling—it is the spine of his so-called cinematic universe.

In Leo, the infamous café massacre and the relentless use of guns and bladed weapons turn extreme violence into a visual flex, framing brutality as an extension of the hero’s charisma.

In Vikram, the character of Rolex (played by Suriya) is elevated into a near-mythic figure—a blood-thirsty criminal whose savagery is stylised, glorified, and cheered, reducing mass murder to a moment of cinematic celebration.

In this ‘cinematic universe’, gore is currency, criminality is cool, and violence is stripped of consequence and repackaged as mass entertainment.

Dravidiawood films are packed with drug trafficking, bootlegging, hacking sequences, and obscenity, with every other line an abuse and every other scene an excuse to show someone being butchered.

After two and a half hours of glorified mayhem, a line about “drug free society” or “say no to violence” is tossed in at the end as a fig leaf.

Take another much-hyped and celebrated director, Vetrimaaran. In the Arasan trailer, Simbu is repeatedly projected as a blood-soaked figure, brandishing a sickle—rage, gore, and intimidation packaged as heroism. The imagery leaves little to the imagination: violence is not incidental, it is the selling point.’

Or consider Vada Chennai, where organised crime and contract killers are not merely depicted but glorified. Rowdies who murder for a living are framed as layered, heroic protagonists, their brutality aestheticised and justified through backstories rather than questioned. The moral line is not blurred—it is erased altogether.

The so-called “Super Star” Rajinikanth is no exception. In Jailer, directed by Nelson, the film elevates him as a mass hero at the very moment he shoves a knife down a man’s throat in front of his own family, converting an act of cold-blooded brutality.

This is not accidental. Many directors and stars are deliberately making these films as a profitable formula. When questioned, they shift the blame onto “the audience”: “People like it, so we are only giving what they want.” That is cowardice dressed up as market logic.

Heroes As Upgraded Villains

Once, villains alone smoked, drank, and hacked people to pieces. Today the hero himself does what yesterday’s villain did – deals with gangsters, drinks openly, mouths obscenities, and slashes enemies in lovingly choreographed scenes.

Films that tried to move away from this – the so‑called “thug life” or “coolie” experiments that did not romanticise criminals – were dismissed as flops, and the industry ran straight back to the gangster template.

Tamil and other “gangster” films are steadily turning a section of Gen Z into violence‑worshipping clowns and budding monsters. The message is simple: to be “mass”, you must be merciless; to be “cool”, you must be high.

There is also a cruel class divide at work. Cinematic violence is consumed as “mass entertainment” by audiences who will never face its consequences. But its fallout is borne by the poorest – migrant workers, daily wagers, outsiders – people like Suraj, who lack protection, influence, or outrage capital. Violence is aestheticised in air-conditioned theatres and executed in slums, railway stations, and dark alleys.

Certain filmmakers have played a defining role in this descent. They have pushed the envelope not for art, but for shock. They have dragged even ageing superstars into blood-drenched narratives so extreme that films once suitable for families now require “A” certificates. Responsibility lies not just with directors, but with stars who lend legitimacy and reach to this violence.

Ask yourselves this: if someone from your own family were chased, hacked, and left bleeding by minors intoxicated on this cinematic fantasy, would you still defend it as “art”? Would you still hide behind box office numbers?

Suraj travelled thousands of kilometres for a livelihood. He now lies scarred, physically and forever emotionally, while his family stares into an uncertain future. For a few thousand rupees a month, he paid with his blood. And yes, those who profit from glorifying violence carry a share of that moral burden.

If the obsession with bloodlust, drugs, and weapons continues, both on screen and among cheering audiences, there is no guarantee that today’s 17-year-olds will not be replaced by 10-year-olds tomorrow. Cinema shapes imagination before law ever intervenes.

We all must introspect. What exactly is the censor board censoring anymore? If minors can replicate on screen what passes certification, then the certification process has collapsed into a rubber stamp. When blood-soaked films sail through with cosmetic cuts, the board is licensing consequences. Filmmakers must stop hiding behind excuses. And an industry that once shaped social reform must ask itself a brutal question: when did it become a factory for rage?

When cinema trains children to enjoy violence, the streets will eventually stage the sequel.

