Facebook Instagram X Youtube
Friday, April 24, 2026
Facebook Instagram X Youtube
Home Blog Page 167

600 Omni Buses Halt Services To Other States After Heavy Penalties Imposed By Kerala Communist Govt

By
The Commune
-
600 Omni Buses Halt Services to Other States After Heavy Penalties Imposed By Kerala Communist Govt

Services of around 600 omni buses operating from Tamil Nadu to other states have been suspended after the Kerala Transport Department imposed penalties amounting to nearly ₹70 lakh on vehicles entering the state earlier this month.

According to the Omni Bus Owners’ Association, all member-operators have stopped interstate services in protest, and discussions to resolve the issue have not yet made progress. The association said the penalties have made it unviable for operators to continue running services to states such as Kerala and Karnataka.

The association added that the strike, which has continued for seven days, has resulted in losses of about ₹22 crore and has affected more than 20,000 workers dependent on the sector. They appealed to the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister to take up the matter with the Kerala and Karnataka governments and seek exemption from road taxes for omni buses.

Until a resolution is reached, the association said the 600 interstate omni buses will remain off the roads.

(Source: Dinakaran)

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally. 

Vaniyambadi Madrasa Teacher Caught On Camera Assaulting Students, Dismissed; BJP TN Chief Nainar Nagenthran Slams Child Abuse In Such Schools

By
The Commune
-
Vaniyambadi Madrasa Teacher Caught On Camera Assaulting Students, Dismissed; BJP TN Chief Nainar Nagenthran Slams Child Abuse In Religious Schools

A madrasa functioning inside the Basheerabad Mosque in Vaniyambadi, Tirupattur district, has dismissed a teacher after CCTV footage surfaced showing him physically assaulting students.

The institution, which provides Islamic education to around 60 boys and girls with the help of four teachers, had already received multiple complaints from parents about the behaviour of one teacher, identified as Sohaeb. According to parents and staff, he was known for frequently scolding and physically punishing children despite repeated warnings from the madrasa and mosque administration.

Recently, during a class, he reprimanded a group of students for not studying well. He was then seen in CCTV recordings hitting one student and sending him home. In another instance captured on camera, he lifted a student with both hands and threw him to the ground, causing the child to cry. Portions of this footage were leaked and rapidly circulated on social media.

Following the public circulation of the videos, the madrasa administration removed Sohaeb from his post. Authorities at the mosque said the dismissal was carried out immediately after confirming the incidents shown in the CCTV recordings.

Tamil Nadu Bharatiya Janata Party chief Nainar Nagenthran condemned this heinous act and wrote on his X handle, “Who gave religious teachers the right to torment children? A shocking video has emerged from Vaniyambadi in Tirupattur district, showing a madrasa schoolteacher brutally beating and throwing students. After watching the video, it raises painful questions: “What mistake could have justified a young student being thrown like that? Who gave the teacher the right to hit and mistreat small children who came for religious education? How many more of our children are suffering abuse like this in religious schools?” Countless such questions trouble the mind.

As the self-proclaimed protector of secularism and the “Appa” (father) of Tamil Nadu’s children, Chief Minister Thiru. @mkstalin, I urge that immediate action be taken against the madrasa schoolteacher involved in violence against children.”

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally. 

Justice Delayed, Justice Denied: Inside 20 Acquittals That Exposed India’s Investigative Collapse

By
The Commune
-

On 11 November 2025, the Supreme Court acquitted Surendra Koli, who had previously been convicted in multiple cases arising from the 2005–06 Nithari killings in Noida, which involved the rape and murder of several children.

Between 2010 and 2025, the Indian judiciary delivered a series of landmark acquittals that exposed profound flaws in the country’s investigative and prosecutorial systems. From terror attacks to serial killings, these verdicts overturned convictions, often after decades of imprisonment citing coerced confessions, fabricated evidence, and shoddy police work.

This report details 20 major cases where the pursuit of justice was compromised, highlighting a systemic crisis where the innocent were punished while the real culprits may have escaped.

#1 Nithari Killings Acquittal (2025)

On 11 November 2025, the Supreme Court acquitted Surendra Koli in the final pending case related to the 2005–06 Nithari killings in Noida. The three-judge bench of Chief Justice B.R. Gavai, Justice Surya Kant and Justice Vikram Nath allowed Koli’s curative petition, setting aside his conviction for the rape and murder of a teenage girl. The Court held that the evidence used in this case was identical to that in 12 earlier Nithari cases where Koli had already been acquitted. His confession was deemed coerced, the recoveries unreliable, and no independent evidence remained to justify sustaining the conviction.

#2 Rampur CRPF Camp Attack (2025)

On October 30, 2025, the Allahabad High Court acquitted five men earlier convicted in the 2007–08 Rampur CRPF camp terror attack, citing major investigative lapses and failure to establish guilt beyond reasonable doubt. The 1 January 2008 attack involved terrorists opening fire with AK-47 rifles and grenades, killing seven CRPF personnel and one civilian. A Rampur trial court had previously sentenced the accused to 10 years under the Arms Act for possession of AK-47 rifles. The High Court bench of Justices Siddhartha Varma and Ram Manohar Narayan Mishra overturned the convictions, ruling that the evidence was insufficient to sustain them.

