Political Dynamics In Andhra Pradesh: Alliances, Rivalries, And Strategic Calculations
It was a bittersweet moment in uncertain political times for Andhra Pradesh’s Telugu Desam Party (TDP). The TDP Leader and three-time Chief Minister of Andhra, N Chandrababu Naidu expressed his joy and gratitude a fortnight ago in New Delhi at the unveiling of a special, commemorative ₹100 coin in memory of the trail-blazing late TDP founder and multi-talented Tollywood actor and filmmaker, Nandamuri Taraka Rama Rao popularly known as NTR. Back in 2000, the Government of India released a commemorative stamp in honour of N T Rama Rao’s impressive achievements and the veneration which he is held by Telugu-speaking people all over the world.
NTR’s Legacy
The ceremony held on August 28, included an address by President, Droupadi Murmu and the unveiling of the special coin in honour of the legendary NTR in his birth centenary year. NTR was and continues to be a beloved, well-respected screen hero and real-life leader for the Telugu masses. Earlier this year, members of the NTR family and the TDP held grand celebrations to mark his birth centenary in Hyderabad and Vijayawada. Smaller-scale celebrations were held in several towns and villages across Andhra and Telangana by ordinary Telugu people, who continue to cherish his memory and recall his cinematic and political achievements, even twenty-seven years after his death.
NTR was a rare man of many achievements, highly regarded and still talked about at gatherings of politicians, the film industry and ordinary households across the Telugu states that remember him for the honest, honorable man, actor, and politician that he was. He was the first Telugu non-Congress person that showed the Telugu people, a different side to politics than the typical Congress-style politics they had put up with, since the formation of Andhra Pradesh in 1956. He single-handedly challenged Indira Gandhi and the entire Congress party, started a brand new political party from scratch, in less than a month, and won a massive landslide electoral victory. Indira and A.P’s Congress leaders were shamed and shocked at the sheer scale of NTR’s victory. Andhra Pradesh had for the very first time in its history, experienced non-Congress rule with the advent of N T Rama Rao and his Telugu Desam Party.
The BJP’s gesture of recognition and honour of a larger-than-life regional leader comes at a time when it is still weighing in on a possible future partnership with the TDP. The BJP does not have a significant presence in Andhra Pradesh but is in an advantageous position to choose its electoral partner in the state as the principal parties in the fray, the YSRCP and the TDP (as well as the relatively new JSP) are wooing the BJP for support or an electoral tie-up ahead of next year’s state and national elections.
NTR’s birth centenary celebrations and honorary recognition of the TDP’s founder is a bitter-sweet moment for the current leadership (headed by Naidu) as its open offer of partnership is still “under consideration” by the BJP’s central leadership even after several months of courtship. The people of Andhra will cast their ballots for both the national and state elections before June next year. Hence, it is a time-sensitive issue for the BJP which is in the process of carefully considering the current political situation in Andhra Pradesh – political pundits as well as amateur analysts with ears to the ground, continue to be uncertain about which party, has an edge in next year’s dual elections. It is speculated to be a close call between the current YSRCP dispensation and the previous TDP administration.
Both parties are running tight campaigns, leaving nothing to chance in a desperate bid to return to power. The newer Jana Sena Party (JSP) is keen on an alliance with the TDP and the BJP. Its leader, Tollywood actor Pawan Kalyan has urged the BJP leadership to consider a three-way partnership with the TDP and the JSP implying a break in the BJP’s current relationship with the YSRCP. The BJP is wary of letting go of a politically unlikely and even mildly awkward yet comfortable relationship that it currently enjoys with the YSRCP which has thus far, unquestioningly and unfailingly offered dependable outside support for all of the BJP’s decisions, propositions, bills, and laws at the central level. The state-level BJP unit however, is often seen at odds with the YSRCP whose social and political philosophy (excessive welfarism, minorities-focused, reservation-based incentives) is quite a contrast to the BJP’s core political philosophy and preferred social policies.
