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Middle-Income Trap: Why India Could Be The Exception

Middle-Income Trap: Why India Could Be The Exception

The idea that India might escape the so-called “middle-income trap” has long been treated with skepticism in global economic circles. The trap, as defined by institutions like the World Bank, describes a stage where countries rise from poverty but then stagnate before achieving high-income status. Historically, very few nations have made that leap just a few dozen in the last several decades.

Yet a recent argument in the Washington Examiner suggests that India may be one of the rare exceptions. That claim, while optimistic, is not without merit. In fact, when one steps back and examines India’s trajectory particularly under the current political and economic framework it becomes clear that this is not merely wishful thinking, but a grounded assessment of structural transformation.

At the heart of the optimism lies India’s sustained economic growth. Even conservative projections place India’s GDP growth in the range of 6-7% annually in the coming years, with periods of higher expansion already witnessed. This is not just about numbers; it is about consistency. Unlike many Latin American or Southeast Asian economies that surged and then stalled, India’s growth has shown resilience across global shocks from financial crises to pandemics.

But growth alone does not guarantee escape from the trap. What matters is the quality and drivers of that growth. This is where India’s model diverges significantly from others. Unlike export-heavy economies such as China, India’s growth has been deeply rooted in domestic consumption. With consumption accounting for roughly two-thirds of GDP, India has built a broad-based internal market that acts as a stabilizer against global volatility. This internal demand is powered by a rising middle class, urbanization, and a steady expansion of digital and financial inclusion.

Another crucial factor is governance reform. Over the past decade, India has undergone a series of structural changes tax reforms like GST, insolvency laws, digitization of welfare, and a strong push toward infrastructure development. These reforms are not cosmetic; they address long-standing inefficiencies that historically slowed India’s economic momentum. The expansion of highways, railways, ports, and digital infrastructure has dramatically reduced transaction costs and improved productivity.

Equally important is the competitive federalism that has emerged across Indian states. Unlike centralized economies, India’s 28 states are increasingly competing for investment, innovation, and industrial growth. This internal competition creates a dynamic ecosystem where policy experimentation is encouraged and best practices are replicated. Such decentralized dynamism is often absent in countries that fall into the middle-income trap.

Demographics further strengthen India’s case. While many middle-income countries face aging populations, India remains a young nation. A large working-age population provides both a labor force and a consumer base. If harnessed correctly through education and skill development, this demographic dividend could sustain growth for decades.

However, optimism must be tempered with realism. India’s journey is far from guaranteed. One of the biggest challenges is employment. Despite strong GDP growth, job creation has not always kept pace. Wage growth has also remained modest in many sectors, limiting consumption expansion. If India fails to generate sufficient high-quality jobs, its demographic advantage could turn into a liability.

Inequality is another concern. While India’s overall inequality levels are lower than some developed nations, wealth concentration at the top remains significant. A growth model that disproportionately benefits the elite risks undermining social cohesion and long-term demand.

There is also the challenge of transitioning from investment-driven growth to innovation-driven growth. The World Bank and other institutions emphasize a “3i” strategy: investment, infusion of technology, and innovation as essential for escaping the trap. India has made progress in the first two stages, particularly through infrastructure and technology adoption, but innovation remains uneven. While sectors like IT and startups are thriving, manufacturing innovation and deep-tech development need further strengthening.

Yet, what distinguishes India from many other middle-income countries is not just economics it is political stability combined with a clear long-term vision. The goal of becoming a developed nation by 2047, marking 100 years of independence, is not merely symbolic. It provides a strategic direction that aligns policy, investment, and public expectations.

Critics often argue that India’s democratic system could slow down decision-making compared to authoritarian models like China. But this critique overlooks a key advantage: democratic legitimacy. Policies that emerge from democratic consensus are more sustainable and less prone to abrupt reversals. Over time, this stability can be more valuable than speed.

Moreover, India’s global positioning has strengthened significantly. Trade agreements, such as the recent deal with the European Union, and deeper engagement with major economies like the United States, are integrating India more firmly into global supply chains. This integration is crucial for technology transfer, export growth, and capital inflows – all essential ingredients for escaping the middle-income trap.

There is also an intangible but powerful factor at play: civilizational confidence. For decades after independence, India’s economic policy was marked by hesitation and ideological constraints. Today, there is a noticeable shift toward assertiveness and ambition. This change in mindset both within the government and among the people cannot be quantified, but it plays a significant role in shaping economic outcomes.

