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Dravidian Model Tamil Nadu: Unidentified Man, Reportedly A Migrant Worker, Found Murdered In Gunny Bag In Chennai’s Adyar

Six Murdered In One Day Raising Concerns About Deteriorating Law And Order

Just as Tamil Nadu recovers from the back-to-back assaults on migrant workers and other residents of the state by ganja/alcohol addicts, the news of another horror hits the headlines.

The body of an unidentified man, believed to be a migrant worker, was discovered inside a blood-soaked gunny bag near a two-wheeler showroom in Indira Nagar, Adyar, on Monday (26 January 2026) morning.

According to police, residents noticed the sack lying on First Avenue and alerted the Adyar police, who opened it to find the body of a man estimated to be about 40 years old. The victim had visible injuries, leading investigators to suspect homicide.

Preliminary inquiries suggest that two individuals arrived on a motorcycle and abandoned the bag at the location around midnight on Sunday, 25 January 2026. Police are examining CCTV footage from nearby establishments to trace the motorcycle, including attempts to identify its registration number.

Fingerprint and forensic teams were deployed to the scene to collect evidence. The body was later sent to Government Royapettah Hospital for a post-mortem examination.

Officials said efforts are underway to establish the identity of the deceased, including cross-checking recent missing persons reports filed across the city. Further investigation is in progress.

Source: Times of India

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Monumental Disasters Funded By Taxpayers: DMK’s Showcase Projects That Collapsed

A series of high-budget public infrastructure projects inaugurated by the DMK government over the last two years are facing severe underutilisation, poor occupancy, or complete abandonment raising concerns about planning gaps, stakeholder consultation failures and mounting public expenditure that is not yielding intended outcomes.

From the ₹53.5-crore Kolathur Ornamental Fish Trade Centre to the ₹42-crore Mudichur Omni Bus Terminus, and the ₹50-crore Kalaignar Centenary Bus Terminal (KCBT) at Kilambakkam, several marquee projects have remained deserted or drastically underused months after their inauguration.

The pattern repeats across sectors: food parks, transport hubs, markets, and eco-restoration projects, many of which were showcased as flagship DMK achievements, but today stand as stark reminders of mismatched planning and real-world adoption.

Kolathur Ornamental Fish Trade Centre: 188 Shops, Only Two Operational

Inaugurated by Chief Minister MK Stalin in October 2025, the two-storey Kolathur Ornamental Fish Trade Centre was billed as a modernised hub for Chennai’s thriving aquarium trade. Months later, the complex remains almost entirely deserted, with only two shops functioning — both belonging to State-run fisheries corporations, and neither open on Sundays.

Key details:

  • Capacity: 188 shops
  • Shops functioning: 2
  • Shops with name boards: 6–7
  • Second floor: Almost fully vacant

Rent:

  • Front-facing shops: ₹70/sq ft (~₹15,000/month + GST)
  • Ground-floor interiors: ₹50/sq ft
  • Second floor: ₹40/sq ft

Problems cited by the traders include high relocation and setup costs (≈₹80,000 minimum), loss of footfall compared to the iconic West Mada Street market, lack of storage/godown facilities crucial for fish wholesalers, and they also point to a reluctance to move into a “mall-like” structure unsuited to the trade.

As a result, the ₹53.5-crore facility sits largely unused, with families visiting on weekends finding corridors of shuttered shops and empty aisles.

Mudichur Omni Bus Stand: A ₹42-Crore Terminal With Just 15 Buses

The Mudichur Omni Bus Stand, inaugurated in November 2024 and operationalised in December 2024, remains almost completely deserted despite a year of operation.

  • Design capacity: 150 buses
  • Actual utilisation: ~15 buses (10%)
  • Daily private omnibuses needed: ~1,000
  • Operators who relocated: None of the major operators

Reasons cited by operators:

  • Passengers will not travel to Kilambakkam/Mudichur; demand exists in inner Chennai.
  • Poor connectivity, making it impractical for commuters from Ambattur, Anna Nagar, North Chennai.

Business logic: Operators get 10–18 bookings from city locations, but only 3–4 from Kilambakkam.

Historic resistance: It took 20 years for operators to shift from Egmore to Koyambedu.

Court orders ignored: Madras High Court’s February 2024 directive to relocate remains unimplemented.

Despite spending ₹42 crore, the facility manager (RR Agency) maintains the bus stand at a loss, paying staff to run an empty depot.

Police continue to allow illegal loading/unloading in the city, undermining the purpose of relocation.

This bus stand is a fully built but empty terminal – a classic case of infrastructure without stakeholder buy-in.