#3 Jagtar Singh Tara UAPA Case (2025)

On 29 October 2025, a Jalandhar Sessions Court acquitted Jagtar Singh Tara in a 16-year-old case filed under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and the Arms Act. The case, heard by Judge Rajeev K. Beri, alleged Tara’s association with Babbar Khalsa International and involvement in a terror conspiracy. The court ruled that the prosecution failed to prove he was a member of the organisation or that it operated as a terrorist group in this context. It also found no evidence of conspiracy, fund trail or recovery of incriminating material from Tara, leading to his complete acquittal.

#4 25-Year Orissa Murder Case (2025)

On 10 October 2025, the Orissa High Court acquitted Lokanath Behera in the 2000 Kendrapara murder case, overturning a life sentence that had stood for nearly 25 years. A bench of Justice Sashikanta Mishra and Justice Murahari Sri Raman reviewed the earlier conviction, which was based solely on circumstantial evidence linking Behera to the killing of Narayan Behera. The Court found major inconsistencies in the prosecution’s narrative and ruled that the evidence failed to meet the standard required for sustaining a conviction. With no direct proof and significant gaps in the case, the High Court set aside the verdict and acquitted him.

#5 Chennai Girl Rape-Murder (2025)

On 9 October 2025, the Supreme Court of India acquitted S. Dashwanth, who had been on death row for the 2017 rape and murder of a seven-year-old girl in Chennai. A bench of Justices Vikram Nath, Sanjay Karol and Sandeep Mehta overturned the death sentence imposed by the trial court and later upheld by the Madras High Court. The Court ruled that the prosecution failed to establish guilt beyond reasonable doubt. It noted serious flaws in the investigation, including reliance on fabricated CCTV footage and weak forensic evidence. With the prosecution’s case deemed unreliable, the Supreme Court set aside the conviction and acquitted Dashwanth.

#6 Mahe Double Murder (2025)

On 9 October 2025, the Thalassery Additional Sessions Court acquitted all 16 CPI(M) workers accused in the 2010 Mahe double murder case. Judge Ruby K. Jose delivered the verdict in the case involving the killing of RSS workers Vijith (28) and Shinoj (30), who were attacked with a bomb and then hacked to death on the Kallai–Peringadi Road in New Mahe on May 28, 2010. The court held that the prosecution failed to prove the charges despite examining 44 witnesses and presenting 63 exhibits and 140 documents. Two of the accused had died during the prolonged trial.

#7 Chhattisgarh Double Murder (2025)

On 7 August 2025, the Chhattisgarh High Court acquitted a 25-year-old man convicted of murdering his father and grandmother in April 2021. A Dhamtari Sessions Court had sentenced him to life imprisonment in February 2024 under IPC Sections 302 and 323. A bench of Chief Justice Ramesh Sinha and Justice Bibhu Datta Guru set aside the conviction, ruling that the accused was legally insane at the time of the offence. Citing Section 84 IPC (now Section 22 BNS), the court held that he could not comprehend the nature or wrongfulness of his actions and that the prosecution failed to investigate his mental condition adequately.

#8 2006 Mumbai Train Blasts (2025)

On 21 July 2025, the Bombay High Court acquitted all 12 men convicted in the 2006 Mumbai train blasts, which killed 189 people and injured over 800. A Special MCOCA Court had earlier sentenced five of them to death and seven to life imprisonment in 2015. A division bench of Justices Anil Kilor and Shyam Chandak ruled that the prosecution had “utterly failed” to prove its case. The court found serious flaws in the Maharashtra ATS investigation, citing unreliable witness testimonies, unverified confessions, and no credible evidence linking the accused to the planting or execution of the bombs.

#9 Kapurthala Family Murder (2025)

On 16 July 2025, the Supreme Court acquitted Baljinder Kumar, who had spent over 11 years on death row for the 2013 murders of his wife, two toddlers and sister-in-law in Kapurthala, Punjab. A trial court and the Punjab & Haryana High Court had both sentenced him to death over the alleged ₹35,000 dispute. A bench of Justices Vikram Nath, Sanjay Karol and Sandeep Mehta set aside the conviction, ruling that the prosecution failed to prove guilt beyond reasonable doubt. The Court cited major contradictions in witness statements, serious investigative lapses and insufficient evidence, declaring the accused “not guilty.”

#10 43-Year-Old Murder Case (2025)

On 10 June 2025, the Supreme Court acquitted two men convicted in a 43-year-old murder case from Uttar Pradesh. The case dated back to 1981, when a man was shot dead and the accused were charged under IPC Sections 302 and 307. A trial court had sentenced both to life imprisonment. A bench of Justices Abhay S. Oka and Augustine George Masih set aside the convictions, ruling that the prosecution’s case suffered from serious investigative lapses and suppression of key evidence. Finding the trial unsafe to sustain and the proof insufficient, the Court acquitted both men after more than four decades.

#11 Karnataka Murder Case Reversal (2025)

On 9 May 2025, the Supreme Court acquitted six men in a 14-year-old Karnataka murder case, overturning a High Court order that had earlier convicted them for the 2011 killing. The trial court had originally acquitted the accused due to lack of evidence, but the Karnataka High Court reversed the verdict and imposed convictions under Sections 302 and 120-B IPC. A bench of Justices Sudhanshu Dhulia and K. Vinod Chandran ruled that the prosecution failed to prove motive or conspiracy. Of the 87 witnesses examined, 71 turned hostile, including key eyewitnesses, prompting the Court to reinstate the original acquittal.