The Washington Examiner’s argument ultimately rests on a simple but compelling premise: India is doing enough of the right things, at the right time, and at the right scale. It is building infrastructure, reforming institutions, leveraging technology, and engaging globally all while maintaining democratic stability.

Of course, history is littered with countries that seemed poised for greatness but fell short. The middle-income trap is not a myth; it is a well-documented reality. But history is not destiny.

India’s path will depend on whether it can sustain reforms, deepen human capital investment, and ensure that growth translates into widespread prosperity. If it succeeds, it will not just escape the middle-income trap it will redefine the development narrative for the 21st century.

In that sense, the question is no longer whether India can escape the trap. The more relevant question is whether it can do so while remaining true to its democratic ethos and inclusive aspirations. If the answer is yes, then India’s rise will not merely be an economic story it will be a civilizational one.

Dr. Prosenjit Nath is a techie, political analyst, and author.

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Kerala: Congress Endorsed Sabarimala Women Entry, Closely Linked To Man Accused Of Gold Theft, Now Invokes Ayyappa For Votes

There is a word for a party that endorses a Supreme Court verdict that millions of Hindus regard as a desecration of their most sacred pilgrimage, then shelters the man accused of looting gold from that very shrine, and then when election season arrives in Kerala produces campaign videos invoking the name of Lord Ayyappa as though it were a vote-harvesting prop. The word is not hypocrisy. Hypocrisy implies some residual shame. What Congress has done with Sabarimala is something colder and more calculated: it is the systematic instrumentalisation of Hindu faith for electoral arithmetic, with no principle beneath it at any stage.

Act One: The Endorsement

When the Supreme Court’s September 2018 verdict allowing women of all ages to enter Sabarimala came down, millions of Kerala Hindus responded with spontaneous, sustained, months-long protest – one of the largest grassroots mobilisations in recent Kerala history. Women formed a 620-kilometre human wall. Devotees blocked approaches to the temple. The message from the believer was unambiguous: this was not a question of gender equality. This was a question of the unique, centuries-old nature of Lord Ayyappa’s celibate form, and the rights of a religious tradition to govern its own practice.

Rahul Gandhi’s response was to endorse the verdict. In December 2020, he stated publicly that all women should be allowed entry into Sabarimala, throwing Congress’s weight behind a judicial intervention that the faithful had already rejected with their feet.

Image Source: X

This was the Congress that claims to respect India’s plural traditions; this was the Congress that, when Hindu devotees protest the disruption of their faith, sides with the disruption. The message to the believer was clear: your tradition is negotiable, your sentiment is a lobby to be managed, and your deity’s identity is subject to revision by those who know better.

Act Two: The Gold Theft and the Photograph

Then more recently came the Sabarimala gold theft case. The primary accused Unnikrishnan Potti, a man whose proximity to the Congress ecosystem was not incidental, was photographed in the company of Sonia Gandhi herself on multiple occasions. The photograph does not prove conspiracy.

Image Source: X

It proves something nearly as damaging: that the Congress party’s network in Kerala had, at its accessible edges, individuals whose conduct toward Sabarimala was not reverential but predatory. The party that endorsed disruption of the temple’s traditions had, within its orbit, someone now accused of robbing the deity’s consecrated gold. There is a straight line from treating Sabarimala as a political battleground to treating it as a resource to be exploited.

Act Three: The Campaign Video

Now it is March 2026. Kerala assembly elections are approaching. And INC Kerala’s official X account has posted a campaign video, invoking Ayyappa, attacking the incumbent government over corruption at the temple, asking rhetorically why the Global Ayyappa Sangamam was conducted “after looting Ayyappa’s gold.” Congress, the party that told devotees their traditions did not matter, is now posturing as the protector of Lord Ayyappa’s honour. The party whose leader endorsed the dismantling of Sabarimala’s customs now wraps itself in the deity’s name to harvest votes.

This is not a pivot. It is not a rethink. It is not even a politically motivated conversion that could be taken at face value. It is a campaign video from a party that has demonstrated, in sequence: contempt for the devotee’s position in 2018-2020, proximity to the accused in the gold theft case, and now electoral opportunism in 2026. Lord Ayyappa is, in Congress’s political calendar, an adversary when his traditions inconvenience the party’s progressive signalling, a non-issue when his gold is being stolen by those in the party’s network, and a mascot when his name can win seats.

