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Part-Time Politician Vijay Condemns UPSC For Mentioning EV Ramasamy Naicker’s Original Name In Prelims Question Paper, Dravidar Kazhagam’s Official Website Itself Uses Original Name

By
The Commune
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vijay upsc ev ramasamy naicker

At a recent event hosted by his political party, Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), actor-turned-part-time politician Vijay criticized the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) for including a question in a civil services exam that referred to E.V. Ramasamy Naicker (EVR) by his full name, including the caste-indicative suffix “Naicker.” Vijay described the inclusion as offensive and deeply condemnable.

However, his outrage seems very hypocritic. The Dravidar Kazhagam (DK), the organization founded by EVR and currently run by his ideological successors, continues to publish his full name, including the caste suffix, in their official publication Viduthalai. Notably, as recently as 17 May, the magazine featured an editorial titled “Engum Ramasamy Naicker” (“Ramasamy Naicker Everywhere”).

It’s not just recent incidents — the Dravidar Kazhagam itself often appears to highlight caste identities. For instance, a 2023 article openly celebrated “Naidu–Naicker–Nadar unity,” despite the organization’s frequent claims of being anti-caste and its portrayal of E.V. Ramasamy Naicker as the one who abolished caste in Tamil Nadu. Now, Vijay has emerged as the latest voice buttressing this carefully constructed narrative.

Vijay’s criticism appears inconsistent, as he targets the use of a caste-based suffix by India’s premiere institutions while remaining ignorant about its continued use within ideologically aligned circles.

The irony died a thousand deaths when the Dravidar Kazhagam (DK) — EVR’s own ideological heirs — joined in condemning the UPSC on 26 May, despite having recently published content using the same caste-linked title.

This glaring contradiction has reignited debates around selective outrage and the lack of consistency in upholding anti-caste principles.

Speaking at the Chennai event honoring top-performing students from Classes 10 and 12, Vijay appealed to the youth to uphold democratic principles and reject societal divisions. “Democracy gives everyone equal opportunity,” he said. “Tell your families to vote responsibly—choose trustworthy, corruption-free leaders. Don’t allow caste or religion to influence your thinking.”

Drawing a parallel to nature, he said, “The sun and rain don’t discriminate by caste or religion. We must reject such divisions the same way we reject harmful substances.”

Vijay emphasized that democracy thrives on equality and freedom. “A democratic mindset is essential for true liberty in all aspects of life. Caste, religion, and creed should be shunned just like addictive drugs.”

On the UPSC controversy, he reiterated his disapproval, “Even in recent times, attempts are being made to associate casteist labels with Periyar. In the latest UPSC exam, a question was asked that framed him along caste lines. We strongly condemn this.”

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IAF Chief Calling Out Delayed Jet Deliveries Is Justified, Here’s Why

By
The Commune
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iaf chief air chief marshal ap singh tejas mk1a delivery usa operation sindoor

At the CII Annual Business Summit on 29 May 2025, Indian Air Force Chief, Air Chief Marshal Amar Preet Singh highlighted serious delays in defence procurement, particularly in indigenous projects. He expressed concern that most contracts have stalled due to slow production of critical weapon systems.

Singh specifically pointed to the delayed delivery of the 83 Tejas Mk1A Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) ordered from Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) in February 2021 for ₹48,000 crore. Deliveries were scheduled to start by March 2024 but have yet to begin, mainly due to delays in engine supplies from US-based General Electric, which is facing supply chain issues.

The IAF chief also noted that the prototype for the next-generation Tejas Mk2 has not yet been rolled out, and the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA), India’s stealth fighter project, is still without a prototype.

Emphasizing the importance of self-reliance, Singh urged stronger trust and transparency between the armed forces and domestic defence industry. He stressed that India must focus not only on producing but also designing weapon systems locally to meet urgent operational needs.

“Production capacity may increase over the next decade, but what we need today, we need now. We must get our act together quickly because wars are won by empowering our forces,” he said.

The remarks come weeks after India’s military action against Pakistan under “Operation Sindoor.” Meanwhile, the government recently approved a framework to accelerate development of the indigenous fifth-generation stealth fighter jet, the AMCA.

Why Is the IAF Chief Angry Over Delayed Jet Deliveries?

Air Chief Marshal Amar Preet Singh recently expressed strong dissatisfaction over persistent delays in India’s defence procurement timeline—especially regarding the Tejas Mk1A fighter jets. He emphasized that if a timeline is committed, it must be honoured. His frustration is rooted in a series of delays that have critically affected the Indian Air Force’s operational readiness.

The issue traces back to 2021, when Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) signed a $716 million deal with General Electric (GE) of the United States for 99 F404-IN20 jet engines. These engines were crucial for powering the indigenous Tejas Mk1A aircraft. According to the contract, initial deliveries were expected by March 2023.

However, as of 29 May 2025, only one engine has been delivered. GE, which committed to supplying all engines by now, has shared a revised timeline: 11 more engines in 2025, followed by 20 engines annually from 2026 to 2029, and the final 8 in 2030. This enormous delay has completely disrupted India’s indigenous fighter production schedule.

