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Tirunelveli Municipal Corporation DMK Ward Councillor Resigns Citing Caste-Based Discrimination In Distribution Of Water In Ward

Tirunelveli City Municipal Corporation’s 36th Ward representative, K Chinnathai from the DMK, has formally communicated her intention to step down from his role as a Member of council in a letter addressed to the Mayor. In her correspondence dated on 23 April 2024, she highlighted caste-based discrimination prevalent in the management of drinking water distribution in her ward, attributing it to the privatization of the public water supply contract six months ago.

In a communication addressed to Mayor PM Saravanan, Chinnathai, belonging to the Arunthathiyar community, expressed her grievances, stating that she felt disrespected by corporation officials. She highlighted the disparity in drinking water provision to areas such as Koripallam and Periyar Nagar in ward 36, which she represents. According to her, collusion between officials and Councillors from upper castes led to irregular water supply, resulting in shortages in recent months. Despite reporting the issue to higher authorities, including a DMK MLA, the mayor, and the deputy mayor, no corrective measures were taken, leading to her disillusionment.

Chinnathai also noted that the situation worsened after the corporation outsourced water supply to an individual, exacerbating caste-based discrimination in the allocation of resources. She lamented the apathy of officials towards various essential services in her ward, such as sanitation, street lighting, and infrastructure maintenance, attributing it to caste bias. Her appeals to address the water shortage in Anna nagar were ignored, adding to her frustration. Feeling unable to effectively represent her constituents and citing instances of humiliation during the election campaign, she initially decided to resign, expressing regret to those who elected her.

However, upon reassurances from DMK leaders and corporation officials regarding improved water supply and development initiatives in her ward, Chinnathai decided to retract her resignation, at least for the time being.

It’s worth noting that a M Indra a DMK councilor from the 7th ward had previously submitted a resignation letter to the commissioner, although it was not accepted due to the absence of a signature.

It seems like there’s quite a bit of political turmoil in Tirunelveli City Corporation, especially among the DMK councillors. It’s unfortunate that developmental works in Ward 7 haven’t progressed despite the complaints raised by councillor M Indra and her husband. The fact that even after escalating the issue to the mayor, MLA, and in-charge minister, there hasn’t been much improvement is concerning.

The power dynamics within the DMK council also appear to be complicated, with councillors expressing dissatisfaction with Mayor P M Saravanan and even bringing a no-confidence motion against him. However, the motion failed due to various factors, including the councillors being housed in hotels prior to the vote.

There appears to be significant dissatisfaction and conflict within the council, highlighting the importance of addressing the issues raised by councillors such as M Indra. It’s imperative for the authorities to respond to these concerns in order to facilitate effective governance and foster development within the city.

This is not the first time DMK members especially councillors are expressing displeasure at their party publicly or handing over resignation.

In September 2023, thirteen councillors affiliated with the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in Tindivanam Municipality abruptly walked out of a municipal meeting, expressing deep dissatisfaction with their inability to address basic needs in their wards, citing external pressures limiting their effectiveness. The disillusioned councillors announced their intention to resign, attributing their decision to the City Council’s inaction on pressing issues such as garbage collection, inadequate lighting, and water-related problems despite repeated attempts to address these concerns.

During a Tirunelveli Corporation council meeting on 27 July 2023, women councillors from the DMK staged a protest, accusing former Minister TPM Mohideen Khan of threatening their lives during the selection of candidates for the taxation appellate committee election. The conflict unfolded as the councillors confronted the Mayor and Deputy Mayor about the alleged threat, leading to a disruption in the meeting and a brief departure of the Mayor and Commissioner before their return.

In November 2023, in Ooty, a contentious two-phase project to replace century-old municipal shops with modern establishments has sparked heated debate, with Vice Chairman J. Ravikumar supporting the development and Mustafa, a DMK councilor, vehemently opposing it. The dispute escalated during a municipal meeting, revealing tensions within the DMK party as both councilors, known for making joint decisions in the past, clashed over the construction project, leading to a heated exchange and allegations of corruption.