The Pattern Is Not Sabarimala-Specific

This is the standard Congress operating model with Hindu institutions. Endorse every judicial or legislative intervention that weakens the autonomy of Hindu religious practice: temple takeovers, entry disputes, festival regulations under the banner of reform. Simultaneously ensure that the party’s Muslim and Christian minority vote banks face no equivalent “reform” pressure on their personal law or institutional autonomy. Then, at election time, pivot back to whichever Hindu symbol or deity is locally resonant and produce content that implies the party has always been on the side of the faithful.

The Kerala Hindu voter watching that INC Kerala campaign video today should ask one question: what has changed? Rahul Gandhi’s 2020 statement endorsing women’s entry into Sabarimala has not been retracted. The photograph of the gold theft accused with Sonia Gandhi has not been explained. The Congress party’s position on the Supreme Court verdict has not been publicly reversed. What has changed is the electoral calendar. And that, for Congress, is sufficient reason to discover that Lord Ayyappa’s gold matters even if it did not matter enough, at any point over the last eight years, to stand with the people who protect his temple.

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Dravidiawood Maintains Stoic Silence On Dhurandhar 2 Success

A film breaks box office records across the country. Tier-2 cities from Tirunelveli to Pollachi to Tiruppur report sold-out shows. The Tamil-dubbed version earns ₹7.05 crore in four days without a single Tamil star attached. And from the sprawling, opinionated, ceaselessly self-promotional world of Kollywood, or rather Dravidianwood – not a word.​

No congratulatory posts on X. No “What a film!” Instagram stories. No gracious acknowledgement from any of the so-called A-listers such as Suriya, Karthi, Vijay, Rajinikanth, Kamal Haasan, Siddharth, Pa Ranjith, Mari Selvaraj who would ordinarily bend over backwards to signal solidarity with any production that carries the right ideological passport.

The same people would otherwise virtue signal movie goers and whine about audiences not going to the theatre to watch movies. Is this not an opportune time to celebrate the return of audiences to theatres?

Tamil cinema, an industry that never misses an opportunity to celebrate itself, to moralise about cinema’s social responsibility, to lecture the country on what constitutes “meaningful” storytelling, has looked at Dhurandhar 2: The Revenge and chosen, with extraordinary discipline, to say absolutely nothing.

The contrast with Tollywood is brutal and telling. Mahesh Babu, Allu Arjun, Jr NTR, Vijay Deverakonda, Ram Charan, Telugu cinema’s biggest names, watched the film on opening day, first show, and immediately took to social media with effusive, unprompted praise.

SS Rajamouli, who has no personal stake in the film’s success, called it a triumph.

The Telugu industry, knowing full well the ‘ideological controversy’ that surrounds a Kashmiri Pandit director making a film about intelligence operations and national security, chose courage over calculation.

Tamil cinema chose the opposite.

Rajinikanth is not a man who struggles to find his phone when a film moves him. In April 2017, he called Baahubali 2 “Indian cinema’s pride” and SS Rajamouli “God’s own child” within hours of watching it. In October 2022, he watched Kantara and immediately told the world: “You gave me goosebumps, Rishab. Hats off to you as a writer, director and actor.” In June 2024, he watched Kalki 2898 AD and typed “WOW! What an epic movie!” before the ink on his ticket stub could dry. This is a man with a proven, documented reflex for public celebration of Indian cinema when it achieves something extraordinary. That reflex has now mysteriously jammed. Dhurandhar 2: The Revenge, one of the biggest Indian films of 2026, is playing to packed houses including in his own base. The man who called a Telugu film “Indian cinema’s pride” cannot find it within himself to offer even a perfunctory acknowledgement. The Superstar, it turns out, only has a conscience when the film in question does not threaten his relationship with the Dravidian establishment.

Vijay, now TVK chief and aspiring Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, spent an entire film career playing the righteous common man standing against the corrupt establishment. He understood audience sentiment well enough to build an electoral movement on it. But Vijay has not found a single word to say about a film that his own presumed voters have turned out to watch in droves – can he not speak up for the industry he belongs to (or is it belonged to?) Vijay seems to want to “aura farm” with silence as his weapon. Sorry, not working. Well, he has been maintaining silence even for his own film Jana Nayagan after it faced hurdles with the censor board. A man who cannot speak for himself certainly will not speak for Dhurandhar 2. His silence on this film is, at minimum, consistent with his broader political cowardice and at maximum, a deliberate signal to the Dravidianist ideology that he knows which films Tamil Nadu is and is not permitted to celebrate.