On the strength of GE’s original commitment, the Indian Air Force had placed a ₹48,000 crore order with HAL in February 2021 for 83 Tejas Mk1A jets (including 73 single-seaters and 10 trainer variants). HAL, in turn, committed to begin jet deliveries by March 2024. However, due to GE’s engine supply failure, HAL has been unable to deliver even a single aircraft to the IAF.

This delay comes at a time when the Indian Air Force is facing an acute shortage of fighter aircraft. India requires a minimum of 42 squadrons—each consisting of 18 fighter jets—to maintain credible deterrence and readiness. In reality, the IAF is operating with just 31 squadrons, the lowest level since the 1965 war. For context, the IAF had 42 squadrons in 1996, and 35 squadrons in 2013.

The shortage is not due to a lack of aircraft from HAL—many of the jets are reportedly ready, awaiting only the engine installations. The core bottleneck remains GE’s inability to deliver, which has sparked speculation about whether these delays are deliberate. Some observers suggest this may be a strategic move by elements within the US military-industrial complex, possibly to pressure India into purchasing American fighter jets like the F-35, instead of developing its own.

The Air Chief’s anger reflects a broader concern: India’s ability to maintain independent defence capability is being undermined, not by its technological limits, but by external dependency on critical components like jet engines. The crisis highlights an urgent need to design and produce complete weapon systems within India, reducing reliance on foreign partners who may not always share India’s strategic timelines or priorities.

(With inputs from Hindustan Times)

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Lancet Blows Lid Off 2023 Brain Infection Outbreak That Left 8 Dead, Contaminated Saline At Vaniyambadi Dental Clinic To Blame; Will TN Govt Agencies Be Held Accountable?

By
The Commune
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brain infection vaniyambadi dental clinic

A recent study published in The Lancet has brought to light a disturbing outbreak in Tamil Nadu’s Tirupattur district, where eight individuals died in 2023 after contracting neuromelioidosis, a rare and severe brain infection, traced back to a dental clinic in Vaniyambadi town. The source of the outbreak was identified as a contaminated saline bottle used during dental procedures.

The incident, which went unreported by government bodies, was uncovered through a detailed investigation led by a multidisciplinary team including doctors from CMC Vellore, ICMR-NIE, and the Tamil Nadu Directorate of Public Health. The team discovered that poor sterilization practices at the dental facility were the root cause.

According to the study, the infection spread after a periosteal elevator, a surgical instrument, was used to puncture the seal of a saline bottle. The bottle was then loosely closed and reused on multiple patients, resulting in at least ten infections, of which eight proved fatal. Dr. Angel Miraclin Thirugnanakumar, the study’s lead author from CMC’s Department of Neurological Sciences, stated that the 80% fatality rate was due to the bacteria entering directly through the nerves during oral procedures, bypassing the bloodstream.

Neuromelioidosis is caused by Burkholderia pseudomallei, a bacterium commonly found in soil and water in tropical climates. It severely affects the central nervous system, particularly the brain and spinal cord. Symptoms typically include fever, headache, blurred vision, slurred speech, and, in some cases, facial paralysis. Genome sequencing revealed that the strain involved in this outbreak possessed a gene that makes it particularly aggressive in attacking the brain.

Between July 2022 and April 2023, researchers identified 21 cases of neuromelioidosis. Among them, ten patients had been treated at the dental clinic; of these, eight died. The other 11 patients, who had no link to the clinic, experienced only one fatality, marking a much lower death rate of 9%. Geographically, 17 of the cases occurred in Tirupattur, two in Ranipet, and one each in Tiruvannamalai and Krishnagiri.

Data showed that patients infected through the dental clinic succumbed to the illness much more quickly. On average, death occurred 16 days after symptoms appeared and nine days after hospitalisation, compared to 56 days and 38 days respectively for those not exposed via the clinic.

Dr. T. S. Selvavinayagam, Tamil Nadu’s Director of Public Health, acknowledged that the findings would assist in identifying similar cases for better outbreak response and local containment. “We’ve taken corrective steps to control the spread. This serves as a crucial reminder for healthcare providers to strictly follow infection control protocols,” he said.

The first alert came on 9 May 2023, when CMC Vellore reported a spike in neuromelioidosis cases, some linked to the dental clinic. A few days later, a coordination meeting was held with healthcare providers in Tirupattur and nearby districts. A medical team was promptly formed to investigate and trace the source.

However, by the time officials arrived at the dental facility, it had already been disinfected, closed, and its water supply cut off—reportedly in response to public outrage. Still, scientists managed to isolate Burkholderia pseudomallei from a previously opened saline bottle. No contamination was found in sealed, unused bottles. Genetic sequencing confirmed the findings.