Kilambakkam KCBT: Operational, But Creates More Problems Than It Solves

The Kalaignar Centenary Bus Terminal (KCBT) was launched as a major decongestion initiative for Chennai, intended to shift long-distance outbound buses away from Koyambedu.

But by 2025, it remains underutilised, inaccessible and poorly designed, according to urban planners, commuters and bus operators.

Key issues:

  • Omni bus bays: 77
  • Omnibuses departing daily: ~800

Overflow: 723 buses have no place to park; they wait on GST Road, worsening traffic congestion

Distance from city: 25–35 km

Connectivity: No metro link; railway station delayed again to July 2025

Infrastructure problems:

  • Limited facilities for disabled passengers
  • Poor booking systems
  • Traffic gridlock at Perungalathur and Kilambakkam

Experts from CPPR argue the terminal was a politically driven project lacking practical ground assessment. They also recommend allowing Koyambedu and Kilambakkam to operate in parallel until a realistic migration plan is built.

This bus stand is operational but failing – creating new bottlenecks at new places instead of easing traffic burden.

Tholkappia Poonga (Adyar Eco Park): Revamped At ₹42.45 Crore, Now Overrun And Ecologically Compromised

Reopened in October 2025 after extensive “eco-restoration” works, the park intended as a controlled ecological learning space has been transformed, unintentionally into a mass tourism hotspot.

Problems flagged by ecologists and visitors:

  • Mangroves uprooted to widen pathways
  • Rain trees cut for entrance arches
  • Cafes introduced, bringing rodents and litter
  • Photography allowed despite restrictions

Visitor explosion: 1,400 people entered on opening weekend despite a 100-person-per-day limit

Elderly visitors complain no battery vehicles despite website claims

What was meant to preserve the Adyar estuary ecosystem is now criticised for ecological damage and mismanagement.

Mega Food Parks In Theni & Tindivanam: Large Spaces, Small Occupancy

Two mega food parks inaugurated virtually by the Chief Minister on 13 October 2025 are witnessing tepid uptake.

Tindivanam Mega Food Park (₹120 crore)

  • Land: 157.91 acres
  • Factories allotted: 3 units (36 acres)
  • Jobs created: 350
  • Unallotted land: 55.59 acres + 27.34 acres for new units

Theni Mega Food Park (₹70 crore)

  • Land: 123.49 acres
  • Factories allotted: 11 units (45 acres)
  • Jobs created: 700
  • Majority of park still unoccupied

Despite the ribbon-cuttings, utilisation remains below 40%, with large sections awaiting industries.

Jallikattu Stadium: Spectacular Failure Of ₹63 Crores With No Spectators

The Kalaignar Centenary Jallikattu Stadium near Alanganallur in Madurai, inaugurated in early 2024 by Chief Minister MK Stalin at a cost of ₹63 crore, has remained largely underutilized since its opening. Despite its state-of-the-art facilities—including a three-tier seating arrangement for over 4,500 spectators, modern vadivasal for bull release, veterinary hospital, and supporting infrastructure—no Jallikattu events were held there initially, prompting the tourism department to repurpose it for adventure activities like a hot air balloon festival in January 2025 and proposals for zip-lining and other tourism ventures during off-seasons.

Local advocates, including the Jallikattu Peravai, have criticized the lack of regular events, noting that over 60 nearby village traditions could be centralized here for revenue but are not, leading to maintenance concerns and calls for at least three monthly events to justify the investment. While Jallikattu 2026 occurred in traditional venues like Avaniyapuram and Alanganallur grounds as of January 2026, the stadium’s primary purpose appears sidelined.

VOC Park Stadium In Erode: Another Wasted Facility

VOC Park Stadium in Erode, renovated in 2024 at a cost of ₹7.5 crore and inaugurated by Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin, has largely failed to achieve sustained utilization despite its modern upgrades like a new synthetic athletic track. The facility, managed by the Sports Development Authority of Tamil Nadu (SDAT) within the VOC Park complex, was intended to nurture local athletes with features including a 400m track, football ground, basketball, and volleyball courts, yet it mirrors broader patterns of Tamil Nadu’s underused sports infrastructure. No specific reports confirm regular events or high usage post-renovation as of early 2026; instead, the park’s history shows maintenance lapses, such as the closure of its mini-zoo in 2007 due to poor upkeep, raising concerns that the stadium risks becoming another “white elephant” without dedicated programming or community engagement.