Ajith Kumar is often positioned as Kollywood’s most apolitical superstar, the one man who stays out of the ecosystem’s virtue wars. His fans celebrate his studied indifference to industry politics as a form of integrity. And yet, when his own Good Bad Ugly released in April 2025, the industry closed ranks around it – screening it, promoting it, rallying for it. That solidarity flows one way. When a Hindi film, directed by a Kashmiri Pandit, starring Ranveer Singh, a Sindhi and R. Madhavan, fills Tamil Nadu’s single screens with paying audiences – Ajith’s studied silence is not aloofness. At the very least, he can support a fellow Sindhi after all, Sindhi blood flows through his veins. And in celebrating Dhurandhar, audiences are not doing hero worship – there is an awakening, a sense of patriotism and genuine love for well-made cinema. Can Ajith not support that?

This is not an accident or an oversight. These are people who tweet about everything under the sun while praising the Dravidian party at the helm while also posting for each other’s birthdays, foreign film awards, social causes, rainfall. The idea that Dhurandhar 2, one of the biggest Indian films of 2026, simply escaped their notice is laughable. The silence seems deliberate, coordinated, and cowardly. It reflects the iron grip that the Dravidian political-cultural ecosystem exercises over its artists – an unwritten code that says: you may celebrate anything except that which the party and its allied intelligentsia have not pre-approved.​

And what has that ecosystem decided about Dhurandhar 2? The hostility was visible even before the film released. When Tamil Nadu theatres cancelled shows on opening day, ostensibly over technical delays, the online Dravidian ecosystem barely concealed its satisfaction. Prakash Raj, the ecosystem’s ever-reliable attack dog, took a “subtle dig” at the wave of Telugu stars praising the film, insinuating that their appreciation was motivated by “obligations.”

The film’s content, its theme of intelligence and national security, its Kashmiri Pandit authorship – all of it makes it radioactive for a cultural establishment that has spent decades positioning Tamil identity as inherently sceptical of Indian nationalism.

But the audiences of Tamil Nadu never got that memo.

They turned up in Tirunelveli, in Pollachi, in Dindigul, in Tiruppur. They filled seats in interior towns. They watched a Hindi film in Tamil dubbing and they left satisfied. The disconnect between Tamil cinema’s English-social media-verified gatekeepers and the actual Tamil-speaking public has never been more starkly visible. Ordinary Tamils do not hate India. They are not reflexively suspicious of patriotism. They are not, as the Dravidianist echo chamber insists, ideologically quarantined from the rest of the country. They simply want good cinema, and when good cinema arrives, they recognise it, with or without their industry’s permission.​

What Dravidianwood’s silence reveals is not sophistication. It is fear. Fear that acknowledging a film like Dhurandhar 2 would invite the wrath of the political establishment that funds, protects and validates their careers. Fear that a single tweet of appreciation might cost them their next government award, their next state-sponsored premiere, their next comfortable seat at a DMK cultural event.

Telugu stars were brave enough to tweet. Tamil film industry Dravidianwood’s members were not. That single fact says more about the state of creative freedom in Dravidianwood than any press conference ever could.

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Dravidian Model Tamil Nadu: Plea Made In Madras High Court To Ban ‘Dhurandhar 2’

Advocate Seeks Ban On ‘Dhurandhar 2’ In Madras High Court Over Election Code Concerns

The Aditya Dhar film Dhurandhar 2: The Revenge seemed to have a smooth ride in Tamil Nadu so far, until Monday, 23 March 2026.

As reported by The Hindu reporter Mohamed Imranullah, a woman advocate named Sheela made an oral mention before the Madras High Court, urging action against the release of the Ranveer Singh-starrer Dhurandhar 2: The Revenge.

The mention was made before Chief Justice Sushrut Arvind Dharmadhikari and Justice G. Arul Murugan. She submitted that the film deals with political issues and should be banned in Tamil Nadu in view of the model code of conduct currently in force due to the impending Assembly elections.