Interestingly, the clinical presentations varied between those linked to the clinic and those who were not. Non-clinic cases often showed salivary gland swelling, cheek inflammation, and enlarged lymph nodes. In contrast, patients who had visited the dental clinic exhibited more severe and faster-developing symptoms such as facial cellulitis and soft tissue abscesses, likely due to ingestion of the tainted saline.

This tragic event underscores the critical importance of strict hygiene protocols in medical and dental facilities and raises urgent questions about regulation and oversight in private clinics.

(With Inputs From Times Of India)

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RTI Reveals DMK Govt Plan To Sell Amma Wedding Halls, Falsely Cites Inactivity To Justify Sale To Private Buyers

By
The Commune
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rti dmk amma wedding halls

In a move that has sparked widespread public backlash and political controversy, the DMK government is reportedly preparing to sell Amma wedding halls in Chennai to private buyers. These state-built halls, constructed under the AIADMK regime in 2016, were originally intended to serve economically disadvantaged communities by offering affordable and well-equipped venues for weddings and other family events.

Revelations obtained through a Right to Information (RTI) request have brought the issue to light. According to the disclosed documents, two Amma wedding halls near Chennai—built at a combined cost of ₹22 crore—are being considered for sale due to claimed lack of public use. This decision has ignited criticism from both citizens and political observers who argue that the government is neglecting infrastructure meant for public welfare.

During the AIADMK government’s tenure, Amma wedding halls were constructed with amenities on par with private banquet facilities. These included air-conditioning, modern kitchens, elevators, and ample parking. Six such halls were developed by the Tamil Nadu Housing Board in locations like Avadi, Ayapakkam, Velachery, Korattur, Madurai, and Theni, at a total cost of ₹65 crore.

However, only the halls in Madurai and Theni are currently operational. In contrast, the Chennai-based halls remain closed. Notably, the Avadi hall—built at ₹10.2 crore—sits unused in a Housing Board area behind Avadi Corporation. The Ayapakkam facility, constructed at a cost of ₹12 crore, was used as a COVID-19 treatment center during the pandemic but has since fallen into disrepair. Reports indicate that the hall has been stripped of air conditioners, wiring, and other fittings by vandals, leaving the structure in a dilapidated state.

Social activist Tharanitharan, who filed the RTI, questioned the Housing Board on the status of the halls. In its response, the Board cited poor public reception as the reason for non-operation and shockingly confirmed that steps are underway to sell the properties to private parties. Tharanitharan and others argue that these halls could serve the local population if they were properly maintained and opened, rather than being left idle and then offloaded to private entities.

Critics have accused the DMK administration of deliberately neglecting these assets in order to justify their privatization. They argue that the Amma wedding halls—part of former Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa’s broader “Amma” welfare initiative—were created to ease the financial burden on lower- and middle-income families. Selling them off, they claim, undermines the original purpose and disproportionately affects those who rely on public infrastructure.

Announced in September 2016, the Amma wedding halls were envisioned as part of a larger initiative to construct similar venues at 11 locations across Tamil Nadu, including major cities like Chennai, Madurai, Tirunelveli, and Salem, at an estimated cost of ₹83 crore.

Local residents and activists have called for the halls to be renovated and put into use rather than handed over to private interests, emphasizing that these government-funded facilities were never meant to become abandoned properties or profit-making assets for private developers.

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Tamil Nadu: 29 Illegal Bangladeshi Nationals Arrested From Dindigul Textile Mill, Had Used Fake Aadhaar Cards

By
The Commune
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illegal bangladeshi nationals arrested dindigul textile mill tamil nadu

In a major crackdown on illegal employment and identity fraud, 29 Bangladeshi nationals were arrested on 24 May 2025 from a private textile mill located in Vagarai village, near Oddanchatram in Dindigul district. The arrests followed a tip-off that non-Indian citizens were working in the facility using forged identification documents.

A team led by Oddanchatram DSP Karthikeyan and Inspector Thangaraj conducted a surprise inspection at the mill, which manufactures inner garments primarily for export. The unit, operating under contract-based employment, had hired workers from various Indian states including Bihar, Odisha, Assam, Chhattisgarh, and West Bengal.

During the inspection, it was discovered that 29 individuals were illegally residing and working at the mill while possessing fake Aadhaar cards to impersonate Indian citizens. The men were detained, medically examined, and had their biometric data collected before being produced before the Oddanchatram Magistrate Court, which remanded them to judicial custody.

Police sources revealed that this is the first recorded instance of foreign nationals being employed in such a manner in the area, where most mills typically hire Indian workers from other states. The Bangladeshi workers were reportedly housed in dormitory-style accommodations within the mill premises.

A case has been registered by the Kallimandayam police under relevant charges including possession of fake identification. Senior officials from the district administration have initiated steps to ensure that all mills and commercial establishments provide full disclosure of non-local workers on their rolls.

Investigations are ongoing to trace the agents responsible for facilitating the illegal employment and document forgery.