In December 2023, thirty-eight DMK councillors in Tirunelveli Corporation have formally requested Commissioner Shubham Dnyandeorao Thakare to present a no-confidence motion against DMK Mayor PM Saravanan, citing grievances and corruption allegations. The dissenting councillors, who had previously submitted removal requests to Chief Minister MK Stalin, intensified their protests with public posters accusing the mayor of corruption and sit-in demonstrations, leading to the expulsion of three councillors from the DMK.

Ten DMK councillors from Cuddalore district planned a hunger strike on 31 January 2024, citing Mayor Sundari Rajan’s failure to provide essential ward development facilities. Despite repeated appeals to the DMK government, no action has been taken. The strike, set at the municipality office’s Gandhi statue, aims to draw attention to their grievances. The councillors warn of resignation if their demands remain unmet, a significant move as the Mayor is also from the DMK. They urge prompt action, labeling the strike as a final resort for addressing their concerns.

(with inputs from TNIE)

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Drug Nexus Led By Fmr DMK Member & Intl Drug Lord Jaffer Sadiq Targeted Out-Of-State Students In Chennai Allegedly Through Student Unions

It has recently been uncovered that Jaffer Sadiq and his cohorts were involved in a startling drug distribution operation targeting out-of-state students residing and studying in and around Chennai.

Jaffer Sadiq, a former DMK executive aged 35, along with four others, has been apprehended in connection with a drug trafficking operation and incarcerated in Delhi’s Tihar Jail. Additionally, authorities from the enforcement department are probing allegations of their involvement in illicit financial transactions. Recently, raids were conducted in the homes and offices of Jaffer Sadiq, along with his close associate, the film director Ameer Sultan, and Irfan, the owner of the Buhari hotel, and others. During the raid, they seized documents indicating transactions totaling up to ₹40 crore in illegal currency exchange.

Further investigations at Jaffer Sadiq’s residence uncovered additional documents. Upon examination, it was disclosed that Jaffer Sadiq was disbursing substantial sums of money to various student union officials.

Dinamalar reported that according to officials from the Enforcement Directorate, “Jaffer Sadiq and his gang were specifically targeting migrant students residing and studying in Chennai, engaging in drug sales. There is evidence indicating that administrators of student unions in Tamil Nadu have been acting as intermediaries in these transactions.”

Jaffer Sadiq, a producer with credits on five Tamil films, has been identified as the alleged leader of a cartel involved in trafficking Pseudoephedrine from India to Australia and New Zealand, according to sources. Recently, four individuals from Tamil Nadu were detained in a warehouse in Delhi.

Sadiq, who had ties to the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and held a position as the Deputy Organiser for the Chennai West NRI Wing, was permanently expelled from the party on 25 February 2024, after his connection to the drug cartel came to light.

The investigation began when authorities in New Zealand and Australia alerted Indian agencies about significant drug smuggling activities disguised as food products. The Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB) was exploring the possibility of drug proceeds being funneled into film production. In February, customs officials in New Zealand and police in Australia provided intelligence about large quantities of pseudoephedrine concealed in desiccated coconut powder being shipped to both countries. Additional information from the US Drug Enforcement Administration implicated Delhi as the source of the shipments.

A collaborative effort between the NCB and the Special Cell of Delhi Police led to the dismantling of an international drug trafficking network, resulting in the seizure of at least 50 kg of Pseudoephedrine in Delhi.

After extensive interrogation, authorities revealed that over the past three years, 45 shipments containing approximately 3,500 kg of pseudoephedrine, valued at over ₹2,000 crore in the international market, had been dispatched. According to the NCB, Sadiq is believed to be the mastermind behind the drug trafficking operation spanning India, Australia, and New Zealand. His arrest was announced by the NCB on 9 March 2024.

(with inputs from Dinamalar)

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“When Arvind Kejriwal Can Do It, Why Not Me?”: ‘Savukku’ Shankar Moots Political Plunge, Says He’ll Contest Against DMK Scion Udhayanidhi Stalin

YouTuber and political commentator Savukku Shankar, who claims to be an “impartial” journalist, stirred controversy announcing he is going to commence his political journey soon. He announced his decision on 22 April 2024 via his official social media X handle that Savukku Media would establish an organization complete with a name, flag, and policy by September this year, sparking speculation across social media platforms.