Taking note of the submission, the Bench asked the advocate to file an appropriate petition if she wished to pursue the matter further.

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How A Kashmiri Pandit Has Rattled Dravidiawood With Dhurandhar

For years, Tamil cinema’s ecosystem has operated within a tight ideological comfort zone. Narratives, heroes, villains, even humour – all carefully orbiting a familiar political gravity. Step outside that line, and the system pushes back.

And then comes Dhurandhar.

Not with noise. Not with endorsements. But with something far more disruptive – audience validation.

From cities to interior towns across Tamil Nadu, theatres have reported packed houses and sold-out shows. Not just in Chennai, but in Tier 2 and 3 towns – far from the echo chambers of elite discourse. The message is unmistakable: the audience is not where the ecosystem thinks it is.

The sold-out shows in Tirunelveli and Pollachi are not a footnote. They are a sentence.

For years, a specific ecosystem has operated a quiet but ruthless cultural veto over Tamil screens. Films are filtered through an unspoken test: does this cinema respect the Dravidian framework? Does it mock “Sanghi” characters? Does it position Brahmins as villains? Does it signal the right caste loyalties? Films that pass get industry promotion, Tamil media celebration, and social media amplification by thousands of blue-tick handles. Films that fail the test get quietly strangled – limited screens, hostile reviews, coordinated trolling of the cast.

And then Aditya Dhar arrived.

He is not from Tamil Nadu. He is not from the Dravidianist or leftist ecosystem, either. He is a Kashmiri Pandit who made Uri: The Surgical Strike from the scar of a genocide his community faced that the leftist ecosystem, including the Dravidian progressives, spent years refusing to acknowledge. He carries no caste stamp, no political godfather in TN, no pre-clearance from the ecosystem’s gatekeepers. He simply made a film about India, its soldiers and Indian justice, and trusted audiences to respond.

They did. In numbers that left no room for spin.

In January 2026, Sivakarthikeyan’s Parasakthi – a film that arrived with full ecosystem endorsement, DMK cultural backing, heavy Tamil media push, and the implicit promise of political relevance heavily choked at the box office. The contrast could not be sharper or more instructive. One film was built for approval from the cartel. The other was built for the audience. Tamil audiences, as they always do when the choice is honest, chose the latter.​

What Dhurandhar : The Revenge’s Tamil Nadu performance dismantles is the central myth the Dravidian left has peddled for decades: that the Tamil audience is uniquely insulated from “nationalist sentiment,” that patriotism is a North Indian import, and that any film touching military valour or justice for victims of terrorism is ipso facto “BJP propaganda” and therefore unwatchable below the Vindhyas. The people queuing in Tirunelveli district’s tier-2 multiplexes, buying out shows in a Hindi film they watched in dubbed Tamil, did not consult others before buying their tickets.

Producers across Chennai are watching the numbers very carefully. The arithmetic is brutal: when a non-ecosystem film reportes housefull shows from Tamil Nadu in four days without a single Tamil industry star or a gram of Dravidian cred, the calculation of what Tamil audiences will actually pay for changes permanently. The ecosystem’s power was never cinematic; it was logistical – controlling screens, controlling reviews, controlling the narrative of what is “acceptable Tamil cinema.” That control just took its biggest hit in years.

Aditya Dhar may not yet fully grasp what he has accomplished south of the Vindhyas. He went after a story. He got a cultural earthquake.

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‘Can You Raise Kids With An Actress?’, Says Actor Sivakumar Compares Home Food To Wife And Hotel Food To Actress

‘Can You Raise Kids With An Actress?’, Says Actor Sivakumar Compares Home Food To Wife And Hotel Food To Actress

Actor Sivakumar on Wednesday inaugurated a newly opened branch of a restaurant and sweet shop in Anna Nagar, Chennai, and interacted with the media after tasting the food, as reported in News18 Tamil.

Speaking on changing food habits, Sivakumar said, “Today, it is impossible for a person to live without a hotel. When I came to Chennai, hotels were the only thing that saved my body for the first 10 years. At that time, I spent 45 rupees a month and ate for the whole month. Idli was 6 paise and vada was 5 paise. Today, times have changed. Money has lost its value. However, providing quality food is important.”

Responding to a question on whether he preferred home-cooked food or hotel food, he remarked, “Oh, come on! That’s like asking, ‘Do you prefer an actress or your own wife?’” (Laughs). “How could anyone look at an actress the way they look at their wife? Can you really raise children with an actress? Look at the kind of questions this guy is asking!”