(With inputs from The Hindu)

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Kanchi Kamakoti Peetam Launches Exclusive Women’s Law School At Sri Chandrasekharendra Saraswathi Viswa Mahavidyalaya In Kanchipuram

By
The Commune
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kanchi kamakoti peetam chandrasekharendra vishwa maha vidyalaya university school of law for women kanchipuram

Sri Chandrasekharendra Saraswathi Viswa Mahavidyalaya (SCSVMV), a deemed-to-be university sponsored by the Sri Kanchi Kamakoti Peetam Charitable Trust, has announced admissions for its newly launched Anvikshiki School of Law for Women. This pioneering initiative aims to empower women through legal education and build the next generation of women leaders in law.

Located in the historic temple town of Kanchipuram, the institution offers three key programmes:

  • B.A. LL.B. (Hons.)
  • B.B.A. LL.B. (Hons.)
  • LL.B. (Hons.)

The law school is exclusively for women and seeks to foster a supportive and focused academic environment. Preference in admissions will be given to candidates with valid CLAT scores. The university promises an education led by expert faculty and seasoned legal professionals, with practical exposure through moot courts and legal aid clinics.

The Anvikshiki School of Law also boasts a dedicated law library and offers merit scholarships to eligible students. Hostel facilities are available for outstation candidates. Admissions are currently open, and applicants can apply online through the university’s official website: www.kanchiuniv.ac.in.

This initiative marks a significant step toward empowering women through legal literacy and justice-oriented careers and aims to create a nurturing space where women are trained not just in legal theory, but also in the practice and ethics of law.

This women-centric law school is part of the broader educational and spiritual vision of the Kanchi Kamakoti Mutt, which has consistently supported initiatives for women’s upliftment and value-based learning.

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Demography Is Destiny: In Kanyakumari, The Church Decides How Hindus Should Conduct Their Temple Rituals

By
The Commune
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mandaikadu bhagavathi amman temple

The recent incident at the historic Mandaikadu Bhagavathi Amman Temple in Tamil Nadu where members of the Church obstructed Hindu priests from performing the sacred ritual of collecting sea water reveals deeper currents of religious intolerance and underscores the ongoing marginalization of Hindu practices, often masked as efforts to uphold communal harmony.

Two weeks ago, the temple hosted its sacred kumbhabhishekam ceremony, a ritual symbolizing the spiritual renewal of the shrine following a destructive fire in 2021. Central to this rite was the age-old tradition of the head priest riding an elephant to the sea, carrying the kalasam (sacred pot) filled with consecrated water. This symbolic journey, performed for generations, unexpectedly encountered resistance.

As the procession moved toward the sea, it passed a now-prominent shrine dedicated to ‘Mary‘, which originally began as a modest crucifix tower. There, individuals reportedly forced the priest to dismount the elephant, compelling him to complete the sacred journey on foot. This deviation from ritual protocol sparked concern among devotees, especially given the temple’s status as the “Sabarimala for women,” where thousands of female pilgrims from Tamil Nadu and Kerala come for spiritual cleansing and worship.

This interruption is seen by many as more than a logistical hurdle. The portrayal of Mary as a “sister” to the Goddess, while seemingly inclusive, is viewed by some scholars and observers as an attempt to subtly subordinate or reframe Hindu theology through appropriation. Over time, the Mary shrine has grown in size and influence, fostering a sense of competition with the older Bhagavathi temple.

Despite the Church’s promotion of interfaith dialogue and mutual respect, critics argue that on the ground, tensions remain unresolved. The Dravidianist media coverage of the incident varied—many ignored the core issue entirely, while some praised the priest’s composure and interpreted the act as a gesture of peace, rather than a breach of religious tradition.

This moment of disempowerment, where a priest had to relinquish a symbolic element of his ritual journey, resonated with historical memory particularly the violence of 1982.

The 1982 Mandaikadu Riots

In the early 1980s, the Mary shrine was in its infancy. However, tensions flared when Hindu women performing ritual sea baths were reportedly harassed by Catholic extremists. Eyewitness accounts described disturbing scenes of humiliation and fear, leading to police intervention and fatalities. The unrest quickly spread, resulting in attacks on Hindu villages and a wave of retaliatory violence.

Amidst the chaos, posters criticizing India and then-Chief Minister M.G. Ramachandran appeared, raising suspicions of politically motivated incitement. In response, the Tamil Nadu government established an inquiry under retired Justice Venugopal, known for his affiliation with the Dravidian movement. While initially skeptical of Hindu nationalist groups, his final report acknowledged the aggressive conduct of Christian fundamentalists as the root cause of the violence.

Justice Venugopal’s later writings reflected a significant shift in his perspective. He supported anti-conversion legislation and highlighted the need to protect vulnerable communities from coercive religious tactics.

One of the most harrowing parts of the Commission’s report involved testimonies from Hindu women victims. A 19-year-old woman described being assaulted and stripped of her clothing while trying to bathe as part of temple rituals. Despite facing hostile cross-examinations, the consistency of her account and others moved the judge to affirm their credibility. The report concluded that women devotees were indeed harassed and molested during the 1982 disturbances.