The contemplation arises, why would a YouTuber, poised to launch a political party/Pressure group, opt to incite controversy? This train of thought gains traction, particularly on social media, where the unveiling post featuring Shankar adorned in a maroon-red T-shirt emblazoned with the ‘rising sun’ symbol of DMK. Shankar, originally a journalist claimed to profess impartiality, gained notoriety through his arrest and persistent critique of DMK. Notably, he threw his support behind AIADMK during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. However, the sudden shift to announcing intentions to establish an organization, accompanied by a photo suggestive of the DMK symbol, and subsequent posts mocking actor Vijay, actor turned politician as a contender for the 2026 assembly elections, only adds to the prevailing confusion.

In a recent interview on the Red Pix YouTube channel with host Felix Gerald, Shankar revealed his plans of launching a new political outfit. He discussed his recent endeavors revolving around Tamil Nadu in preparation for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, noting a shift in mindset. Shankar emphasized the persisting issues faced by the people, such as the lack of street lights, despite the presence of numerous political parties. He highlighted the negligence of problems like those in Parandur, which remain unaddressed by all political factions.

Shankar declared, “It is in conception stage, details will be revealed later.” He further said, “I said when I came back from Cuddalore prison that I was going to contest against Udhayanidhi, and I see that this demand has risen with that in mind. Not only that, well wishers like you say, do something and there are so many people who say that they want to be the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu just with onscreen celebrities. When Arvind Kejriwal can do it, why not me?”

Later, Shankar advanced the notion that no party should be rigidly bound by its principles, asserting that stances should be adaptable to the issues at hand. He advocated for a pragmatic approach focused on the welfare of the people rather than rigid adherence to ideology. When questioned by the host Felix about the pervasive corruption in politics, Shankar countered that minimal corruption was achievable and attributed the prevalence of corruption to the inherent flaws in the traditional political system, particularly its reliance on monetary resources. He declared his intent to contest against the DMK scion Udhayanidhi Stalin in the Chepauk constituency, emphasizing his commitment to grassroots efforts in that area. When the host stepped in and inquired if Shankar would seek other political parties to consider him as an independent candidate within their alliance, Shankar promptly replied affirmatively. He indicated that he would definitely request such consideration. For instance, he mentioned how the AIADMK provided a seat to the PMK to contest against Udhayanidhi. He reasoned that there shouldn’t be an issue in granting him a seat, especially considering that in 2026, Udhayanidhi might be a candidate for Chief Minister post. Shankar expressed confidence that apart from the DMK, all other parties would be willing to offer him an opportunity.

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Does The US Have Inheritance Tax As Claimed By Rahul Gandhi’s Advisor Sam Pitroda? Find Out

Amid political discourse in India surrounding wealth redistribution which is part of the Congress’s election manifesto for the ongoing Lok Sabha polls, a statement made by Indian Overseas Congress chairman Sam Pitroda has sparked a debate regarding the inheritance tax system in the United States. Pitroda advocated for an inheritance tax similar to that of the US, claiming that the American government imposes a hefty 55% tax on a person’s wealth upon their demise, leaving only 45% for their heirs.

However, a closer examination reveals a more nuanced reality. Contrary to Pitroda’s assertion, the United States does not have a uniform federal inheritance tax. Instead, inheritance tax policies vary significantly across states. As of the latest data available, only six out of the fifty states in the US levy an inheritance tax. These states include Iowa, Kentucky, Maryland, Nebraska, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania.

Moreover, the rates imposed by these states differ substantially from the 55% figure mentioned by Pitroda. For instance, Iowa imposes a 6% inheritance tax, while Kentucky and New Jersey have rates of 16%. Maryland and Pennsylvania levy taxes at 10% and 15%, respectively. Nebraska stands at 15% as well. It’s important to note that these rates are subject to exemptions and thresholds, which means that only a fraction of taxpayers actually encounter the inheritance tax.