A Pattern Of Disconnect

A clear pattern emerges from these projects: massive financial outlays followed by minimal stakeholder buy-in. What was the need for a Jallikattu stadium when there are going to be balloons instead of bulls? Be it bus operators, fish traders, or industries, the intended users have been reluctant to shift, often due to valid concerns over connectivity, cost, and commercial viability that were not adequately addressed in the planning stages.

While the state government completed 31% of 3,350 announced between 2021-2023 finished as of August 2023, the operational success and utilization of these large infrastructure projects remain a significant challenge. The fate of these complexes, whether they will gain momentum or remain white elephants, is a story still unfolding.

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Merit, Unapologetically Hindu And Brahmin: Rahul Gandhi Gang Attacking Sridhar Vembu And Kamakoti Shows Dravidian Model Virus Has Entered Congress

The Congress is as disgruntled as ever because Indians are doing their best to help India’s growth accelerate and achieve the Viksit Bharat dream of PM Modi.

After the Padma awards were announced, Professor V Kamakoti acknowledged the award and shared a video message underscoring collective effort and national development. And Congress’ Kerala unit makes ‘gaumutra‘ jibes at Professor Kamakoti that remind us of terrorists and their language when referring to Indians, especially Hindus.

In a video, Prof Kamakoti said, “Namaste, Vande Mataram. The Padma Shri award means only one thing to me: that I will put all the best efforts towards Viksit Bharat at 2047. This award is not possible just as an individual. It’s a collective effort. I dedicate this award to all who have contributed, who have blessed my growth, and whatever I have achieved is all because of that collective effort to whom I dedicate this award. Thank you very much.”

Quoting his video message, the Kerala Congress handle wrote: “Congratulations to V Kamakoti on receiving the honour. The nation recognises your bleeding edge research on Cow Urine at IIT Madras, taking Gomutra to world stage.”

Calling out the Congress for its remarks and appreciating Prof Kamakoti, Zoho founder Sridhar Vembu wrote, “Professor Kamakoti works in deep tech: micro-processor design. He is the Director of IIT-Madras, the best technological institution in India. He serves in the NSAB. He richly deserves the honour. I have defended him on scientific grounds and I will do so again: cow dung and cow urine have excellent microbiome that could be valuable for humans. It is the slavish colonial mindset that thinks these are not scientific propositions worthy of investigation. Some day, when Harvard or MIT publish a study on this, these enslaved minds would worship that as the gospel truth.”

Replying to Vembu’s post, the Congress Kerala handle wrote, Dear @svembu, Research is not about quoting random Western research papers out of context. What is the outcome of all this research on cow dung and urine? And why are we limited only to cow dung? What about the excreta of buffaloes, goats, or even humans? Recently, the outcome of one such cow dung research project came out in public. The Madhya Pradesh government funded a research project using Panchagavya, a traditional mixture made from cow dung, cow urine, milk, curd, and ghee, for the treatment of cancer. An investigation by Additional Collector Raghuvar Maravi exposed that a whopping ₹1.92 Cr was spent on buying cow dung and urine for the research, whereas the actual cost is around ₹15–20 lakhs. The total allocation for the project was ₹3.5 Cr, and the remaining money was spent on buying cars, filling petrol and diesel, and even Goa and Bangalore trips. What is the outcome of the research? NULL Exception! If we investigate other similar projects like this, many more scandals will come out. There is no doubt that we need cancer research. But why do you insist that it is only cow dung or cow urine that can cure cancer? We saw during COVID how fraudsters were trying to kill the virus using cow dung and gomutra. What was the outcome? Since you are a billionaire who believes in the magical benefits of cow urine, why doesn’t your company invest in proper cow urine and cow dung research? If cow urine can help in healing cancer, that would be one of our greatest contributions to the world. Why don’t you take up this challenge and put the money where your mouth is?”

While the Congress can continue being grumpy about successful Indians and keep planning how to derail the country with false controversies, here is a look at the achievements of the two stalwarts – Professor Kamakoti Veezhinathan and Dr Sridhar Vembu.

Professor V Kamakoti – Director, IIT Madras

Spearheaded SHAKTI, India’s first indigenously developed open microprocessor family based on RISC-V, designed for strategic, defence, and commercial applications.

Led multiple SHAKTI chip variants – RIMO, MOUSHIK, and later versions through the entire Indian pipeline: architecture and design at IIT Madras, fabrication at SCL Chandigarh, followed by packaging, board design, and successful system boot-up.

Serving as Director of IIT Madras since 2022; earlier a long-time professor in Computer Science and Engineering with specialisation in computer architecture, information security, and VLSI design.

Heads the Microprocessor Development Program and the Information Security Education and Awareness Program at IIT Madras, both funded by MeitY.