Evolving Dynamics and Persistent Challenges

Though large-scale violence has not recurred in recent years, undercurrents of tension remain. The early post-riot years witnessed a consolidation of Hindu identity and political organization, but momentum has waned. In contrast, the Catholic Church has adopted a more strategic, institution-based approach, expanding its influence via social services, educational institutions, and community engagement.

Critics argue that the narrative of shared divinity—referring to Mary as a sibling to the Goddess—serves a dual function: placating resistance while subtly diminishing Hindu spiritual frameworks. Marxist and leftist scholars, often aligned with this view, have reinterpreted Hindu deities through an anthropological lens, detaching them from their metaphysical roots and portraying them as mere cultural relics.

The spread of this interpretation has been bolstered by literature, notably the novel Marupakkam by Ponnelan, which presents a sympathetic portrayal of Christians and casts Hindus in a negative light. Due to a lack of a strong Hindu literary counter-narrative, such works have come to define public memory about events like the 1982 riots.

Institutionally, the Church has made inroads into Hindu-majority rural economies—exemplified by control over local dairy cooperatives—and transformed religious centers into platforms for socio-political outreach. These shifts have coincided with a decline in cohesive Hindu mobilization, making the community more susceptible to symbolic losses.

Recent Developments and Ongoing Tensions

The Venugopal Commission once recommended restrictions on religious structures in sensitive zones. However, the post-2004 political climate saw a resurgence in Church-led expansion. One flashpoint involved the blocking of access to a hillock traditionally used by Hindus for the Karthikai Deepam festival, now part of Church-owned land. Despite intervention by political figures like Pon. Radhakrishnan, efforts to reclaim access failed.

Other incidents—such as the removal of a Hanuman idol installed with official approval—suggest that Church influence often overrides local administrative decisions. The latest provocation, involving the forced dismounting of the priest, has been viewed by many as a culmination of this trend.

Observers note that while Hindu groups issued statements, their response lacked the organizational strength and strategic clarity shown by the Church and its affiliates. The disruption of the elephant procession thus stands not merely as a logistical problem, but as a symbolic erasure of sacred tradition.

In summary, the Mandaikadu episode underscores the need for sustained community engagement, cultural preservation, and balanced interfaith dialogue. Without a cohesive strategy and a deeper understanding of institutional dynamics, moments like this risk becoming markers in a larger narrative of displacement.

(With inputs from Swarajyamag)

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Mamata Banerjee Makes Personal Disgusting Remarks Involving PM Modi’s Wife, TMC MP Derek O’Brien Celebrates It, Congress Simp Sumanth Raman Shares It Gleefully

By
The Commune
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West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee on 28 May 2025 launched a scathing attack on Prime Minister Narendra Modi less than an hour after his rally in Alipurduar, accusing the BJP-led central government of exploiting Operation Sindoor for political mileage and insulting the people of Bengal.

Banerjee alleged that the Centre had gone “silent in front of America” and mocked the BJP’s narrative surrounding the recent anti-terror operation in Jammu and Kashmir, suggesting it was being used to drum up support ahead of the elections.

Speaking on Operation Sindoor and taking a dig at PM Modi’s personal life, she said, “But please remember, every woman has respect, they take ‘Sindoor’ from their husbands. But PM Modi is saying just like, you are not the husband of everybody. Why are you not giving ‘Sindoor’ to your Mrs. first? Sorry to say, I should not go into all these matters, but you compel us. You compel us in the name of ‘Operation Sindoor’ – the ‘Bengal Operation’. That’s why you compel us to open our mouth.”

She continued her attack on PM Modi. “Pahalgam and Operation Sindoor have become election issues, discussed in rallies in the PM’s presence. Other netas are calling this election rally ‘Operation Bengal’ in the PM’s presence,” she said, referring to remarks by junior Union minister Sukanta Majumdar who, during the rally, had stated “Operation Bengal after Operation Sindoor.”

“What Modi said today left us shocked and saddened. Is it appropriate for him and his ministers to talk about Operation Bengal… (in the same breath as) Operation Sindoor when the opposition is representing the country globally to protect national interests? This implies equating Bengal with terrorism. He is insulting Bengal and its dignity. Hold elections tomorrow if you have the courage,” she challenged.

Banerjee further questioned the lack of arrests in the aftermath of Operation Sindoor, saying, “Why have the terrorists responsible for wiping the sindoor (away from our women) not been arrested yet? Big talk…. Your words fail you and you fall silent in front of America. They are playing politics with a serious issue, which is unacceptable,” she said, adding a sharp jibe: “First he was a tea seller, then a chowkidar. Now he is selling sindoor everywhere, even in election campaigns.”

Responding to Modi’s previous accusations about her government’s “cruelty”, Banerjee turned the tables, alleging the BJP was the “mastermind behind riots”. “Bengal is not cruel, it has a humane administration. What has Modi’s sarkar done for the country? Blue films are screened on the streets of UP. The party’s MPs disrespect women, the PM should sack them first. He speaks of corruption, but corruption is highest in BJP-governed states,” she said.