#12 36-Year-Old Murder Case (2025)

On 1 March 2025, the Supreme Court acquitted the accused in a 36-year-old Rajasthan murder case, setting aside a conviction that had been upheld by the High Court since 2003. The case, dating back to the late 1980s, had resulted in a trial court conviction that the Rajasthan High Court affirmed. A bench of Justices Pankaj Mithal and Ujjal Bhuyan overturned the verdict, holding that the prosecution failed to establish guilt beyond reasonable doubt. The Court found that the evidence on record was neither credible nor legally sufficient to link the accused to the crime and therefore ordered their acquittal.

#13 2009 Rape-Murder Case (2025)

On 8 April 2025, the Supreme Court acquitted a man in the 2009 rape-murder case of a 10-year-old Dalit girl, ruling that his earlier convictions were unsustainable. The tubewell operator had been sentenced to death by a trial court in 2012, a punishment later reduced to life imprisonment by the Allahabad High Court in 2022. A bench of Justices A.S. Oka, Ahsanuddin Amanullah and A.G. Masih found that the accused had not been provided proper legal assistance during trial, violating his right to a fair defence. Citing this fundamental lapse, the Court set aside all previous convictions and acquitted him.

#14 1985 Bihar Murder Case (2024)

On 25 September 2024, the Supreme Court acquitted seven people accused in a 1985 abduction and murder case from Simaltalla, Bihar. The case involved the kidnapping and killing of a woman named Neelam, allegedly linked to a property dispute. A trial court convicted the accused in 1992, and the Patna High Court upheld the verdict in 2015. A bench of Justices Bela M. Trivedi and Satish Chandra Sharma set aside both judgments, ruling that the prosecution failed to prove guilt beyond reasonable doubt. The Court held that the circumstantial evidence was weak and unreliable, restoring full acquittal to all seven.

#15 RTI Activist Murder (2022)

On 11 November 2022, the Karnataka High Court acquitted all 12 people convicted in the 2012 murder of RTI activist and Maha Prachanda editor Lingaraju, who was attacked by armed assailants on November 20, 2012. A trial court had found the accused guilty in October 2020 and sentenced them to life imprisonment. However, a division bench of Justices K. Somashekar and T.G. Shivashankare Gowda set aside the convictions, ruling that the prosecution failed to present corroborative evidence. The Court noted inconsistencies in witness testimonies and held that the evidence on record was insufficient to uphold the life sentences.

#16 Chhawla Rape-Murder Case (2022)

On 7 November 2022, the Supreme Court of India acquitted all three men convicted in the 2012 Chhawla rape-murder case. The 19-year-old victim had been abducted from Delhi’s Chhawla area, gang-raped and brutally murdered, with her body later found in Rewari, Haryana. A trial court had awarded the death penalty in 2014, calling it a “rarest of rare” case, and the Delhi High Court upheld the conviction. A bench of Chief Justice U.U. Lalit and Justices S. Ravindra Bhat and Bela M. Trivedi overturned the verdicts, ruling that the prosecution failed to establish guilt beyond reasonable doubt, warranting full acquittal.

#17 1993 Surat Bomb Blasts (2014)

On 18 July 2014, the Supreme Court of India acquitted all 11 men convicted in the 1993 Surat bomb blast cases. The blasts—one on January 21 that killed a young girl and injured 11 people, and another the next day at Surat railway station injuring around 38—had led a TADA court to sentence five accused, including former Congress minister Mohammad Surti, to 20 years in prison, with the others receiving 10-year terms. Justice T.S. Thakur set aside all convictions, ruling that the prosecution’s case suffered from major procedural lapses and lacked sufficient evidence to sustain the charges.

#18 Akshardham Temple Attack (2014)

On 16 May 2014, the Supreme Court acquitted all six men convicted in the 2002 Akshardham Temple terror attack in Gandhinagar, which killed 32 people. A POTA court had earlier sentenced three of them to death and the others to life imprisonment. A bench of Justices A.K. Patnaik and V. Gopala Gowda overturned the convictions, sharply criticising the Gujarat Police for a deeply flawed investigation. The Court held that instead of identifying the real perpetrators, investigators had arrested innocent individuals and built a case on unreliable evidence. All six were ordered to be released unless required in any other matter.

#19 Laxmanpur-Bathe Massacre (2013)

On 9 October 2013, the Patna High Court acquitted all 26 men convicted in the 1997 Laxmanpur-Bathe massacre, in which 58 Dalits — including 27 women and 10 children — were brutally killed by members of the Ranvir Sena in Jehanabad district. A trial court in 2010 had sentenced 16 of the accused to death and 10 to life imprisonment. However, a bench of Justices V.N. Sinha and A.K. Lal set aside all convictions, ruling that the prosecution had failed to provide credible evidence to establish the guilt of the accused beyond reasonable doubt.

#20 26/11 Mumbai Attacks Co-accused (2010)

On 3 May 2010, a special Mumbai court acquitted Fahim Ansari and Sabahuddin Shaikh—two Indians accused of assisting the 26/11 Mumbai attackers by surveying targets and supplying maps to Pakistan-based handlers. Judge M.L. Tahaliyani ruled that the prosecution had failed to produce credible or reliable evidence linking them to the conspiracy. The court criticised the investigative claims as weak and unsubstantiated, noting inconsistencies and lack of proof. While Ajmal Kasab was convicted, all charges against Ansari and Shaikh were dismissed, marking a significant setback for the prosecution’s case against the alleged Indian links to the 2008 terror attacks.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

Why The RJD-Congress Alliance Crumbled

By
Dr Prosenjit Nath
-

The 2025 Bihar assembly election will be remembered not only for the unprecedented sweep by the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) but also for the spectacular collapse of the RJD-Congress grand alliance, which recorded its worst performance since 2010, winning only 35 seats against the NDA’s formidable 202.