Member of the National Security Advisory Board; previously chaired the Government of India AI Task Force under the Commerce Ministry.

Widely known as the “SHAKTI-man of India” for building indigenous semiconductor capability and catalysing startups from the SHAKTI ecosystem, including InCore, Mindgrove, Chakra, Vyoma Systems, and SecurWeave.

Key architect of India’s secure processor stack for strategic use, Shakti (CPU), Mohini (trusted execution), and related security IP aimed at reducing dependence on foreign chips.

Instrumental in building India’s RISC-V ecosystem, mentoring startups and positioning the country as a global open-ISA processor design hub.

Expanded ISRO and space collaborations at IIT Madras, including deploying Shakti-based processors for satellite and space applications.

Guided numerous PhD and master’s theses in computer architecture and information security; maintains a strong publication record in high-performance computing and secure systems.

Regular member of high-level national committees on cybersecurity, AI, and digital public infrastructure, shaping policy on trusted hardware and AI readiness.

Conferred the Padma Shri for contributions to indigenous microprocessors and strengthening national technology capacity.

Sridhar Vembu – Founder & CEO, Zoho

Co-founder and CEO of Zoho Corporation, built into a global SaaS suite (CRM, email, finance, HR, and more) serving tens of millions of users and thousands of enterprise customers without traditional VC funding.

Grew Zoho from a 1996 venture (AdventNet) into a multi-billion-dollar, profitable company anchored in a product-first, bootstrapped model.

Created Zoho Schools of Learning, an in-house vocational education system that trains rural and non-degree youth in programming, design, and support, with many absorbed into Zoho.

Pioneered a rural development–centric operating model, moving significant operations to villages in Tamil Nadu, creating high-skill tech jobs outside metros and advocating “Make in India” and “rural SaaS.”

Recipient of the Padma Shri (2021) for trade and industry; also honoured with recognitions such as Ernst & Young Entrepreneur of the Year and CNN-News18 Indian of the Year/NDTV Disruptor-style awards.

Widely cited as a global example of ethical, frugal entrepreneurship, emphasising long-term product development, user privacy, and low external dependence over VC-driven hyper-scaling.

Built Zoho as a vertically integrated stack with in-house data centres and no reliance on big-tech clouds, positioning it as a sovereign SaaS alternative focused on data control and privacy.

Championed a “deep generalist” talent model through Zoho Schools, rejecting degree fetishism and conventional campus hiring, now a case study in alternative tech education pathways.

Expanded Zoho to 50+ products spanning office productivity, business applications, and developer tools, while remaining privately held and consistently profitable.

An outspoken advocate of decentralised development and rural revival, splitting time between the US and a village in Tamil Nadu, and using Zoho’s success to argue against excessive urban centralisation in tech.

Recognised globally as a thought leader on bootstrapping, frequently cited in business schools and tech media as a counter-narrative to Silicon Valley’s VC-heavy culture.

In the end, the episode says less about Professor Kamakoti or Sridhar Vembu and far more about the political and ideological discomfort triggered when Indian excellence refuses to fit familiar caricatures. While one section of the political spectrum appears eager to reduce scientific achievement to mockery and insinuation, the careers of Kamakoti and Vembu stand as quiet but powerful rebuttals, rooted in institution-building, indigenous capability, and long-term national thinking.

A party led by a serially defeated, dynastic politician like Rahul Gandhi has the audacity to attack self-made, meritorious Indians like Kamakoti and Vembu. One inherited everything. The others built institutions and companies from scratch.

Both Kamakoti and Vembu are meritorious, unapologetically Hindu, and Brahmin, and they refuse to perform the expected ritual of self-denial that a certain political worldview demands from Indians who succeed. In the Dravidian Model’s political grammar, Hindu civilisational confidence—especially when paired with excellence, institution-building, and national purpose—is treated as provocation. Congress has now copied this poison. It pits 90 per cent OBC against 10 per cent GC just like DMK pits 97% versus 3% Brahmins.

At a deeper level, the hostility directed at Kamakoti and Vembu is not really about science, funding, or policy. It is divisive identity politics at play. The attack is a symptom of Dravidian Model virus entering Congress.

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Madras High Court Quashes ₹40-Crore ‘Iconic Project’ At Kallazhagar Temple; Pulls Up Dravidian Model HR&CE

kallazhagar temple hr&ce madras high court dmk

In a significant ruling on temple administration and the use of religious endowment funds, the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court on 23 January 2026, quashed the TN government’s ₹40-crore “Iconic Project” proposed at Sri Kallazhagar Temple, holding that the project was sanctioned and executed in violation of statutory safeguards.