Highlighting a list of alleged failures and controversies involving BJP-ruled states, Banerjee added: “We act if there is a complaint against our administration. What excuse does Modi have when terrorists are caught in Gujarat? You created trouble in Murshidabad and Malda. How many people were killed in Delhi? Why did the Assam CM say they would give rifles to citizens?”

She also invoked the Madhya Pradesh Vyapam scam in response to PM Modi’s criticism of Bengal’s recruitment irregularities. “Who filed the court case? The CPM and the BJP (did). What happened in Vyapam in MP? How many people died? Some 10,000 teachers lost their jobs in Tripura, 69,000 teachers lost jobs in UP. But we are humane in Bengal; we will find a way. We will respect the court and do something for the teachers, too.”

On welfare issues, Banerjee defended her government’s initiatives while accusing the Centre of withholding funds. “You talk of roads and homes but have you given the money? We are building roads and houses on our own with state funds. Why has the money for building houses been stopped? May you live for 175 years… ayushman. But we have the Swasthya Sathi, which is a better scheme. We provide it to everyone, unlike you,” she said, reiterating that the Centre was “bulldozing the federal structure”.

The Chief Minister received backing from TMC MP Derek O’Brien, who posted a video of her press conference on X with the caption: “It took a woman to show Modi the mirror.”

Meanwhile, political commentator Sumanth Raman appeared to gleefully join the fray, sharing the press conference and mocking the Prime Minister’s position in what has become an intensifying verbal face-off between the two leaders. He reposted the video with the caption, “Ouch!!!!!”

Sumanth Raman’s Rants On Operation Sindoor

He ranted about how the Pahalgam terrorists were still at large and the Modi government, the diplomats, had done nothing. He wrote, “The terrorists who carried out the Pahalgam massacre are still at large. Despite being hit, Pakistan was still able to mount some retaliation. Pakistan was not isolated diplomatically. They still got the IMF aid package. I’m trying to think of what we got out of all this, that we have paid for with more lives than the 26 we lost at Pahalgam and billions of dollars worth of defence equipment spent, and the damage to some of our towns. Next time there is a terror attack, how will it be any different, even if we retaliate against Pakistan directly? I support the ceasefire, but I’m confused about what the strategic objective of the larger military action beyond the strike on the terrorist hideouts was and what has been achieved. My impression is that our armed forces performed well, but our diplomats and political leadership could have done much better. And the ceasefire was agreed to without any conditions imposed on Pakistan. The only positive I see is that Pakistan knows that the next time it stages a terror attack in India, there will be direct retaliation on Pakistani territory. For a rogue State like Pakistan is that enough of a deterrent? #IndiaPakistanConflict #Ceasefire”

He ensured he peddled Pakistani propaganda and undermined military actions.

With the stellar military briefing on 11 May 2025, he compared it to the previous ones by Col Sophia Qureshi and Wing Commander Vyomika Singh. He wrote, “Getting Col.Sofia Qureshi and Wg.Cmdr. Vyomika Singh to give the press briefing was a good idea on the day after the strike on the terrorist bases. It was symbolic and sent out a signal. But from then on the subsequent briefings should have been handled by Senior Officers. It was clear that the two of them were only reading prepared text, didn’t explain the visuals properly and did not take questions. MOD should have insisted that their point of view must be put across by senior officers of their choice. Our communication of the Military operation could have been better. #IndiaPakistanCeasefire”

Raman forgot that the previous ones were press briefings while the latest one was a military briefing. He also wrote, “After seeing today’s press briefing it begs the question, why weren’t these officers used earlier to brief the media? The craze for publicity and PR did the Govt in. #IndiaPakistanConflict”

Now that he could not blame the military action, he started complaining about the “de-escalation” in India’s stand after praising the stoppage of fire as “sensible”. He wrote, “From “we will decimate Pakistan” to “we will not share hydrological data with Pakistan” is some come down in 4 days. Godi media’s desperate spin. #IndiaPakistanConflict”

His rants didn’t end there; being a Congress simp, he had to praise the “previous” governments. He wrote, “The difference between previous Governments and the Modi Govt is that, in previous Governments there would be at least an indirect acknowledgement that some things have gone wrong. Ministers would be sacked or portfolios changed, senior bureaucrats would be held at least notionally accountable. A lot of this was due to pressure from the media. Now since the narrative is that nothing can go wrong or has gone wrong, there is no significant course correction. Even when rollbacks happen it is more for political reasons and deemed as a masterstroke. No one is accountable since nothing has gone wrong in the first place. Since electoral success is their only measure of performance and there is no shortage of this, there is no real need or incentive to improve Governance.”

Sumanth Raman stays true to his character yet again even during a time of conflict by ensuring he criticises the government and mocks PM Modi on the personal front without fail.