Furthermore, there have been recent legislative developments in some states regarding inheritance taxes. For example, Iowa has initiated steps to phase out its inheritance tax, aiming to completely eliminate it by the next year. Such changes indicate a dynamic landscape of inheritance tax policies within the United States.

Additionally, it’s crucial to distinguish between inheritance tax and estate tax, as both terms are often used interchangeably but entail different mechanisms. While inheritance tax is imposed on the assets received by individual beneficiaries, estate tax is levied on the deceased person’s estate before distribution. As of now, only thirteen states impose an estate tax, with rates reaching up to 40%.

In light of these complexities, Pitroda’s assertion regarding the uniformity and magnitude of inheritance taxes in the US appears to be inaccurate. The reality is that inheritance tax policies vary widely across states, with rates and exemptions subject to legislative changes and state-specific regulations.

It is important to note that Rahul Gandhi spoke about wealth distribution among the population and not necessarily inheritance tax or future policies as claimed by Pitroda in his interview with ANI. Rahul Gandhi in his speech that when the Congress came to power, an economic survey will be conducted. He also said, “My target is that I will distribute the amount of money that Narendra Modi gives to Adani to the poor. I am counting. If he gives one rupee to Adani, I will give one rupee to the poor. I will give as much money to the poor as you give them (rich) – be it farmers, labourers, kirana shop owners, unemployed youth. And I will show you that real politics does not happen by helping billionaires, real politics happens when you help farmers, labourers, small traders/businessmen, unemployed youth. I will show you that.”

The Congress has come up with a very vile and malicious plan that only seems to be set on destroying the country inside out.

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Kamal Who Simped For Congress & RaGa Didn’t Even Set His Foot In Congress Constituencies To Campaign

Kamal Haasan, a full-time actor and part-time politician has been facing significant setbacks in his political endeavours despite his ambition to win either a state assembly or parliamentary election, his efforts, including the formation of the Makkal Needhi Maiam (MNM) party in Tamil Nadu, have been largely unsuccessful. He initially relied on his screen glamour fame and fan base from his acting career to sway voters, but this strategy proved to be a disappointment.

From the outset, Haasan positioned MNM against the Dravidian parties, particularly the DMK. However, his past eagerness to secure a parliamentary seat seemed to contradict this stance, leading MNM to be perceived as a secondary option aligned with the very parties it aimed to oppose. This contradiction caused frustration within the party ranks, with some members defecting to more established political entities.

MNM, initiated in 2018, entered the political arena by contesting in two significant battles, notably the 2019 Lok Sabha General Elections. Despite contesting solo across all 36 seats, its performance resulted in a modest 3.72% vote share, with a majority of its candidates failing to retain their deposits. Subsequent efforts in the 2021 State Legislative Assembly elections saw MNM forming the People First Alliance in coalition with parties like IJK, AISMK, TNJK, JDS, among others. However, this endeavor fell short of expectations, yielding no substantial gains.

Digging A Grave For Himself

When all the attempts failed Finally, Kamal Haasan shifted its allegiance towards Congress, extending support to EVKS Elangovan’s campaign during the by-elections in the Erode East constituency. Subsequently, there were intense behind-the-scenes negotiations regarding his potential inclusion in the DMK-Congress alliance for the upcoming Lok Sabha elections. Furthermore, he actively participated in Congress President Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra and was invited to the swearing-in ceremony of the Congress Chief Minister in Karnataka. Consequently, many anticipated his inclusion in the Congress-led I.N.D.I.Alliance.

Regarding seat allocation for Haasan’s party, Makkal Needhi Maiam, it was anticipated that they would support the Congress party nationally and secure up to 4 seats. However, Haasan’s exclusion from the negotiation talks left Maiam activists discontented. While there were expectations atleast Maiam would secure 2 seats in the DMK alliance, ultimately, no Lok Sabha seats were allocated to Haasan’s party, and only one Rajya Sabha seat was granted, much to the dismay of his supporters.