A Division Bench comprising Justice Dr. Anita Sumanth and Justice C. Kumarappan set aside the government order and related proceedings that permitted large-scale civil works at the ancient temple using temple funds. The court held that the utilisation of surplus temple funds without mandatory sanction under Section 36 of the Tamil Nadu Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Act was illegal.

Quashing the project in its entirety, the Bench made sharp observations on the manner in which the temple had been administered for decades. “To have a major temple managed by a Fit Person/Executive Officer for decades is a travesty of law,” the court said, underscoring that development proposals must originate from the duly constituted Board of Trustees and not from the Minister or the State.

The court also ruled that Executive Officers cannot continue indefinitely in temples, reiterating that their role is temporary in nature. In the case of Sri Kallazhagar Temple, the presence of an Executive Officer for over five decades was found to be contrary to law.

In its findings, the Bench emphasised that temple funds cannot be diverted for what it described as “crass commercial development” and that heritage, agama norms and the sanctity of ancient shrines must prevail over modern concrete structures. It directed that no new concrete constructions be undertaken near ancient shrines or water bodies within the temple complex.

The court further held that statutory approvals from the Archaeological Survey of India and local planning authorities are mandatory for any works at the temple, given its antiquity and heritage status.

A series of time-bound directions have been issued to the Tamil Nadu government and the Tamil Nadu Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Department to bring temple administration in line with the law. Observers have noted that the ruling raises questions about whether these directions will be complied with, citing past instances where court orders, such as those relating to the publication of audit reports and the Tirupparankundram matter were allegedly not implemented.

The petitions were filed by Venkatesh Sowrirajan of Thirukkannapuram and A.V.B. Prabhu of Azhagarkoil. The petitioners were represented by advocates M.R. Venkatesan, Arun Chockalingam and Vadiraj Anirudh. The court also recorded its appreciation of the submissions made by Rangarajan Narasimhan of OurTemples, describing his presentation as helpful.

Legal observers say the judgment could have wider implications for temple governance in Tamil Nadu, reinforcing the primacy of trusteeship and limiting the State’s role to regulatory oversight.

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GC Must Be Framed With False Charges Because They Never Gave Rights To SC/ST, Says RJD Spokie Kanchan Yadav

GC Must Be Framed With False Charges Because They Never Gave Rights To SC/ST, Says RJD Spokie Kanchan Yadav

The University Grants Commission’s newly notified Promotion of Equity in Higher Education Institutions Regulations, 2026 have triggered widespread protests across university campuses, with general-category students and sections of faculty expressing concerns over alleged vagueness, potential misuse, and lack of safeguards against false complaints. Amid the backlash, the regulations, which mandate equity committees, helplines, and time-bound action on complaints of caste-based discrimination, particularly from SC, ST, and OBC students have found strong backing from several political leaders and student groups.

Speaking in defence of the regulations, Kanchan Yadav, national spokesperson of the Rashtriya Janata Dal, said the UGC’s move was long overdue and accused sections of the upper-caste society of resisting any reform aimed at marginalised communities.

Responding to protests by groups including the Karni Sena and other savarna organisations demanding the rollback of the regulations, Yadav said, “Look, it was very necessary. And it’s not that it has become necessary only now, it was needed long ago. Especially, whenever any government tries to do something new for OBCs, SCs, STs, we have seen that the upper-caste mindset, the Manuvadi mindset, always opposes it.”

Rejecting the claim that equity measures deprive others of their rights, she said, “They are not taking your rights, they are asking for their own rights. This needs to be understood.”

Citing her experience at Jawaharlal Nehru University, Yadav alleged discrimination in higher education admissions, stating, “In JNU, there is a 100-mark interview for PhD admissions through JRF. Now, if the candidate is from an upper caste, they will be given 80 or 90 marks out of 100. But candidates from Bahujan communities are given 10, 20, or 30 marks and are failed.”

She further linked institutional discrimination to student suicides, saying, “That is why you see that every year, whether in IITs, Delhi University, or JNU, Bahujan students commit suicide due to harassment. We have not forgotten the Rohith Vemula case.”

When questioned about objections to including OBCs under the regulations, Yadav challenged critics to produce representation data. “How many OBC professors are there in central universities? OBCs form nearly 50% of the population. Do you see 50% OBC professors anywhere?” she asked, adding, “Show us the data! Let the central government present the data!”

Addressing claims by savarna groups that the regulations would divide Hindus, Yadav said, “If they are truly talking about Hindu unity, then their own Hindu brothers and sisters from the OBC community should come forward in support.” She added that OBCs were often considered Hindu only for electoral purposes, saying, “You stop considering them as Hindus the moment they demand their rights.”