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Dravidian Model Tamil Nadu: Yet Another Assault At Tiruttani Railway Station By 4-Member Gang Just Days After Ganja Addicts Hacked An Odisha Migrant Worker

Dravidian Model: Yet Another Assault At Tiruttani Railway Station By 4-Member Gang

A man was seriously injured after being assaulted by a four-member gang at Tiruttani railway station, triggering fresh concerns over passenger safety at the busy transit point.

The victim, identified as Jamaal, a resident of Nehru Nagar in Tiruttani in Tiruvallur district, is engaged in the business of buying and selling old silk sarees. According to local sources, Jamaal was standing on the railway station premises when he was suddenly attacked by a group of four men, who allegedly struck him on the head, causing severe injuries.

Bystanders at the station intervened and alerted the police. Following a complaint from members of the public, police rushed to the spot and admitted Jamaal to the Tiruttani Government Hospital for treatment. His condition was described as serious. Police have registered a case and are continuing their investigation into the incident.

The assault has intensified public anxiety, coming just days after a migrant worker was brutally attacked in the same locality by ganja-addicted teenage school dropouts. That incident had already drawn attention to rising street violence in the area.

In the wake of the latest attack, railway passengers have raised questions over safety at Tiruttani railway station, asking whether the premises have become an unsafe place for commuters. Calls for increased police presence and preventive measures at the station have grown louder following the back-to-back incidents.

Source: Sathiyam News

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AIADMK Slams DMK Govt As TN Police Says Odisha Migrant Worker Who Was Brutally Hacked By Ganja-Addicts Has Been Discharged From Hospital

The All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) on Tuesday launched a sharp attack on the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) over the brutal assault on a migrant worker in Tiruttani, accusing the State government of misleading the public about the victim’s medical condition and exposing what it described as a larger collapse of law and order.

In a statement posted on its official X handle, the AIADMK referred to the attack on 19-year-old Suraj, a youth from a northern state, who was allegedly assaulted by ganja-addicted minors in Tiruttani.

They wrote, “The DMK government’s police department has stated that Suraj, a youth from a northern state who was brutally attacked in Tiruttani by 17-year-old ganja-addicted minors, has completed treatment and returned to his hometown. However, reports indicate that he was discharged from the Rajiv Gandhi Government Hospital itself. Is it not a blatant lie to claim that treatment was completed in just one day for a person whose body was mutilated with cuts all over and who was fighting for his life? How did the DMK government discharge a person who was subjected to a murderous attack? Is this the hallmark of the Stalin government’s concern for public welfare? To the extent that the victim is crying and deciding to return to his own hometown, his trust in Tamil Nadu has been shattered. For this, the puppet Chief Minister and the “marathon minister” who props him up should truly hang their heads in shame. The “marathon minister” Ma. Su., who asks the Leader of the Opposition, “Where is the ganja?”, should go and inspect the Stanley Hospital under his own department. Wasn’t a ganja plant found there? By allowing the spread of narcotics, the Stalin government has destroyed Tamil Nadu and made the State bow its head at the national level – that is the achievement of the Stalin regime.”

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Over 1,500 Secondary Grade Teachers Arrested In Chennai During Fifth Day Of Protest Seeking Equal Pay

Protests by secondary-grade teachers demanding “equal pay for equal work” intensified in Chennai on Tuesday, 30 December 2025, with police detaining more than 1,500 teachers as the agitation entered its fifth consecutive day.

The protest, organised by the Secondary Grade Seniority Teachers Association (SSTDA), has been underway since 26 December 2025. On Tuesday, hundreds of teachers assembled near Dr Ambedkar Government Higher Secondary School in Egmore, while others gathered outside the District Education Office in the same locality. Many protesters were accompanied by their family members, including children.

According to the teachers, the pay disparity dates back to June 1, 2009. Teachers appointed before that date were placed on a basic pay of ₹8,370, while those appointed on or after the cut-off were fixed at ₹5,200, despite having identical qualifications and performing the same duties. Over the years, the gap has widened to ₹25,000–₹30,000 in monthly salaries, they said, placing Tamil Nadu among the states with the lowest pay for secondary-grade teachers.

Several teachers alleged that police stopped groups of educators arriving by train at railway stations. One protesting teacher told The New Indian Express, “Police apprehend us at railway stations when groups of teachers arrive by train. To avoid this, many of us brought our families to the protest. Because we decided to become teachers, our children are also suffering with us.”