Expressing disappointment, several leaders within the Makkal Needhi Maiam criticized Haasan’s decision, arguing that they should have been allotted at least one of the 9 seats given to the Congress party in Tamil Nadu. Haasan, who canceled overseas shooting for his film ‘Thug Life” to focus on the election, has been seen in Chennai for  3 weeks but has refrained from participating in significant political events. Notably, he was not invited to the recent I.N.D.I Alliance general meeting attended by Rahul Gandhi.

As soon as Congress sidelined Kamal Haasan, deeming him and his party more of a potential burden than an ally, he redirected his attention towards the DMK. The DMK’s inclusive approach in accommodating various parties led him to feel marginalized, as he was offered only a Rajya Sabha seat, rendering him and his party seemingly ineffective. Despite his initial defiance, symbolized by his election Ad throwing torchlight and breaking the TV, where he vowed not to align with the DMK, he eventually found himself campaigning for the very party. Below are instances where Kamal Haasan campaigned for the DMK, VCK and CPI neglecting the Congress.

March 29 – Erode – DMK
March 30 – Salem – DMK
April 2 – Trichy – DMK
April 3 – Chidambaram – VCK
April 6 – Sriperumbudur, Chennai – DMK
April 7 – Chennai – DMK
April 10 – Madurai – CPI(M)
April 11 – Thoothukudi – DMK
April 14 – Tirupur – CPI
April 15 – Coimbatore – DMK
April 16 – Pollachi – DMK

Will Kamal Haasan is angry on Congress this list shed light the anger towards congress

Although critics warned that Kamal’s endorsement of the DMK-Congress coalition in the 2023 by-elections could spell the demise of both him and his party, Makkal Needhi Maiam, from Tamil Nadu’s political landscape, he persisted with his choice. Despite Kamal citing the decision as being backed by consensus within the party’s executive committee, dissent has emerged among party members, as evidenced by protests against promotional materials in several districts, particularly in Madurai. Critics drew comparisons between this move and Vice President Mahendran’s switch to the DMK following the assembly elections.

Now, Kamal Haasan finds his decisions facing severe ridicule on social media, with all these setbacks tracing back to the very party he once disdained. Why did Kamal Haasan, originally an actor, choose to start a party in the first place?

Kamal Haasan’s political journey can be likened to the Tamil proverbial story of “Ilavu Kaatha Killi,” where the parrot guards the cotton-bearing tree, not knowing it won’t yield fruit but only cotton. Despite the parrot’s hope and dedication, it ultimately faces disappointment when the cotton doesn’t ripen into something edible.

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Chennai: Widow of Honour Killing Victim Attempts Suicide, Succumbs To Injuries

Sharmila, a 22-year-old widow of Praveen, a victim of honour killing in Chennai, passed away at the Rajiv Gandhi Government General Hospital (RGGGH) on Monday, 22 April 2024. Sharmila had attempted suicide on 14 April 2024 but was rescued and admitted to a private hospital. She was later shifted to RGGGH for further treatment. She however failed to respond to treatment and passed away on 22 April 2024.

Sharmila married Praveen, aged 26, who worked as a mechanic and hailed from the Dalit community residing in Ambedkar Street, Pallikaranai. Initially, Praveen worked at a call center after which he and Sharmila, a BBA graduate from Jalladianpettai belonging to an Other Backward Caste, fell in love. Despite opposition from Sharmila’s parents due to caste differences, they opted for a self-respect marriage, duly registering it. They began living together in Praveen’s house.

Tragically, on 20 February 2024, Sharmila’s brother Dinesh and four others intercepted Praveen near a TASMAC outlet in Pallikaranai and brutally killed him using knives. The Pallikaranai police filed a case and arrested Dinesh, aged 24, along with his accomplices Sriram (18), Jothlingam (25), Vishnuraj (25), and Stephankumar (24).

Following the incident, Sharmila demanded the arrest of her parents and another brother, holding them accountable for her husband’s murder as well.

Despite the arrests and charges under IPC section 302 (murder) and under Section 3(2) (v) of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, Praveen’s family accused the police of negligence, claiming the crime could have been prevented. They also alleged that Sharmila’s parents and eldest brother had abetted the crime.