The Mahagathbandhan did not lose because of a single weakness; it disintegrated because of a cocktail of internal quarrels, leadership missteps, incoherent messaging, and disastrous strategy. From the beginning, the alliance functioned less like a coalition and more like a family locked in constant disputes. The Mahagathbandhan came across as a quarreling group, unable to hide its mistrust and power struggle.

Tejashwi Yadav wanted to assert himself as the undisputed leader, while Congress refused to accept a secondary role, and this friction burst into the open. Rahul Gandhi’s disappearance after the Voter Adhikar Yatra left Tejashwi stranded, while smaller partners such as Mukesh Sahani and CPML loudly demanded their share.

The episode where Tejashwi travelled to Delhi for the land-for-jobs hearing but reportedly left in anger without meeting Rahul Gandhi symbolized the disconnect. The alliance never recovered from the bitterness caused during seat-sharing talks, and each party ultimately ran its own campaign. Workers refused to transfer votes to partners, while the NDA showcased unity and disciplined messaging, strengthening its credibility in the eyes of voters.

The projection of Tejashwi Yadav as chief ministerial candidate further deepened the divide. Congress leaders later admitted that announcing Tejashwi as CM face was a strategic mistake many felt he carried too much political baggage and lacked the credibility that the political discourse, shaped by Prashant Kishor’s development and merit narratives, now demanded.

His lack of higher education and his association with the so-called jungle raj era made many voters skeptical. Ashok Gehlot’s late intervention as Congress troubleshooter failed to patch up the widening rift, and his scripted speech in Maurya only highlighted the disconnect between Delhi and the ground reality. Posters dominated entirely by Tejashwi signalled that the RJD had sidelined Congress.

The decision to declare Mukesh Sahani as deputy CM candidate alienated core Muslim and Mahadalit voters, who saw the NDA as a more reliable benefactor through schemes such as the Lakhpati Didi initiative and cash transfer programs.

Rahul Gandhi’s campaign performance shattered the myth that he could galvanize a state election through charisma alone. By the time he returned from his Latin America visit, the Congress had already “missed the bus.” His entry into the campaign appeared mechanical, lacking energy and purpose. His theatrics, including the now-infamous jump into a pond in Khagaria, raised eyebrows even within the Congress.

Voters felt these stunts were unbecoming of a Leader of the Opposition who often accuses Prime Minister Modi of indulging in theatrics. Rahul Gandhi’s speeches on migration felt dated and disconnected from Bihar’s political mood, which had shifted toward development, welfare delivery, infrastructure, and youth aspirations domains dominated by Nitish Kumar’s governance record and Prashant Kishor’s narrative. Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, usually an impactful campaigner, had a minimal presence, appearing almost like a supporting act. This weakened the Congress’s overall mobilization.

Rahul Gandhi’s insistence on making SIR (vote chori allegations) the central campaign issue proved disastrously ineffective. Bihar voters were not interested in allegations of election manipulation; they were far more concerned with jobs, welfare, inflation, and stability. The Voter Adhikar Yatra drained the alliance’s manpower at a critical time. Even RJD leaders admitted that the yatra consumed resources and energy without delivering any electoral benefit.

While Rahul fixated on SIR, the NDA focused on delivering a positive narrative: improved welfare schemes, governance continuity under Nitish, and women-centric policies. This sharpened the NDA’s appeal among female voters, who constituted a stable and decisive support base. The Congress thus campaigned on an issue that resonated nowhere and ignored the pulse of the electorate.

Seat-sharing chaos finally brought the Mahagathbandhan to the brink. Negotiations stretched endlessly between Patna and Delhi, worsening tensions as days passed. Without senior leaders like Lalu Prasad Yadav or Sonia Gandhi playing a mediating role, there was no strong authority to hold the alliance together. Congress leaders, emboldened by Rahul Gandhi’s directive to negotiate firmly, dug in their heels over certain “winnable” seats.

Krishna Allavaru’s uncompromising stance only escalated the conflict. The alliance reached a breaking point when parties began contesting against each other in over a dozen constituencies, effectively cannibalizing their own vote base. Nothing damages an alliance more than internal competition, and this self-inflicted wound proved decisive.

In the end, the Mahagathbandhan did not lose because the NDA was exceptionally strong; it lost because it was exceptionally dysfunctional. The alliance collapsed under the weight of its contradictions – leaders mistrusted each other, cadres refused cooperation, campaign messaging lacked coherence, and the coalition failed to offer a credible alternative to a disciplined and well-coordinated NDA.

The Tejashwi-Rahul partnership was built on fragile foundations, and when tested under electoral pressure, it crumbled completely. In Bihar 2025, the NDA did not defeat the RJD-Congress alliance. The alliance defeated itself.

Dr. Prosenjit Nath is a techie, political analyst, and author.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

Congress Ecosystem Peddles Fake News About NSA Ajit Doval With Cropped Clipping

By
The Commune
-
ajit doval

A selectively edited video clip of National Security Adviser Ajit Doval is being circulated by several Congress-linked social media handles and Left-leaning influencers, attempting to portray him as claiming that “more Hindus than Muslims join ISI”. The full video, however, tells a very different story.

The Viral Clip: Lines Cut, Context Removed

This clipped video was shared by a “reporter”, an “investigative fellow” associated with Reporters’ Collective, which is one of the many organisations funded by institutions tied to Western governments and intelligence-linked NGOs like the National Endowment for Democracy (NED).