He added, “Home-cooked food is the constant, the permanent choice; going to a hotel is just for a change of pace. If you eat at a hotel for all three meals, you’ll go crazy, you’ll end up with loose motions. For instance, if I go to a wedding in Coimbatore today, say we attend a wedding celebration for three days, there are 30,000 people eating there.”

Elaborating further, he said, “You have no idea what ingredients they’re using. If you spend three days eating in Coimbatore, you gain 2 kg in weight. By the fifth day, you’re suffering from loose motions. So, hotel food isn’t a permanent solution. That’s why, for me, it’s always home, wife, and children first; hotels come only second.”

On being asked about the secret to his youthful appearance, Sivakumar said, “A 16-year-old boy will remain young. What is this question? Now, when I wake up in the morning, I have eaten a handful of old rice, two glasses of buttermilk, papaya and guava slices. Get at least 7 hours of sleep, eat on time, go for a morning walk. Don’t sleep in an AC room. MGR proved to the world that an actor can travel. There is no chance of another actor being born like him.”

Reflecting on cinema and politics, he added, “Before Reynolds Reagan, MGR ruled the country. MGR had no heirs, no children. There is no chance of another being born like Sivaji, the greatest actor in the world. But he lost in politics. What I am saying is, no one has it all. Keep working hard, be happy with what God gives you and don’t compare yourself with anyone.”

When asked about the possibility of entering politics, Sivakumar responded on a lighter note, “I thought of becoming the Chief Minister during Kamaraj’s time, but I missed that opportunity.”

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DMK Ecosystem Targets Stand-Up Comic Manoj Prabhakar After His Jokes On Udhayanidhi Stalin Go Viral, ‘Melting Point’ Saravanan Suffers Meltdown

Stand-up comic Manoj Prabakar has found himself at the centre of an online backlash following clips from his recent political comedy set, with social media reactions spiralling beyond criticism of his material into sharp, often personal attacks invoking caste identities.

The controversy began after excerpts of Prabakar’s performance, which included jokes targeting political figures such as Udhayanidhi Stalin, circulated widely online. While some viewers praised his willingness to take on multiple political figures, a section of users said the jokes did not land and criticised the set as unfunny or forced.

In the clipping that is being shared on social media, Manoj Prabakar goes on to roast everyone in power, from Narendra Modi to MK Stalin to Udhayanidhi, and on the smug self‑image of Tamil Nadu itself. He tears into PM Modi’s 12 years in office, compares our gut to a stomach that has eaten only Gujarati food and is desperate even for “Italian Rahul,” and openly jokes about violence against minorities. He calls Tamil Nadu “UP–Bihar with more graduates,” nails our casual racism with the “vadakkan = N‑word” riff, and ridicules Periyar fanatics for stealing credit like Dhoni fanboys. Then he goes straight for the core of Dravidian power: DMK–AIADMK as the same corporate product, DMK as the “Aranmanai” dynasty franchise, and a state where you can become anything “except deputy chief minister” because that slot is reserved for the family.

That is the context in which the Udhayanidhi portion lands. Manoj explicitly says he likes DMK’s stated ideology on equality, but then rips into the entitlement of a son whose life was “settled” at tenth standard, whose “capacitor” career is built on constantly “taking charge,” whose GST jokes end with “SGST is going to his pocket,” and whose easiest constituency win is in a place that has voted DMK forever. It isn’t a Sanghi caricature; it’s an insider’s disappointment. He even underlines that he is from a DMK family, that his father is an “honest DMK supporter” who has supported “the entire DMK family tree,” and that he himself leans left, not right.

And yet, when this set hits X, the people baying for his blood are not BJP bhakts but the very Dravidianists he is broadly aligned with. The attack line is revealing: they don’t say, “your politics is wrong,” they say, “your audience is Mylapore maamis,” “this is a Nanganallur uncle rant,” “Tamil comics are Brahmin f***ers,” “privileged engineering graduates.” The villain they need is not “comic who bombed,” but “imagined Brahmin ecosystem” that supposedly owns him.

In other words, if Manoj is going after the ecosystem; the DMK ecosystem responds or rather bullies him by going after Brahmins too.