YSRCP
People of the Telugu states and the power centres in New Delhi fully understand the obvious but unspoken reasons for this odd, uneasy informal alliance of sorts between the BJP and the YSRCP, a relationship in which the YSRCP lends its unconditional support to the BJP-led central government at all times, regardless of the issue at hand. Among other reasons, the two main considerations appear to be:
- YSRCP founder and current CM of Andhra, Jagan Mohan Reddy is loathed to having any type or level of partnership with a Congress party led by Sonia Gandhi. He is rumoured to have a strong distrust for her and her close aides based on his experience of dealing with them after the death of his father in 2009, a staunch, lifelong Congressman and ex-CM of Andhra Pradesh, Y S Rajasekhar Reddy, popularly known as YSR. Upon his father’s death as a serving chief minister, Jagan Reddy had reportedly asked for the Congress leadership’s support in nominating him as his father’s successor to a top leadership role in the A.P unit of the Congress party and the state’s Chief Ministership. He was denied both and his family reportedly came back humiliated after a few personal meetings with Sonia Gandhi. He quit the Congress and started his own party, the YSRCP, flush with funds allegedly drawn from large-scale money laundering ventures he was involved in when his father was the chief minister.
- Jagan Reddy is a chief minister who is currently out on bail after having spent more than a year in jail. There are more than thirty cases against him ranging from financial mismanagement and illegal dealings to criminal allegations. He is still under investigation and continues to receive summons from the CBI and ED. He needs the support of the Central government in various ways to keep him from going back to jail anytime soon. His top aide, Vijay Sai Reddy served a prison sentence as well for massive financial irregularities before both of them managed to get out on bail. Other senior leaders of his party are also in trouble on various allegations, with the most recent issue being their involvement in the Delhi Liquorgate scam.
As one can imagine, staying out of jail is a priority for Jagan Reddy and his YSRCP party and hence maintaining favourable relations with the current central government by supporting them on every bill passed in the Parliament, is crucial for both himself and his party leaders, to delay the inevitable.
On the other hand Chandrababu Naidu’s arrest in connection with his alleged involvement in the ₹371 crore state skill development corporation scam has led to a political church in the state.
(Shivani is a freelance writer based in Vijayawada)
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Exposing PTR’s Duplicity On Social Justice
Palanivel Thiagarajan (popularly known as PTR), a fourth generation political dynast currently a Minister in the MK Stalin-led DMK government has a habit of baiting the Brahmin community to score political points. He once even went to the extent of invoking a caste identity of a woman journalist and abusing her just because she posted on social media that a top leader’s son is involved in a mega land grab.
His latest attack on Brahmins coincides with the Prime Minister’s introduction of the Pradhan Mantri Vishwakarma Yojana, aimed at empowering traditional artisans who have faithfully preserved their skills and heritage across generations.
PTR in a recent speech raised questions about the rationale behind promoting hereditary businesses. Speaking at the “India’s Social Justice Festival” organised by Madurai Law College students at the Madurai World Tamil Sangham Hall, he said, “Education brings progress to all, this is an undeniable truth. The ones who gave us all the opportunity to gain that are the upper caste people (hinting at Brahmins). In 1928, my grandfather while speaking at the Self-Respect Conference, PT Rajan asked why should there be a separate community of priests (archakas). We follow all rituals, so why are you entitled to enter the garbagruha and perform pujas? A backlash ensued and they said that only they knew the Slokas and Sanskrit – because only they had studied that, they did not give others an opportunity to learn them. There are a few errors in this argument, the first being there is no rule that yours is the only way to worship God and the other is that you did not give others the opportunity to study.”
He further added “After this government came into power, the Chief Minister has been correcting the second mistake every year. In the past, we have brought all the plans that were made in the era of Kalaignar to fruition – one being that anyone can become a priest scheme. After this government came to power in 2021, yesterday you would have seen that three women priest have received their appointment letters. When we were doing this, the first thing I would like to say is about the manifesto of the Justice Party in 1920. During the election campaign, they made a statement. They asked, how can a community with a population of 3% occupy 40% of the Munsif jobs, 50% of the Government Office jobs, and a majority of the doctor jobs, how can a society with a population of 3% have all the facilities and opportunities? The reason for this is that they are the only ones who have been given the opportunity to study. That’s why we brought in Compulsory Education (Kattaaya Kalvi), Reservation, and Communal GO.”