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From Guns To Jobs: How Surrendered Naxals Are Being Rehabilitated Across India

By
The Commune
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surrendered naxals naxalites chhattisgarh employment india amit shah

The Government of India, through the Ministry of Home Affairs, has implemented a range of policies to rehabilitate surrendered Naxals, offering monthly stipends, fixed deposits, and financial incentives for surrendering weapons. These measures, particularly active in states like Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, and Andhra Pradesh, have led to significant numbers of surrenders and successful reintegration into mainstream society.

This report highlights ten notable cases between 2016 and 2025 where surrendered Naxals were successfully rehabilitated into productive roles, including as Indian Police Service (IPS) officers, Members of Parliament, home guards, and cooks in public institutions.

Chhattisgarh has emerged as a leading state in rehabilitation efforts, recording over 985 Naxal surrenders in 2025 alone under its revised rehabilitation policy. These individuals have been absorbed into various sectors, reflecting the success of the program.

Maharashtra has reported 502 surrenders over the last decade, with rehabilitation programs facilitating employment, education, and reintegration into civilian life. Andhra Pradesh, which pioneered such programs as early as 1997, has seen more than 7,000 Naxals lay down arms, with at least 2,500 of them fully rehabilitated and employed through government-supported schemes.

These efforts underscore a broader national strategy that aims not only to weaken the insurgency but also to restore the lives of those who once took up arms, turning them into contributors to society.

In this report, we take a look at 10 surrendered naxals who are now employed in respectable positions.

#1 From Naxalite To IPS & Gallantry Awardee: Sanjay Potam’s Inspiring Journey

Former Naxalite commander Sanjay Potam, also known as Badru, was awarded the President’s Medal for Gallantry for the third time in January 2025. Once a DEC member managing the Sukma-Dantewada border for Naxals, Potam surrendered in 2013 and is now a senior IPS officer. Grateful for his transformation, he urges others to abandon violence, saying there’s no future in Naxal ideology. His wife, also a former Naxalite, now works as a government peon. Potam’s story reflects hope, renewal, and the potential for change in Bastar, a region long affected by insurgency and underdevelopment.

#2 From Maoist To DRG Inspector 

Madkam Mudraj, a former Maoist commander turned District Reserve Guard (DRG) inspector, met Chhattisgarh CM Bhupesh Baghel during a public outreach in Konta. Mudraj shared how surrendering changed his life, saying he now carries a gun to protect, not harm. He spoke of his guilt during his Naxal days and how development in Bastar inspired his transformation. His wife, also an ex-Maoist, surrendered with him. Now, their children attend English-medium schools—once unimaginable. Thanking the CM, Madkam requested a handshake, which Baghel warmly accepted, praising his return to peace and service.

#3 From Maoist Commander to Security Guard: Dhananjay’s Redemption

Dhananjay alias Sudhir, once a top Maoist commander in Odisha’s Malkangiri district, surrendered in 2019 after witnessing the destruction caused by Naxals. He joined the group at 15, rising to lead the Gumma Area Committee with a ₹5 lakh bounty. Disillusioned by violence and mistreatment, he embraced peace. Now working as a private security guard, Dhananjay benefits from state rehabilitation schemes. Similar stories of transformation include former Naxals like Joymati Vanjan, Shankar Markade, and Bima Sodi, who left armed struggle behind for stable roles as constables, home guards, and cooks, demonstrating a path from violence to normalcy.

#4 From Forced Rebel To Police Constable: Joymati Vanjan’s Journey

Joymati Vanjan, once a Maoist cadre in Chhattisgarh’s Bijapur district, surrendered after being forced into Naxalism in the early 2000s. Involved in multiple attacks on security forces, she realized the futility of violence and laid down arms, later joining Chhattisgarh Police as a constable. Vanjan, along with other former Maoists like Shankar Markade, Bima Sodi, and Soni Markani, left the movement due to disillusionment, fear, and discrimination. Many now work in police, as home guards, cooks, or private security. Their stories reflect the success of rehabilitation efforts and the possibility of transformation from violence to peaceful livelihoods.

#5 Ex-Naxalite Kameshwar Baitha Becomes MP from Jail

Kameshwar Baitha, once a feared zonal commander of the outlawed Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCCI), transformed from insurgent to lawmaker. Representing Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), he won the 2009 Lok Sabha election from the Naxal-hit Palamu constituency while lodged in Sasaram Jail, facing 46 criminal charges. Baitha, accused of multiple attacks on police in Bihar and Jharkhand, was arrested in 2005. Despite his past, the Patna High Court permitted him to take oath as a Member of Parliament. His journey from Naxalism to politics symbolizes a dramatic personal and political shift in insurgency-affected regions.

#6 Ex-Maoist Commander Bima Sodi Now Protects Homes As A Guard In Odisha

Bima Sodi, once a CPI (Maoist) local commander leading a 12-member squad, surrendered after eight years in the insurgency. A native of Malkangiri, Odisha, Sodi cited disillusionment, discrimination, and the senseless violence of the movement as reasons for leaving. He now works as a home guard, earning ₹18,000 per month. Sodi highlighted that while top Maoist leaders hail from Andhra and Telangana, local tribal cadres like him bore the brunt of combat. His story reflects a broader trend of former Maoists renouncing violence to reintegrate into society and pursue peaceful, stable lives.