In a written complaint to the Tambaram Commissioner dated 22 April 2024, G Chitra, Praveen’s mother, alleged that the police failed to include Sharmila’s parents’ and elder brother’s names in the charge sheet. She accused the police of supporting Sharmila’s family, causing her great distress. Chitra also claimed that when two of the accused, including Sharmila’s brother Dinesh, applied for bail earlier in April, the police failed to inform the family. The police allegedly delivered the court’s summon notice only one day prior to the summoned date.

Citing these reasons, Chitra has requested that the case be transferred to the CBCID. Earlier, Sharmila had alleged that she suspected her father to be backed by powerful people, as he is the Deputy Organising Secretary in the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) party’s construction wing in Sholinganallur.

TNBJP state secretary SG Suryah expressed his concern on social media platform X, stating, “The South Chennai honor killing incident deeply troubled me in February, and now the wife is also no more. Is it because it involves a DMK Leader that activists and others remain silent? Honestly, in this society, lives seem to hold no value, and outrage only occurs when it politically suits.”

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Rahul Gandhi’s Advisor Sam Pitroda Proposes Inheritance Tax: Govt Could Seize 50% Of Wealth Posthumously; Policy Previously Abolished By Rajiv Gandhi

In the midst of the fervent political atmosphere surrounding the Lok Sabha Elections 2024, Sam Pitroda, the chairman of the Indian Overseas Congress and a close advisor to Rahul Gandhi has stirred a contentious debate by advocating for the implementation of an inheritance tax akin to that of the United States in India. His proposition has sparked vehement criticism from various quarters of the political spectrum, with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) accusing the Congress of harboring destructive intentions for the country.

Pitroda’s proposition revolves around the concept of an inheritance tax, which he suggests would enable the government to claim a significant portion of an individual’s wealth posthumously. Drawing parallels with the United States, Pitroda highlighted that under the American system, heirs are entitled to only a portion of their deceased relatives’ wealth, with the remainder being allocated to the government for redistribution. He emphasized the principle of leaving a portion of one’s wealth for the public good, characterizing it as equitable and fair.

 “…In America, there is an inheritance tax. If one has $100 million worth of wealth and when he dies he can only transfer probably 45% to his children, 55% is grabbed by the government. That’s an interesting law. It says you in your generation, made wealth and you are leaving now, you must leave your wealth for the public, not all of it, half of it, which to me sounds fair. In India, you don’t have that. If somebody is worth 10 billion and he dies, his children get 10 billion and the public gets nothingSo these are the kind of issues people will have to debate and discuss. I don’t know what the conclusion would be at the end of the day but when we talk about redistributing wealth, we are talking about new policies and new programs that are in the interest of the people and not in the interest of super-rich only,” Pitroda remarked.

Amid the escalating political rhetoric, Pitroda has defended Congress’s stance on wealth redistribution, asserting that it is rooted in the interests of the people rather than serving the super-rich exclusively. He has emphasized the need for robust policy measures aimed at addressing socioeconomic inequalities and ensuring a more equitable distribution of resources.

The controversy surrounding Pitroda’s advocacy for an inheritance tax adds a new dimension to the electoral discourse, further intensifying the battle for supremacy between the Congress and the BJP. 

In India, the imposition of inheritance tax ceased when the Rajiv Gandhi Government abolished it in 1985. Despite its “noble” aims, the Finance Minister at the time, V.P. Singh, believed it had not achieved its goal of creating social balance or narrowing the wealth disparity.

 

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No, ‘Booth Agent’ Is Not An “Election Season Job”: A Techie’s Insights After 25 Days Of Groundwork To Polling Booth Duty

With the elections now behind us, I find myself reflecting on the whirlwind of experiences gathered over the past 25 days of dedicated door-to-door campaigning, culminating in my role as a polling agent for the BJP, stationed for 12 hours at the booth. It’s important to note that my observations are not intended to assign blame or point fingers, but rather to share insights gleaned from my personal journey.

Throughout this period, I’ve encountered a myriad of situations and interactions, each offering valuable lessons and opportunities for improvement. Some of my observations stem from attempts to replicate successful strategies, while others represent spontaneous reflections and ideas aimed at enhancing the efficacy of BJP’s efforts in Tamil Nadu.