He added, “Upper caste were the ones who broke the model that you should do only what your father did (kulakalvi). Because the upper caste, when they got a job as a collector, a judge, a Chartered Accountant, a banker, a lawyer, they left their priestly jobs and took up those. So, the upper caste were the ones who showed us that there is no connection between your birth and the work you do. So if you come to us and tell us that you should only do what your father did, how is it justified?”
He continued, “I, as a 4th generation Dravidian, have been trying to achieve social justice for more than 100 years”.
While PTR has mentioned the upper caste in his speech, anybody familiar with the Dravidian political rhetoric can make out that he is targeting Brahmins. It is pertinent to mention that PTR himself belongs to a wealthy landed Mudaliar family and falls under the category of the so-called “upper caste”. In Tamil Nadu, the so-called forward/upper caste include Nagarathars, Thondai Mandala Mudaliars, Balija Naidu, Reddiyar, among others. It is these ‘upper/forward castes’ that form the core vote bank of the DMK which has been inherited from its predecessor Justice Party, a party formed by ego-hurt landed wealthy caste leaders. In fact, the Justice Party, which PTR often boasts about and takes pride in has a history of ill-treating fellow members from the Scheduled Caste. M.C. Rajah, a leader from Dalit community, severed ties with Justice Party over its treatment of Dalits.
But PTR and his Dravidian ilk have gone on to project that “upper caste” meant “Brahmins” often targeting the for all things wrong in the Tamil society. The reason why PTR and his Dravidian ilk often target the Brahmin community is to hide their duplicity on social justice.
Now let us come to PTR’s latest lecture on social justice that has raised several critical questions, highlighting what can be perceived as the inconsistency within his own community, party, and his own self. Here are some questions for the DMK Minister.
1. While PTR thumps his chest about the DMK breaking the Brahminical hegemony in temples through ‘all caste can become archakar’ scheme, will he also advocate for the removal of Vellalar dominance in Aadheenams and the inclusion of all castes in the mutts run by them?
2. Why do Vellalar Aadheenams oppose the traditional practice of Vanniyars and Thevars wearing the poonool/janeu (sacred thread), despite it being a hereditary custom of these communities? Is this linked to the Vellalars’ desire to exert dominance over these groups through Aadheenams?
3. PTR often emphasises that he entered politics due to his family’s three-generation involvement in the field. If he aims to preserve this multi-generational legacy, then why should archakas, with similarly long-standing family traditions, be excluded?
4. Despite PTR’s assertions, Brahmins are notably scarce in political and administrative roles in Tamil Nadu today. In contrast, Vellalars, who constitute just 6% of the state’s population, occupy more than 50% of government positions. What accounts for this preferential treatment by the Dravidian party?
5. Concerning the DMK, why do Vellalars predominantly hold the positions of district secretaries in Vanniyar and Thevar regions like Vizhupuram and Thanjavur? Why is the DMK not ensuring proportional representation for Vanniyars and Thevars?
6. DMK has earned the reputation of being a party of the Vellalars, by the Vellalars, and for the Vellalars. Why has the DMK never permitted a non-Vellalar to hold the positions of party president or Chief Minister?
7. While the DMK criticises the PMK as a casteist party for having Vanniyars (the largest voting bloc in the state) in prominent leadership positions, why shouldn’t the DMK, which predominantly features Vellalars in its leadership, be subjected to the same scrutiny?
8. Why has PTR not issued a statement condemning his caste organisations, which are protesting the use of the term “Devendra Kula Vellalars” to address the Scheduled Caste community?
9. How did PTR’s family come to possess extensive land holdings that originally belonged to a Maravar Zamin family in Theni?
10. Why has the PTR family frequently clashed with Thevar leaders within their own party? Are the allegations of Thevars regarding casteism within the PTR family accurate? Do they indeed practice a two-tumbler system in their homes?
The Dravidian Model of social justice, is nothing but a scam meant to cover up the original perpetrators of casteism through fraudulent and deceitful means of perpetually peddling hatred against one politically insignificant community and making them the eternal scapegoat.
This article is based on the X thread of Aravindalochanan Govindan.
Vallavaraayan is a political writer fighting Dravidianists.