#7 From Rebel To Cook: Soni Markani’s Peaceful New Life

Soni Markani, a former CPI (Maoist) cadre from Sukma, Chhattisgarh, joined the insurgency in 2002 and surrendered in 2016. Disillusioned by violence and the lack of future in the Maoist movement, she chose peace and now works as a cook in Malkangiri, earning ₹8,500 a month. “The Maoists have no future. Violence is against humanity,” she said, adding, “At least I am happy now.” Her transformation mirrors that of other surrendered Maoists across Odisha and Chhattisgarh, many of whom now live normal lives under state rehabilitation schemes, rejecting the bloodshed they once participated in.

#8 From Rebel To Policeman: Shankar Markade’s Transformation

Shankar Markade, once a dreaded Naxalite with a ₹5 lakh bounty, has joined the Chhattisgarh Police after surrendering in 2023. A tribal from a poor background, Markade gave up his studies early and was involved in several violent attacks, including the destruction of a corporate plant. Now reintegrated into society, he expressed gratitude for his new role: “The SP gave me a job. I feel better as part of the mainstream.” His story, along with others like Joymati Vanjan and Sandhya, reflects a broader shift, as hundreds of former Maoists embrace peace under government rehabilitation efforts.

#9 From Naxalite To Defender of Peace: Jaymati Banjam’s New Life Fighting Naxalism

Jaymati Banjam, a 35-year-old ex-Naxalite with a ₹5 lakh bounty, is now a member of the District Reserve Guard (DRG) in Chhattisgarh. Disillusioned by the hypocrisy of Maoist leaders, she surrendered and joined the fight against Naxalism. Union Home Minister Amit Shah, during a meeting with 30 former Naxals, praised such reintegration, asserting Naxalism will end by March 2026. With falling death tolls and rising surrenders, the government’s rehabilitation push is yielding results. Former cadres like Dhananjay and Bhimasodi now advocate peace, development, and urge remaining Naxals to abandon violence and return to mainstream life.

#10 Ex-Maoist Leader Jampanna Now Advocates Peaceful Dialogue

G. Narasimha Reddy, formerly Jampanna, a central committee member of the CPI (Maoist) for 17 years, surrendered in 2017 and now leads the Peace Dialogue Committee, urging the government to engage Maoists in non-violent talks. Reflecting on fellow Maoist leader Basavaraju, killed in an encounter, Jampanna shared insights into his simplicity, fitness, and dedication. A former NIT Warangal student, Basavaraju educated cadres and opposed over-reliance on technology. Once revolutionary comrades, Jampanna now champions peaceful conflict resolution, calling for an end to violence and highlighting the human side of insurgent lives once driven by ideology.

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Karnataka High Court Quashes Congress Govt’s Move To Withdraw 43 Criminal Cases, Including Hubballi Riot Case Involving Islamist Mobs

By
The Commune
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The Karnataka High Court on 29 May 2025 struck down the state government’s decision to withdraw 43 criminal cases, including those related to the 2022 Hubballi police station riots, declaring the move “null and void from inception.”

A division bench comprising Chief Justice N.V. Anjaria and Justice K.V. Aravind delivered the ruling in response to a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed by advocate Girish Bharadwaj. The PIL challenged the legality of the government’s decision, issued through a Government Order (GO), to direct public prosecutors to withdraw specific cases.

The bench held that the government lacked the authority to unilaterally instruct prosecutors to drop criminal proceedings, especially in matters involving serious charges such as rioting, attempted murder, and assault on police personnel.

Among the 43 cases listed for withdrawal were those against Kannada activists, farmer leaders, and individuals accused in the Hubballi riot incident. The case, initiated in October 2022, involves several leaders from the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), including Mohammed Arif, who are alleged to have mobilized a large crowd of Muslims outside the Old Hubli police station. The gathering was reportedly in reaction to a social media post by Abhishek Hiremath, which was perceived as offensive to Islamic religious sentiments.

The court agreed with the petitioner’s contention that Section 321 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) empowers public prosecutors to decide whether to withdraw a case, but only after independent assessment and with the court’s consent—not on government instruction alone.

Bharadwaj further argued that the Law Department, the Government Litigations Department, and the Directorate of Prosecution had all opposed the withdrawal of several of the cases, citing their serious nature.

Highlighting possible misuse of executive power, the PIL alleged that the cases selected for withdrawal were “cherry-picked” and that several individuals named in them were politically influential, including former ministers, legislators, and heads of major organisations.

With the High Court setting aside the GO, all 43 criminal cases will now proceed in court as originally filed, effectively reversing the state’s attempt to quash them.

(With inputs from Madhyamam Online)

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