In the viral fragment, Doval is seen saying: “The number of persons that ISI has recruited for intelligence tasks in India… there have been more Hindus than Muslims…”

The clip abruptly ends after he says, “We will carry the Muslims…”

But the Full Video From 2014 Shows the Exact Opposite

The video originates from March 2014, during Ajit Doval’s lecture at the Australia India Institute titled “The Challenge of Global Terrorism.”

When the unedited version is viewed, it becomes clear that Doval was not talking about ISIS recruitment in India; he was explaining espionage cases under the Official Secrets Act (OSA) from 1947 to 2014.

He was distinguishing between OSA – anti-espionage law and UAPA – anti-terror law. (UAPA is what is applied to terrorists like Ajmal Kasab or Afzal Guru, not OSA.)

Doval was stating that Muslims in India have historically shown immense patriotism, and that espionage cases under OSA were overwhelmingly not from the Muslim community.

Here is what he actually said in full: “The number of persons that foreign agencies have recruited for intelligence tasks in India — there have been more Hindus than Muslims. If you see all the 4,000 cases under the Official Secrets Act since 1947, not even 20% were Muslim. So it’s a very wrong concept. We will carry the Muslims with us, and we will make it a great country.”

Doval Was Praising Indian Muslims — Left Ecosystem Presented It as “Hindu vs Muslim”

The full context makes Doval’s message unambiguous. He was defending the patriotism of Indian Muslims. He was pushing back against stereotypes linking Muslims to espionage or terror. He was explaining counter-espionage mechanisms, not terrorism or ISIS recruitment.

The trimmed video circulated online removed his explanation of the Official Secrets Act, the reference to post-Independence espionage cases, the key line where he says stereotypes about Muslims are “a very wrong concept” and the concluding sentence about national unity.

In this case as with fake news peddlers, this handle along with several Congress-affiliated accounts shared the cropped video with captions suggesting that Ajit Doval was giving a communal statement, despite the complete clip proving the opposite.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

TN Doctors Turn To Gig Jobs – The Hidden Cost Of Dravidian Model Anti-Hindi Politics

By
The Commune
-

Tamil Nadu, once a beacon of medical excellence in India, is confronting a severe crisis as its highly qualified doctors, trapped by low wages and scarce opportunities, are being forced to abandon their profession for gig economy jobs. The situation has ignited a fierce debate over whether the state’s political aversion to other Indian languages, particularly Hindi, is now crippling the career mobility of its own medical graduates.

The plight of the medical community was starkly highlighted when veteran surgeon Dr Jaison Philip revealed his take-home salary after nearly 30 years of service, and 275 kidney transplants is just ₹1.3 lakh. He alleged that corruption and a system that prioritizes profit over patients have broken the medical ecosystem.

An MBBS graduate begins at ₹15,000–30,000 a month, and by age 30, many barely reach ₹30,000, after spending 8–10 years studying medicine. Even specialists earn ₹60,000, and superspecialists ₹90,000, if they find a job at all. This testimony of Dr Jaison Philip was supported by a 28-year-old MBBS graduate who now works as a food delivery agent, hiding his reality from his parents who took huge loans for his education.

While the state government claims it has achieved “zero-vacancy” in existing posts, critics point out that the number of government medical posts has remained stagnant at 19,000 for two decades, while 5,000 new doctors graduate every year. This has created a massive pool of unemployed or severely underpaid medical talent.

Language Barrier Compounds Crisis, Limits Migration

A critical dimension of this crisis, often overlooked, is the linguistic barrier. As doctors in states like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh command respectable incomes, Tamil Nadu’s medics find themselves geographically stranded. The state’s political climate, which has historically championed Tamil pride while often displaying hostility towards other Indian languages, has resulted in a generation of doctors who are not equipped to practice in neighboring states where higher-paying jobs may be available.

Political observers note that while the “Dravidian model” espouses social justice, its linguistic insularity is having an unintended economic consequence. By not ensuring medical graduates are proficient in at least one other major Indian language, the model is effectively limiting their employment horizons to Tamil Nadu’s saturated market. It is counterproductive for professionals to shun a language like Hindi and then find themselves stuck in a state with a salary lower than what a marketing agent in a metropolitan city might earn.

Systemic Failures and a Glimmer of Hope

The crisis is multifaceted. Senior doctors speak of the “corporatization of healthcare,” where boardrooms discuss revenue over patient recovery, and small clinics are suffocated by regulations and competition from corporate hospitals.

Despite the grim scenario, many young doctors are now taking matters into their own hands. Recognizing that opportunity lies beyond the state’s borders, a growing number are proactively learning new languages and preparing for licensing exams to practice in other Indian states or abroad. Their struggle is not just for a job, but to reclaim the dignity of a profession they once dreamed of joining.

(Source: DTNext)

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

While DMK & Dravidianists Peddle Hate Against Biharis, Bihar’s Youngest BJP MLA Maithili Thakur Captures Hearts With A Beautiful Rendition Of Kannana Kanne Song

By
The Commune
-
While DMK & Dravidianists Peddle Hate Against Biharis, Bihar's Youngest BJP MLA Maithili Thakur Captures Hearts With A Beautiful Rendition Of Kannana Kanne Song

As sections of the Dravidian political class in Tamil Nadu compete to see who can coin the ugliest slur for “Vadakkans”, a 25-year-old woman from Bihar has quietly done more for cultural harmony than all their rhetoric put together.