Anyway, setting that aside for a moment. Let us also take a look at the remarks made to bully Prabakar for attacking the DMK.

DMK’s official spokesperson, who is known by the moniker ‘Melting Point’ Saravanan too targeted him for roasting Udhayanidhi Stalin.

The set itself literally anticipates this: Manoj earlier complains that extreme left‑wing commenters keep calling Chennai comics “elite” and even branded him Brahmin despite him never mentioning his caste, and he jokes that if they want that tag so badly, they can go attack comics who have actually built their act around caste identity. He spells out that he is a left-winger himself, supposedly from a family of DMK supporters/Periyar admirers and still gets treated as suspect. The live‑show audience laughs; Dravidianist social media then proceeds to prove his point in real time.

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Coimbatore: Islamists’ Reportedly Attempt To Bury Dead Body On Temple Access Path, Police Reportedly Attacked During Intervention

Islamists' Burial Attempt On Temple Access Path Foiled, Police Attacked By Islamists During Intervention

Tensions were reported from Kalampalayam village near Karamadai in Coimbatore district following an alleged attempt to carry out a burial on a pathway reportedly leading to a Hindu temple, prompting police intervention and protests at the site.

As reported in The Hindu, the incident occurred when family members and local residents attempted to bury a Muslim individual at a site described as a burial ground near the Ashurkhana Masjid. Police and Revenue officials intervened at the spot, following which members of the mosque committee were detained. This reportedly triggered protests by relatives of the deceased and members of the Muslim community, who demanded that the final rites be allowed without interference.

According to Hindu Munnani, the incident occurred on a pathway in Velayuthapuram that has been used by local Hindus for over 150 years to access the Angalamman temple. It is alleged that the land in question is government poramboke land and alleged that there had been earlier attempts to encroach upon it in the name of Waqf, which it said had been resisted.

Hindu Munnani further alleged that on 18 March 2026, the Islamist group brought the body of a person who was not connected to the village and attempted to carry out a burial on the pathway. The organisation alleged that the move was intended to establish control over the land and disrupt access to the temple. It also alleged that a pit had been dug at the site as part of the attempt.

A video shared on social media by Hindu Munnani shows police personnel, including senior officers, present at the spot and intervening to prevent the burial. According to the Hindu Munnani, tensions escalated when police intervened, and there were allegations that officers were attacked during the process. It was further stated that a woman police constable sustained injuries.

Hindu Munnani stated that protests were held by its members and local residents for several hours, following which the burial was halted.

The Kalampalayam area has witnessed similar tensions in the past over land access issues. In November 2023, residents had approached the district administration seeking access to a temple through land claimed by the Waqf Board, with reports at the time noting minor skirmishes and verbal disputes between groups over several months.

Further tensions were reported in June 2024 in the Karamadai–Mettupalayam belt when officials intervened to halt a burial on land under dispute, following complaints raised with revenue authorities.

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“Crossed The Limits”: Delhi High Court Orders Leftist Rag Newslaundry To Take Down Offensive Remarks On Aaj Tak, India Today

“Crossed The Limits”: Delhi High Court Orders Leftist Rag Newslaundry To Take Down Offensive Remarks On Aaj Tak, India Today

The Delhi High Court on Friday, 20 March 2026, directed digital media platform Newslaundry to remove certain content that was found to be insulting and damaging to TV Today Network and its channels, Aaj Tak and India Today, while hearing cross appeals in an ongoing dispute involving allegations of defamation, disparagement, and copyright infringement, as reported in Law Chakra.

A Division Bench comprising Justices C Hari Shankar and Om Prakash Shukla observed that portions of the language used by Newslaundry crossed the limits of fair criticism and were prima facie offensive.

The Court specifically objected to expressions such as “shit”, “shit show”, “high on weed or opium” and “your punctuation is as bad as your journalism” and ordered that these remarks be removed from all online platforms, including Newslaundry’s website and social media handles.

While delivering its order, the Bench concurred with the earlier findings of the single-judge Bench and stated, “We are in agreement with the learned single judge’s finding that a prima facie case of commercial disparagement has been made out. The statements identified in the impugned order [of the single judge] are clearly without any independent standard and are biased and therefore constituted disparagement under the applicable legal principles.”