On fears expressed by sections of the upper-caste community that the rules could be misused to “frame” individuals, Yadav dismissed the need for reassurance. “We don’t need to assure them. They should trust by themselves,” she said, adding, “If we are getting any rights today, why should we assure you? You should trust by yourselves.”

Reacting to street protests by Karni Sena members, she questioned their legitimacy, stating, “What kind of army are you? We didn’t create you as an army, we don’t consider you an army.” She added, “99% of the country’s population doesn’t consider them an army.”

Concluding her remarks, Yadav took a confrontational stance on opposition to the regulations, saying, “If injustice happens to a community, and a law has come to provide them justice, then you are opposing that law because you will be framed. You should be framed!” She added, “You should be framed on the basis that you have never given the 90% of this country’s OBC, SC, ST, the majority population, their rights.”

Elaborating further, she said, “They should believe it themselves that people who have enjoyed the pleasures of power for thousands of years, people who for thousands of years have sat in the institutions, people who for thousands of years have occupied the country’s universities, the country’s institutions, the gurukuls – wherever and in whatever form our systems existed – people who captured every space in the education system, if today we are getting some rights, then why should we convince you? You believe it by yourself.”

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Ex-BBC ‘Editor’ Rifat Jawaid Passes Off Bangladesh Assault Video As Indian, Silently Deletes Post When Exposed

Ex-BBC 'Editor' Rifat Jawaid Passes Off Bangladesh Assault Video As Indian, Silently Deletes Post When Exposed

A fresh controversy has erupted around ‘journalist’ Rifat Jawaid, a former BBC contributor who has repeatedly courted outrage for incendiary social media posts and controversial reporting practices, after he was caught circulating a false communal narrative based on a misleading video.

The episode began after a video surfaced online claiming that a Muslim boy selling balloons in India had been assaulted. Sharing the clip on X, Rifat Jawaid alleged communal violence and wrote, “Member of hijda qaum. Hindutva terrorists!!! He has made his community and family proud by destroying the livelihood of a child.”

However, it later emerged that the video in question was not from India but from Bangladesh. Once this fact became public, Jawaid quietly deleted the post. He issued no clarification, correction, or apology, drawing criticism from users who accused him of deliberately pushing a false narrative to stoke communal outrage. The incident has renewed scrutiny of the kind of reportage and framing Jawaid may have engaged in during his long association with the BBC.

Pattern of Controversies and Allegations

The balloon-video episode is not an isolated instance. Over the years, Rifat Jawaid, who runs the pro-Aam Aadmi Party platform Janta Ka Reporter, has been repeatedly accused of misinformation, communal polarisation, and activist-driven reporting.

In September 2022, Jawaid accused an individual he identified as an “AAP fan” of calling his children “suicide bombers” for wearing Islamic attire. Sharing screenshots on social media, Jawaid wrote, “You need more proof? This AAP scum from @ArvindKejriwal’s party calls my 8-year-old daughter and 11-year-old son ‘suicide bombers’ because they wore Islamic dress for madrasah classes.” Subsequent scrutiny showed that the profile he cited was later locked and no longer carried any reference to the Aam Aadmi Party, raising questions about the accuracy and framing of his claims.

Jawaid has also been a vocal defender of madarsas, repeatedly downplaying concerns raised about radicalisation. In a 2020 post, he argued, “Before you demonise Muslims by using Madrasa children, do educate yourself that Madrasas serve as permanent abode/hostels for some of the most underprivileged children of our society.”

He has frequently shared images of his own children attending madarsas, presenting this as a rebuttal to criticism.

Jawaid’s social media activity has also brought him into direct confrontation with political leaders. In one high-profile spat, Naresh Balyan, an AAP MLA, publicly criticised Jawaid after the journalist labelled the Indian Army as “cowards” in a now-deleted tweet.

Image Source: OpIndia

The comment sparked outrage, with Balyan calling the remark an insult to soldiers who had laid down their lives for the country.

Earlier, during the hijab controversy in Karnataka in 2022, Janta Ka Reporter referred to students chanting “Jai Shri Ram” as “terrorists,” a description that was later quietly edited after backlash.

Archived versions of the article show that the headline and framing were altered only after the issue gained traction on social media.

Jawaid and Janta Ka Reporter have also been accused of peddling fake news related to electronic voting machines (EVMs). In 2019, the portal published claims that 20 lakh EVMs had gone missing, a report that was later officially refuted by the Election Commission of India. While other outlets that carried similar claims issued clarifications or took down their reports, Jawaid accused the Election Commission of “bullying” social media platforms into removing his content.