Maithili Thakur, a celebrated folk and classical singer who has just become Bihar’s youngest MLA from Alinagar on a BJP ticket, is going viral again in Tamil social media circles, not for a speech, but for her soulful rendition of “Kannana Kanney” from Ajith Kumar’s blockbuster Viswasam.

The same Tamil song she sang back in 2020 as a young girl during the COVID pandemic has now resurfaced as she steps into public life, and the contrast could not be sharper: while a young Bihari woman embraces Tamil language and music with respect and affection, prominent Dravidian leaders in Tamil Nadu have spent years demeaning Biharis, Hindi speakers, and North Indian migrants as pigs, panipuri sellers, toilet cleaners, and fools.

A Bihari MLA Who Sings Tamil, Not Slanders Tamils

Maithili Thakur’s rise has been straightforward and clean:
a gifted singer from Bihar, widely loved on social media for her bhajans, classical pieces and multilingual covers, she joined the BJP earlier this year and was fielded from Alinagar in Darbhanga. She went on to defeat RJD’s Binod Mishra by over 11,000 votes, making history as Bihar’s youngest MLA and the first BJP winner from that seat.

For many Tamil users, the discovery that this flawless rendition was by a girl from Bihar, singing in impeccable Tamil with visible emotion, was itself a quiet rebuttal to the stereotype that “North Indians don’t respect southern culture”.

That same video is now circulating again, with the caption changed from “What a voice” to “This is Bihar’s youngest MLA.”

Meanwhile In Tamil Nadu: Dravidianists & DMK Leaders, Ministers Call Biharis Pigs, Panipuri Sellers And “Fools”

While a Bihari MLA is winning Tamil hearts with a beautiful song from a Tamil film with impeccable pronunciation that will put the native Tamilian to shame, the ruling DMK leadership and its extended ecosystem have, over the years, normalized a steady stream of open contempt for North Indians and Biharis in particular.

DMK MSME Minister T.M. Anbarasan, speaking amid the delimitation debate, accused North Indians of “breeding like pigs” and blamed them for southern states losing Lok Sabha seats due to higher population growth in the Hindi belt. In another speech, he mocked Hindi speakers as fit only for cattle herding, construction work and panipuri vending, proudly declaring that those who studied Hindi were doing menial jobs in his own home.

He is not an outlier. DMK General Secretary and Water Resources Minister Duraimurugan had described Hindi as a “peeda” (curse), warning Tamils that learning it would bring “dosham” and “theetu” and likening Hindi to a second wife who will displace the first. In the same breath, he narrated a story about a bull running away because it could not bear the “stench of a North Indian” and mocked North Indians again for having “children like pigs”.

MP Dayanidhi Maran has repeatedly claimed that those who learn Hindi end up cleaning toilets and doing construction work in Tamil Nadu, while Tamils who study English rise to become CEOs in global tech companies. A. Raja has similarly reduced Hindi speakers to a stereotype of farm and construction labour.

DMK leaders like KN Nehru have declared that “Biharis are less brainy than Tamils,” blaming Lalu Prasad Yadav for “filling” railways with Bihari workers. RS Bharathi has called people in other states “fools” and repeatedly sneered that Tamil Nadu taxpayers are “feeding Biharis and UP people” through welfare canteens.

Add to this the routine “Vadakkan”, “pani puri vaayan”, “gomutra state” jibes from MLAs, ministers and MPs, and you have not fringe chatter but a sustained, normalized culture of xenophobia directed at North Indians and Biharis, from the very party that endlessly talks of “Constitutional morality” and “federalism”.

Maithili Thakur’s Kannana Kanney Vs DMK’s “Pani Puri Wala” Politics

The symbolism here writes itself.

On one side, you have a young Bihari woman, steeped in her own Maithili and Hindustani traditions, reaching across the Vindhyas to sing a Tamil lullaby with full respect for its lyrics, raga and sentiment and being embraced by Tamil listeners purely on the strength of her voice.

On the other, you have senior Dravidianists and politicians from the DMK who sneer that Biharis and other Hindi speakers are fit only to sell panipuri, laugh about them doing “toilet cleaning” work in Tamil Nadu, insist that learning Hindi will “turn Tamils into Shudras,” and openly call entire northern states “cow-urine states” and “fools”.

The DMK’s message to its cadre is that ‘North Indians’ are a threat, a joke, a lower rung. Maithili Thakur’s message, by contrast, is that language and region are bridges, not weapons and she didn’t have to deliver a single “unity” lecture to prove it. She just sang a song.

Dravidian Xenophobia Hurts Common People, Not Just “BJP Voters”

The consequences of this rhetoric are not academic. When ministers, MPs and party strategists keep repeating that North Indians are “idiots”, “pig breeders”, “toilet cleaners” and “panipuri sellers”, it filters down into everyday interactions in rental decisions, workplace behaviour, casual abuse, and even targeted violence against migrant labourers.

Tamil Nadu knows what it means to be stereotyped. For decades, all southerners were lazily labelled “Madrasis” in the north. Today, the same state that rightly resents those old slurs is allowing its ruling party to mainstream mirror-image abuse against Biharis and Hindi speakers.

Meanwhile, the very migrants who are mocked from podiums are the ones building Chennai’s flyovers, staffing food joints, working in factories, running kirana shops and doing jobs that locals are often unwilling to do at those wages. They are not sitting in television studios; they are standing behind tea stalls and construction mixers, trying to send money home.

A Different North–South Story Is Possible

Maithili Thakur’s rise offers a totally different template for what North–South relations can look like. Here is a Bihari girl who learns and sings Tamil songs with care, wins an election in her home state purely on people’s trust, and goes viral in Tamil Nadu not because of a hate speech clip, but because of a melody about a father’s love for his child.