During the protest, several teachers reportedly fainted and were taken to hospitals. Police later detained the protesters and housed them in around 15 wedding halls across the city. A woman teacher alleged that basic facilities were denied during detention. “We were not provided food or water to prevent us from returning to the protests in the coming days. Women teachers have been the worst affected by this pay disparity, and since many of them participated in large numbers, several suffered without food or water,” she said.

SSTDA General Secretary J. Robert said the association would continue its agitation until the demand was met. He described the repeated detentions as humiliating and said the government’s approach was forcing teachers towards more intense forms of protest. He also appealed to the Chief Minister to intervene and resolve what he described as a long-pending and legitimate grievance.

Meanwhile, Makkal Kalvi Kootiyakkam, a teachers’ collective in Madurai, urged Chief Minister MK Stalin to immediately address the demands. In a statement, the organisation condemned the use of police force against protesting teachers and accused the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam government of going back on assurances made in its 2021 election manifesto.

Police sources said arrangements for repeated detentions had cost the department up to ₹3 lakh so far. Despite the arrests, teacher associations warned that protests would continue in the coming days unless a clear assurance on pay parity was given by the government.

Source: Hindu Tamil

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“Nehru And Sekar Babu Have Snatched Away Our Jobs, They Check Our Caste First”, GCC Sanitation Workers Slam DMK Govt, Arrested

"Nehru And Sekar Babu Have Snatched Away Our Jobs, They Check Our Caste First", GCC Sanitation Workers Protest Outsourcing, Arrested

Sanitation workers attached to the Greater Chennai Corporation (GCC) intensified their protests across key parts of Chennai, demanding job security, reinstatement of duties, and payment of pending wages, even as police detained several protesters at multiple locations, including near Omandurar Government Hospital on Anna Salai.

According to a newsreport, sanitation workers gathered near Omandurar Government Hospital after a day of protests that began in the morning of Tuesday, 30 December 2025, with an attempted siege of Anna Arivalayam, the headquarters of the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. Police intervened early, preventing the march and detaining protesters. Later in the day, fresh demonstrations were held near the Kalaignar Memorial at Marina and subsequently on Anna Salai, leading to repeated arrests.

The agitation, which has been ongoing for over 130 days, began in July 2025 against the outsourcing of sanitation work in GCC Zones 5 and 6 to private contractors. Workers allege that they were informally barred from work without written orders, resulting in months without wages, mounting debt, and repeated police detentions. Despite a court-ordered eviction of a prolonged sit-in outside the Ripon Building, the protests have continued, including rotating hunger strikes since November, during which several women workers were hospitalised.

Protesters said they are now seeking reinstatement under the GCC self-help group system rather than permanent government employment, citing what they describe as exploitation by private contractors. While the GCC employs around 7,000 sanitation workers directly or through self-help groups, more than 14,000 workers are engaged through private agencies.

On Tuesday evening, police repeatedly detained workers who sat or lay down on Anna Salai in batches of around 25, loading them into vehicles. Within minutes of one group being removed, another group would resume the protest, leading to severe traffic congestion and heightened tension in the area.

Several sanitation workers spoke emotionally about their situation during the protest. One of them who was arrested outside Anna Arivalayam said, “We are dying here. Our demands have not been met, it is more than 5-7 months, we have had no work, sir. They are looking at our caste. They are looking at our caste. They are looking at us as low caste, as Dalits. Is everything nice only when you want our votes? Is it bitter when you have to give us work? Will you be quiet if your family women are on the road like this? Is what is happening good? What kind of a rule is going on? It is a cruel regime.

Another said, “They themselves told us first signature will be for the sanitary workers. Five years are about to be completed. He took our votes and has kept us without work for five months. How are we supposed to eat? How are we supposed to eat? Did we ask for a government job? Did we ask for some higher post? We only asked for the job of collecting garbage. He is saying he will not give us our job back – is that fair? Next time how will he come back? How will he come back with 3,000 votes? When he knows us so well and still does this to us, is this fair?