The website has further drawn criticism for allegedly publishing soft-porn and sexually explicit content to drive traffic. Screenshots and cached versions of deleted articles reveal sensationalised and explicit material, prompting questions about journalistic ethics, particularly as the platform has been promoted by political leaders as a credible news source.

Image Source: X
Image Source: OpIndia

Jawaid’s reporting consistently advances a narrow ideological agenda, often portraying Indian institutions, the military, and Hindu religious expressions in a negative light. He has previously targeted public figures such as actor Naseeruddin Shah for commenting on Islamic extremism, accusing him of being a “non-practising” Muslim and questioning his right to speak on religious reform.

Image Source: OpIndia

From labelling Indian Army personnel as “cowards” to repeatedly amplifying unverified or false claims with communal overtones, Jawaid’s record has led observers to question whether his work represents journalism or activism masquerading as news.

The latest Bangladesh-video episode has once again placed Rifat Jawaid’s credibility under the scanner.

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“Hey Okk*** O**, L*ck*d Sasikala’s Feet”: Foul-Mouthed DMK Speaker Sivaji Krishnamurthy Abuses EPS

"Hey Okk*** O**, He Not Only Lic**d Sasikala's Feet But Lic**d The Coffers Too", Foul-Mouthed DMK Speaker Sivaji Krishnamurthy Abuses EPS

At a public meeting held in Coimbatore, DMK spokesperson Sivaji Krishnamurthy, who is well-known for his crass and abusive remarks at any person or politician outside the DMK, ‘responded’ to criticism from Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam (TVK) chief, actor Vijay, who had alleged that women were not safe in Tamil Nadu.

After dragging Trisha into the issue, he spoke in a vulgar fashion while bodyshaming AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami.

He said, “If there is one party that is ready to give its life to protect you, it is none other than the DMK. No other party would sacrifice its very life to save you. We asked back then, I call him “Pallu” Palaniswami. In that Rajini movie Chandramukhi, that Vadivelu character who keeps getting beaten up and almost dies, the teeth look exactly like that fellow. Look at those teeth, see how they stick out. Just imagine it. Take your cellphone and try matching it –  put Vadivelu’s head and our Edappadi Palaniswami’s head half and half. It will match perfectly.”

Continuing, he said, “That day, when our elder brother Thalapathy (Stalin) was the Leader of the Opposition, he told Palaniswami,‘You sinner! Buses aren’t running, trains aren’t running, factories aren’t operating, shops aren’t functioning. People are dying of starvation. Didn’t we ask you to give ₹5,000? Or did we not?’ How much did he give? ₹1000. What did he say – ‘You just casually say give ₹5,000. Where is the money? From whose account should I give it?’ And he gave ₹1,000. In this town, how much is the monthly cable TV fee? ₹250, right? If you pay ₹250 for four months, how much is it? ₹1000. Now that is equal to the ₹1000 that Okk**a ol* Annan gave. People were living with their stomachs tied tight with wet cloths because of hunger.”

He further said, “We said then, we don’t know how much money is there in the coffers. What we thought was that he must have spent all the notes and kept some loose change aside. At least from that, he could give ₹4,000. Our brother Thalapathy asked for ₹5,000. You gave ₹1,000. When Muthuvel Karunanidhi Stalin comes to power, I will give the ₹4,000 that you refused to give. But when we came to power and looked at the coffers, only then did we understand – this fellow didn’t just lick Sasikala’s feet, he licked everything clean, every last container. Only when we went there did we realise that.”

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IIT Delhi Humanities Dept Published Paper By Nazia Amin Portraying Indian Nationalism As ‘Tyrannical’, Advancing Separatist Narrative

IIT Delhi Humanities Dept Published Paper Portraying Indian Nationalism As ‘Tyrannical’, Advancing Separatist Narrative

Following the controversial woke caste conference conducted by IIT Delhi’s Humanities department, scrunity has increased on the institution even further.

This time, a paper published in 2023 is under focus. The paper in question is an academic paper authored by a faculty member associated with its humanities stream, which characterises Indian nationalism in Kashmir as “tyrannical” and interprets India’s presence in the region through metaphors of violence, domination, and coercion.

The paper, titled “Tyranny of Indian Nationalism and Resistance in Kashmir: Reading a Kashmiri Narrative with Iqbal and Freud,” was published online in March 2023 in the journal Psychoanalysis, Culture & Society, brought out by Springer Nature.

The paper was authored by Nazia Amin, who was affiliated with IIT Delhi’s Department of Humanities and Social Sciences at the time of publication and is currently listed as an Assistant Professor at BML Munjal University.