As I reflect on our campaign efforts, I’m reminded of the importance of adaptability and continuous learning. While some practices may already be in place, there is always room for refinement and innovation. Ultimately, my aim is to contribute to the collective effort to ensure the BJP’s preparedness and success in future elections.

Let’s seize upon these insights and work towards a stronger, more effective BJP presence in Tamil Nadu’s political landscape.

The Role Of Booth Agents

There’s been an ongoing debate between the BJP and the opposing DMK/ADMK factions regarding the significance of booth agents. While the traditional Dravidian ideology parties emphasize the pivotal role of booth agents as their strongest foot soldiers, the BJP counters by pointing out the historical successes of leaders like MGR who didn’t rely on booth agents. Both sides present valid perspectives; while traditional parties view booth agents as essential, the BJP argues that their role, though beneficial, may not be indispensable. Let’s delve deeper into this discussion.

How Significant Is It? 

The role of a booth agent extends far beyond merely ticking off names on election day. It’s not a seasonal job; rather, it’s an integral part of the groundwork, serving as a vital link between the candidate/party and the general public. A booth agent’s role should be highly esteemed within any party, reflecting the effectiveness of the groundwork and the party’s standing within the community.

For the BJP, there’s a noticeable shortage of booth agents across the state, though the situation is gradually improving with each election. Unfortunately, the job is often perceived as thankless and limited to election season.

In contrast, the two Dravidian parties have a robust network of seasoned booth agents, bolstered by additional support for independent candidates. This strategic advantage gives them greater influence and control in case of disputes.

In my own booth, while the DMK and ADMK had 6-8 representatives each, the BJP had only one, with an additional reliever. Furthermore, the practice of party representatives visiting periodically to tally the polled votes and gender split every two hours was noticeably absent for the BJP, at least in my polling station, which comprised eight booths.

Having regular updates on polling progress enables parties to mobilize their members, ensuring loyalist voters cast their ballots without fail. Additionally, it provides insight into voter sentiment, with higher turnout often indicating increased anti-incumbency. This knowledge drives parties to focus on achieving 100% polling among their cadres and supporters, a key strategy for success.

Unfortunately, the BJP lacked in both these aspects due to having only one person per booth without any means to monitor progress. This limited their ability to mobilize supporters during polling hours effectively. In contrast, opposition party booth agents possess detailed knowledge of voters by street, a depth of information the BJP acknowledges they lack. It was striking to see how quickly the DMK booth agent could identify voters based on their serial numbers.

Furthermore, there is a clear need for improvement in data capture processes for the BJP. The lack of training or standardized templates made the task challenging. Election kits provided the night before polling lacked instructions, leaving booth agents without clear guidance on their responsibilities. Simply ticking off names was not sufficient, highlighting the need for a uniform template and clearer instructions to streamline the process.

Preventing Bogus Voting

After my experience as a booth agent, I pondered why allegations of fake/bogus voting are often leveled against parties like the DMK or ADMK, but not the BJP in Tamil Nadu or in states where the BJP is not in power. This led me to understand the crucial role of the booth agent, as I initially mentioned. If properly trained and connected with voters at the grassroots level, a booth worker would know most voters by face, name, and address, making it nearly impossible for fraudulent votes to be cast. Seasoned players like the DMK and ADMK leverage this advantage, armed with information about voters who may be absent or relocated, ensuring strategic prowess even in cases of fake voting.

In contrast, it’s doubtful that the BJP possesses such detailed information, as many perceive the booth agent’s role as merely a job during election time.

Establish Voter Connect

Booth agents actively engage in community events, from celebrations like marriages and birthdays to unfortunate incidents like thefts or natural disasters. This familiarity builds trust with voters, making them more receptive to door-to-door campaigning during elections. In some areas, voters prioritize the helpfulness of the booth agent over government welfare schemes or freebies. This aspect presents a significant gap for the BJP.

This realization underscores the importance of viewing booth agents as vital warriors for any party, especially a ruling party, whether at the central or state level. They serve as the frontline representatives, connecting voters with welfare schemes and government initiatives, and embodying the party’s commitment to its constituents.