Her victory and her music together quietly demolish the Dravidianist claim that North Indians only come south to “steal our jobs” or “sell panipuri”. They also expose the intellectual laziness of those who insist that learning Hindi is some kind of civilizational fall, while happily consuming Bollywood songs, Hindi OTT content and North Indian tourist money.

If Bihar’s youngest MLA can sing Kannana Kanney and win Tamil hearts, perhaps it is time some Tamil politicians stopped equating Biharis with pigs and panipuri stalls and started treating them as fellow citizens.

Until then, every time Maithili’s Kannana Kanney video resurfaces, it will stand as a quiet but devastating rejoinder to the DMK’s politics of contempt: a reminder that cultural respect travels both ways, and that a song from Viswasam can do more for unity than an entire season of Dravidian hate speeches.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

Ultra-Feminists & Detractors Mock UP’s Night-Shift Reform, But Many Haven’t Checked Their Own States’ Laws

By
The Commune
-
Feminists Mock UP’s Night-Shift Reform - But Many Haven’t Checked Their Own States’ Laws

The Uttar Pradesh government’s recent decision to allow women to work night shifts, with written consent and strict safety measures, has triggered a wave of mockery from some feminist activists and habitual detractors of the state. Critics online portrayed the move as an outlier in a supposedly backward state.

However, labour-law data and state-wise policies show a very different picture: UP is not an exception but part of a nationwide, decade-long trend of cautiously lifting night-shift restrictions on women.

What many critics have overlooked is that several Indian states still retain significant restrictions, while many others removed them only recently, often with conditions very similar to those introduced in Uttar Pradesh.

What UP Has Done

Under the amended law, women in Uttar Pradesh can now work between 7 pm and 6 am after providing written consent. Employers must provide transportation, CCTV surveillance, security personnel, health facilities, and digital monitoring systems. Overtime pay has been doubled, and women can work in all hazardous sectors, up from just 12 earlier.

Supporters of the reform argue that these protections simply align UP with best practices followed across other industrial states.

What Critics Are Ignoring: Many States Still Restrict Night-Shift for Women

Let us begin with how it started.

The Factories Act, 1948 (especially Section 66) laid down restrictions on women working night shifts (generally defined as from 7 PM to 6 AM) mainly to protect women from potential hazards. This was brought about by India’s first Prime Minister, Nehru’s government.

This rule applied across India in various forms, but states had their own variations and enforcement mechanisms. Over decades, the restrictions were challenged as discriminatory, particularly after various High Court rulings in the 2000s deemed them unconstitutional for depriving women of economic opportunities.

Despite heavy commentary targeting UP, restrictions on women’s night work are still active in large parts of India:

As of 2024, West Bengal continues to prohibit women from working in shops or commercial establishments after 8 PM. A year later only partial exemptions were present in draft rules that were yet to be fully implemented.

Around 25 states still maintain statutory or operational limitations, particularly affecting migrant workers, contract workers, and factory employees. Several states did amend laws or issued exemptions allowing women to work night shifts, often requiring their written consent and safety measures:

Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh: Between 2014 and 2017, these states amended laws to allow women night shifts, usually with conditions on safety and consent.

Gujarat: Courts and later government orders allowed women to work night shifts with consent; no compulsion is allowed.

Punjab: Punjab lifted its night-shift restrictions for women only recently, and even today the relaxation is far from absolute. Until 2022, Punjab, like most states operating under the Factories Act, 1948 and the Punjab Shops & Commercial Establishments Act, largely prohibited women from working between 8/9 PM and 6 AM, except through special permissions. The state issued a notification in March 2022 allowing women to work night shifts in factories, shops, and commercial establishments, but only through a conditional exemption system. Employers must apply for approval and meet an extensive list of requirements, including strict POSH compliance, dedicated transport, on-site security, CCTV coverage, batch employment of a minimum number of women per shift, and continuous safety audits.

Delhi: Lifted restrictions in 2025, allowing women to work night shifts under safety protocols.

Odisha, Jharkhand, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Madhya Pradesh, Telangana: These states have also lifted or relaxed restrictions in recent years, with emphasis on women’s consent and employer responsibility for safety.

Rajasthan: Issued a temporary exemption in 2024 allowing women night work in shops and establishments, subject to consent and safety norms.

Even where states allow night work, the fine print often includes rigid consent requirements, mandatory transport, minimum number of women per shift, and prohibitions on working alone – conditions very similar to UP’s.

A National Issue, Not a UP-Specific One

Labour researchers say India’s night-shift restrictions have historically been shaped by outdated “protective” laws dating back to the Factories Act, 1948. All states inherited these restrictions, and most have been lifting them only gradually in response to industrial demand, court rulings, economic growth needs, as well as pressure from women seeking equal opportunities.

Viewed in this context, UP’s reform is not an exception, it is part of a broader national shift toward equal workplace access.

Why the Mockery Is Selective

Analysts point out that criticism targeting UP often ignores. Many states still maintain harsher restrictions, including those governed by parties favoured by the same critics.

UP’s conditions viz, written consent, transport, safety protocols, mirror those in other states, including Delhi, Tamil Nadu, and Maharashtra.

The reform expands women’s economic opportunities in a state where 36% of the workforce is female.

Officials say the policy aims to increase women’s participation in industries operating round-the-clock while reducing gender discrimination in hiring.