 

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A woman worker, breaking down during the protest, said, “We are not able to pay school fees, not able to pay college fees. We are not even able to open our mouths about the house rent. Our life itself is gone. Our peace is gone. Either put us in jail. I am ready to struggle every day, so put us in jail. At least we will be able to lie down peacefully in jail. Put our families also in jail. We cannot go on like this. We absolutely cannot. We want our jobs. Tell us clearly in words: we want our jobs, we cannot continue without work. The lives of 2,000 families like ours are finished. Every time you only come and keep arresting us; then why don’t you just send us to jail instead of dumping us in some wedding hall? Why do you keep us in a wedding hall? From 6 in the evening till 12 at night you beat and drive us away, chase us like dogs, why do you chase us like that? Are we not human beings? Back then during Corona, you showered us with flowers, and now do we look like garbage to you? Do we look like garbage now? We want our life back. We want our job back. We are not going to just disappear because we are jobless. Please, put us in jail, you will gain punya by doing so; lock all of us up in jail. Otherwise, you tell us one decision clearly: are we supposed to live or die? We cannot continue like this.

 

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Another protester directly named DMK ministers, stating, “Nehru and Sekar Babu have snatched away our jobs. They are arresting us – why should they arrest us? Who are they to arrest us? For these 21 days, whatever I have been going through, if anything happens to my life, they will be responsible.”

 

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Protesters accused the government of treating the issue as a law-and-order problem rather than a labour dispute, arguing that long years of service should guarantee job security. They warned that unless their demands are addressed, demonstrations would continue across major roads and public spaces in Chennai in the coming days.

Source: DTNext

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Amid Dravidawood Silence, Santhosh Narayanan Calls Out ‘Caste-Based Groups’ And ‘Political Factions’ After Ganja-Addicted TN Boys Attack Odisha Migrant Worker

Amid Kollywood Silence, Santhosh Narayanan Speaks On Tiruttani Assault And Street Violence migrant worker

The brutal assault of a migrant worker in Tiruttani by ganja-addicted teenage school dropouts has triggered widespread outrage across Tamil Nadu, raising serious concerns about substance abuse, street violence, and attacks on guest workers. While much of the Kollywood film fraternity, often seen as heavily supportive to the extent of buttressing the ruling DMK government, has remained silent on the incident, music director Santhosh Narayanan has publicly spoken out, calling for a more honest reckoning with the ground realities.

On 30 December 2025, Santhosh Narayanan shared a detailed statement highlighting his personal experiences with crime and substance abuse in Chennai. In his post, he wrote, “I have lived in an area in chennai for the past decade where it is absolutely top tier dangerous especially at night with hooligans and criminals who are mostly high on substance. Many innocent construction worker friends in my studio site were attacked several times recently. One such criminal who was apprehended was just laughing without any pain when the police lathi charged as he was stoned beyond limits.”

He further added that the violence often carries a racial dimension and is enabled by organised support networks. “Moreover most of these attackers are proud racists and blanket hate/attack people from other states. It is high time we acknowledge that many local political factions and several ‘caste’ based groups come running to support these mostly young boys who end up ruining many lives along with theirs,” he said. Urging a shift away from denial, Narayanan added, “Can we please accept the realities of these incidents and act more realistically and save so many victims? The lines between glorified violence on screen and real incidents such as the recent one have really started blurring and it is high time we act responsibly. Me included.”

This is not the first time the composer has broken ranks with the broader celebrity silence. In the aftermath of Cyclone Michaung, which left large parts of Chennai flooded, Santhosh Narayanan was among the few public figures who spoke from direct, on-the-ground experience. Actively involved in local rescue efforts, he described the severity of the situation, stating, “Everyone here is suffering; we have no electricity, and water surrounds us. This time, there is more water in our locality than in 2015.”

He also voiced frustration over what he described as systemic neglect across successive governments. “We have to look up to the sky and voice our complaints,” he said at the time, criticising the lack of timely attention to the suffering of residents in affected neighbourhoods.

As attacks on migrant and guest workers continue to draw attention, Santhosh Narayanan’s remarks have stood out within the film industry, both for their bluntness and for directly challenging, caste-based mobilisation, and the normalisation of violence. His statements contrast sharply with the continued silence of many prominent figures from Kollywood, even as public concern over safety, law enforcement, and accountability under the ‘Dravidian Model’ of governance grows across the state.

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