What The BJP Can Do

In the lead up to 2026, it is crucial for the BJP to start preparing the ground not today but day before yesterday. The party should create a dedicated 3 lakh booth agents (considering 68,000 booths and 4 for each booth) who will act as BJP’s soldiers on the ground. They need to have their votes made available at the designated booths itself. These warriors must report to the polling station in-charge or Sakthi Kendra head with reports prepared frequently vetted by District President for genuineness before sending to the State level supervisor. It is best left to the leadership on how to recruit, train and keep the booth agents engaged. But ahead of the polling day, the following 3 things become absolutely crucial.

a) Voter list verification: As soon as the voter list is made available, both agents need to invariably visit all houses without missing
even one house to ensure no voter name is left. They need to mark the “Door Locked” or “House changed” or “Out of station” cases and do another visit after few days or try call over the phone number if available to be sure they reside there. Once the voter list verification done, report should be submitted on how many votes are present and how many need to be added or have been left out.

b) Campaign material distribution: Once the verification is done, then comes the campaign material distribution, this happens by
default, here again ensure to cover all houses in the designated booths and report back in a template.

c)Booth slip distribution: Third visit would be with the booth slips for each house.

During the election day the 4 members designated for the booth should be on rotations, which means party should get 1-2 members in addition to the main booth agent, for assisting him (these 1-2 need not be an expert and can perform only the data entry job kind). Invariably rotate the booth agent every 2 hours, this 2 hour the other 3 agents should be receiving inputs about the voters turn out of the booth, basis which they should roam the booth locations and get people to vote provide them transport support etc. The 4 members should ensure at least 90% of their sure votes polled within the time.

NKR Iyer is a techie and a political analyst.

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“Cadres Not Loyal Towards Leadership”: EPS Miffed At ADMK Cadres For Lackluster Show, Leadership Crisis Again?

The 18th Lok Sabha elections in India are currently underway across the country. The first phase of polling in Tamil Nadu and Puducherry was completed on 19 April 2024. With the Tamil Nadu elections concluded, political parties are now reflecting on their performance and discussing their shortcomings.

On 23 April 2024, a meeting was held at the AIADMK office in Royapettah, Chennai, to discuss the election campaign. The meeting was attended by AIADMK candidates and office-bearers from Chennai, Kancheepuram, and Sriperumbudur, along with District Secretaries and constituency in-charge.

During the meeting, executives briefed Edappadi Palaniswami about the challenges they faced during the campaign, including opposition strategies. Following this, Edappadi Palaniswami addressed the executives for about 15 minutes. He expressed his concerns, stating, “There is a lack of loyalty to the present leadership compared to the days of MGR and Jayalalithaa. Many executives do not work with the sense of ownership for our party. Some executives have misused party funds, and the money allocated for the elections didn’t reach the grassroots level. If our own party functionaries are selfish, how can we expect better results? Despite the increase in property tax, water tax, electricity, and milk charges under the DMK government, we failed to effectively communicate this to the public during the campaign. I am not entirely satisfied with the performance of our party administrators.”

(With inputs from Nakkheeran)

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Greater Chennai Corporation Urges People To Vote 4 Days After Elections, Deletes X Post Later

The Greater Chennai Corporation disseminates information to those citizens that fall under the Greater Chennai ambit. The handle regularly engages with the public, offers emergency alerts during calamities, conducts events to build the community, and also keeps the citizens well aware of its services and campaigns. 

However, they faltered and the public noticed it. This time, it was a mix-up that happened days after an important event happened in the city. 

Tamil Nadu went to the polls on 19 April 2024. While the Greater Chennai Corporation’s handle did regularly share information, and alerts, and run awareness campaigns on social media, they goofed up big time.

On 23 April 2024, 4 days after the state polled, the Greater Chennai Corporation handle shared a voter awareness post. They wrote, “Your Vote, Your Right. Don’t forgo your right for anyone. Let’s vote. Election Day is April 19, 2024″

Netizens noticed this goof-up and mocked the handle for it. 

Upon realising their folly, the handle deleted the post. 

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