The Court further held that allowing such content to remain accessible would cause serious and irreparable harm to the reputation of TV Today. It noted, “Such harm cannot be compensated by monetary relief or any other relief. Therefore, interim protection is warranted… Any refusal of interim protection at this stage will cause great prejudice to the plaintiff [TV Today].”

Based on these findings, the Bench partly allowed TV Today’s appeal and directed immediate removal of the objectionable content.

The dispute dates back to October 2021, when TV Today Network initiated legal proceedings against Newslaundry, alleging that the platform had published videos and articles containing “false, malicious and derogatory” statements targeting its channels, anchors, and management.

Newslaundry, in its defence, maintained that its content constituted media criticism and satire, arguing that such expression is protected under the right to freedom of speech.

Earlier, on 29 July 2022, a single-judge Bench of the High Court had declined to grant interim relief to TV Today. This led both parties to file appeals before the Division Bench, with TV Today challenging the denial of interim protection and Newslaundry expressing concern that adverse prima facie observations could prejudice its case.

During hearings in January 2025, the Division Bench had also taken note of the use of the word “shit” by Newslaundry journalist Manisha Pande in one of the videos and indicated that such language could invite strict observations affecting her professional standing.

However, the Bench subsequently clarified its position, stating, “She may be a good journalist. This may be an aberration also. At that point, that was our gut reaction…You can tell the journalist concerned that she need not be worried about this,”

The case involved multiple counsels, with TV Today represented by advocates Hrishikesh Baruah, Kumar Kshitij, Utkarsh Dwivedi, Pragya Agarwal, Yashaswy Ghosh and Nishtha Sachan. Newslaundry was represented by Senior Advocate Rajshekhar Rao along with advocates Bani Dikshit and Uddhav Khanna.

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Election Heat Rises, But TVK Chief Joseph Vijay Flies To Mumbai For Atlee’s Wife’s Baby Shower

The Election Commission of India has formally set the clock ticking for the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, announcing that all 234 seats will go to polls on April 23, with counting on May 4. The schedule—Gazette notification on March 30, nominations closing April 6, and scrutiny on April 7—has triggered an all-out political sprint across the state. Parties are mobilising cadres, locking strategies, and fine-tuning narratives for what promises to be a fiercely contested election.

But while serious political players are shifting into campaign overdrive, Vijay, founder of Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), appears to be operating on a different wavelength altogether.

At a moment that demands urgency, visibility, and relentless political engagement, Vijay chose to fly to Mumbai—not for a political consultation, not for alliance-building, not even for constituency outreach—but for a celebrity social event: the baby shower of filmmaker Atlee and his wife Priya. He was spotted staying at the luxury Taj Lands End, far removed from the electoral battleground he claims to be preparing for.

The optics are hard to ignore. Tamil Nadu is weeks away from a defining election, yet the man projecting himself as a serious alternative to entrenched political forces is seen prioritising film industry camaraderie over ground-level political work. This is not merely about attending a personal function—it is about timing, judgment, and priorities. Politics, especially in a state as complex and competitive as Tamil Nadu, is not a part-time pursuit that can be slotted between social appearances.

What makes the contrast starker is the behaviour of his own supporters. Even in Mumbai, fans gathered in large numbers, waving TVK flags and chanting slogans anointing him as the next Chief Minister. Their enthusiasm is unquestionable. But enthusiasm without direction, without organisational depth, and without consistent leadership risks becoming noise rather than momentum. A leader who feeds off adulation without matching it with political rigour ultimately does a disservice to that very support base.

TVK has, on paper, made ambitious claims—contesting all 234 seats independently, rejecting alliances, and pitching itself as a principled alternative. But ambition in politics must be backed by discipline, clarity, and relentless groundwork. So far, Vijay’s political trajectory raises uncomfortable questions: where is the sustained engagement with voters? Where is the articulation of policy beyond broad rhetoric? Where is the evidence of a leader willing to immerse himself fully in the grind that electoral politics demands?

Instead, what emerges is a pattern of sporadic appearances punctuated by long silences—and moments like this that reinforce the perception of a lackadaisical, almost casual approach to politics. The transition from cinema to governance is not automatic; it requires shedding the trappings of stardom and embracing the burdens of public life. That transformation, at least for now, appears incomplete.

And unless Vijay demonstrates that politics is more than an occasional engagement—that it is a full-time responsibility—he risks being seen not as a serious contender, but as a star still unwilling to step off the stage and into the arena where it truly matters.

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