A Policy Change That Reflects National Reality

While the debate continues online, labour experts argue that UP’s move is consistent with global norms and India’s gradual legal reform trajectory. The selective backlash, they say, overlooks both the national landscape and the realities of labour regulation in India.

In short: the UP reform is neither unusual nor regressive. If anything, it mirrors or exceeds protections offered in several states that are rarely scrutinised with the same intensity.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

55 Families In Idukki And Ernakulam Return To Hindu Fold In Community-Led Ceremony Facilitated By Hindu Seva Kendram & Kerala Adivasi Samrakshana Samithi

By
The Commune
-
55 Families In Idukki And Ernakulam Return To Hindu Fold In Community-Led Ceremony Facilitated By Hindu Seva Kendram & Kerala Adivasi Samrakshana Samithi

In a coordinated community initiative, 55 families in Idukki and Ernakulam districts have formally returned to the Hindu fold, marking a significant homecoming facilitated by the Hindu Seva Kendram and the Kerala Adivasi Samrakshana Samithi.

Organisers said the families had moved away from their ancestral faith over earlier generations but chose to reconnect with their traditional practices and cultural identity. As part of the ceremony, participants offered prayers to their Kuladevata, Murugan Swamy, in what organisers described as a symbolic act of reaffirmation.

The event included ritual offerings and community gatherings, with volunteers from both organisations supervising the proceedings. Representatives said the initiative aimed to support families seeking to revive their ancestral customs and reintegrate into long-held spiritual traditions.

Local organisers added that similar programmes are being planned in other districts for families expressing interest in re-embracing their heritage.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

Two Years Gone, AR Rahman Concert Ticketholders Who Went Through A Miserable Experience Wait For Their Refund

By
The Commune
-
marakkuma nenjam ar rahman

Two years after the infamous Marakkuma Nenjam concert in Chennai collapsed into chaos, thousands of AR Rahman fans continue to wait for full refunds, despite assurances, interviews, public apologies, and even an email sent in Rahman’s name promising compensation and a “surprise.”

The September 2023 event, organised by ACTC Events at Adityaram Palace, became one of Tamil Nadu’s worst-managed large-scale shows. The fiasco left families stranded outside locked gates, thousands crushed in overcrowded entry points, and many who paid as much as ₹1 lakh for tickets unable to even enter the venue. Today, several attendees say that they have received only partial refunds or none at all.

A Crisis That Began With Overselling and Overcrowding

The controversy erupted when the venue, spread across only 5–6 acres, was used to host a crowd far beyond its capacity. While permission was granted for 25,000 attendees, ACTC claimed to have sold 36,000 tickets and issued 4,000 free passes. Public estimates suggested the numbers were far higher.

The venue itself could accommodate only around 7,000–8,000 people comfortably. Insufficient parking space, no clear entry or exit points, and a near-total absence of toilets, drinking water, or first-aid facilities compounded the crisis.

Video evidence later showed volunteers verbally abusing attendees and security personnel failing to manage the crowd. There were also reports of physical altercations and medical emergencies with no ambulances in sight.

Organisers Shift Blame, Issue Late Apology

Hemanth Raja, CEO of ACTC Events, appeared on Thanthi TV after widespread outrage but failed to provide clear answers. He denied overselling and instead alleged that duplicate tickets—particularly of complimentary passes—had caused the surge in attendees.

He also admitted that the company had aimed to “break attendance records,” seeking to push far beyond the approved limit.

While calling the event’s outcome “inconvenience,” he conceded that choosing the ECR location was a mistake. But his explanations did little to address the trauma felt by families, children, and elderly attendees who faced suffocation-level crowding and were forced to leave without witnessing the concert.

A Mass Email From Rahman, but No Meaningful Resolution

Following massive backlash, fans received a mass email signed in A.R. Rahman’s name, apologising for the distress caused and promising refunds along with an unspecified “surprise.” Many recipients, however, found the message impersonal, an automated template asking for bank details, tickets, and receipts.

Critics questioned why Rahman, who had gone live on Instagram to address the postponement of the earlier August concert, did not issue a similar personal message or video after the September disaster.

Two years later, fans report that the promised surprise never arrived, and refunds remain incomplete.

ACTC Promises Refunds After Outcry—but Delivery Remains Patchy, Even After 2 Years

As anger reached its peak in 2023, ACTC’s CEO posted a video stating:

  • AR Rahman was “not to blame” and had only performed.
  • ACTC bore full responsibility.
  • Refunds would be issued to all who paid “in a proper manner.”

Yet multiple attendees say they have never received the compensation promised, and many state that ACTC has stopped responding altogether.

Two Years Later, the Pain Remains

For fans, the memory of the night remains vivid; hours spent in crowds without information, police turning them away despite valid tickets, children crying, and elderly attendees collapsing from heat and pressure.

And for thousands who still wait for accountability and their rightful refunds, the frustration continues.

Two years have passed since the fiasco and for many, all they have received is silence.

Subscribe to our channels on WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram and YouTube to get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.

1...166167168...1,846Page 167 of 1,846
TheCommune
The Commune is a news and views portal focusing on social and political issues of the southern part of India with a focus on Tamil Nadu.
Contact us: thecommune.news@gmail.com
Facebook Instagram X Youtube

NATIONAL NEWS

Vijaita Singh Asked Why CAPFs Met For Bengal Elections – Murshidabad...

The Commune - 0
On 19 April 2026, The Hindu's Vijaita Singh posted a tweet that went viral for all the right reasons. With four photographs, she asked...
© The Commune 2025. All Rights Reserved.