Its recent circulation on social media has triggered fresh debate on ideological bias within elite academic institutions and the responsibilities of publicly funded universities when engaging with issues of national sovereignty.

The author employs Freudian psychoanalytic frameworks, most notably the “primal horde” concept to depict the Indian state as a domineering “primal father” figure in Kashmir, allegedly demanding submission and identification from what the paper terms “non-consenting Kashmiri subjects.” Indian nationalism is described as an assimilative force that seeks to extract obedience through coercion, rather than as a constitutional or democratic framework.

Resistance in Kashmir is presented not merely as political opposition but as a psychological and existential rejection of Indian national identity. Drawing on the philosophy of Muhammad Iqbal, the paper frames Kashmiri resistance as an act of “disidentification,” suggesting that Kashmiri identity must remain separate from the Indian national imagination. While the paper briefly raises the possibility that resistance movements themselves may demand conformity, this reflection remains secondary to its sustained critique of Indian state authority.

What is being called out is the paper’s language and framing – it repeatedly deploys terms such as “tyranny,” “violent extraction,” and “mass assimilation,” portraying Indian nationalism as inherently oppressive. Such framing moves beyond scholarly critique into normative advocacy, especially given the absence of balancing perspectives grounded in constitutional law, democratic processes, or national security considerations.

The institutional context has further amplified the controversy. IIT Delhi, a premier institution funded by Indian taxpayers, has in recent years faced criticism over its humanities and social sciences ecosystem, which has increasingly hosted ideologically homogeneous discourse. That said, academic freedom does not negate the obligation to maintain balance and rigour, particularly on subjects as sensitive as Kashmir.

The paper’s resurfacing has also revived scrutiny of a broader pattern within IIT Delhi’s humanities department. Recent controversies include the hosting of the “Critical Philosophy of Caste and Race (CPCR3)” conference, which advanced activist narratives rooted in Western critical theory while offering limited engagement with Indian civilisational or constitutional traditions. The same intellectual environment that enabled CPCR3 also produces scholarship that views Indian nationalism primarily through lenses of oppression and exclusion.

Another major point of contention is the paper’s selective engagement with the Kashmir conflict. It offers minimal discussion of Pakistan-sponsored terrorism, the ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Pandits, or decades of insurgent violence, instead framing resistance largely as an organic and morally necessary response to Indian nationalism. This omission results in a partial narrative that overlooks geopolitical realities.

The use of Freudian allegories and Iqbal’s philosophical writings to interpret contemporary political conflict has also drawn criticism. While interdisciplinary approaches are common in the humanities, reducing complex constitutional and democratic relationships to psychoanalytic symbolism risks oversimplification. Iqbal’s contested ideological legacy, particularly his influence on the intellectual foundations of Pakistan is another reason the paper’s interpretive choices have raised concern.

Source: Organiser

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‘Have We Done Anything To Trisha?’ Asks Foul-Mouthed DMK Speaker Sivaji Krishnamurthy To TVK Vijay On Women’s Safety

‘Have We Done Anything To Trisha?’ Asks Foul-Mouthed DMK Speaker Sivaji Krishnamurthy To TVK Vijay On Women’s Safety

At a public meeting held in Coimbatore, DMK spokesperson Sivaji Krishnamurthy, who is well-known for his crass and abusive remarks at any person or politician outside the DMK, ‘responded’ to criticism from Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam (TVK) chief, actor Vijay, who had alleged that women were not safe in Tamil Nadu.

Sivaji Krishnamurthy was speaking at the Mozhippor Thiyagigal (Language Martyrs) Veeravanakka Naal public meeting in Coimbatore, where he outlined various welfare initiatives of the Tamil Nadu government and responded to criticism levelled by Vijay in recent speeches.

He said, “This party believes that if women rise, the nation will rise. That’s why we frame our schemes. In India, if 100 women are working, 45 of them are from Tamil Nadu. There are 29 states and nine Union Territories – put all of them together. If out of 100 working women, 45 are from Tamil Nadu, then he asks there is no safety, no h*air, where is it not safe for women? I’m asking you, Vijay. Hey, have we done anything to Trisha? Isn’t she safe? But I cannot give the level of safety you give her. We have 1 police for 50 people, sir. You sit with one leg over the other, head resting on their lap, flying in private jets.”

He further questioned why Vijay did not raise such issues when he was questioned in Delhi in connection with alleged tax evasion and asked where Vijay was when people were affected during floods and the COVID-19 pandemic.

In his address, Sivaji Krishnamurthy sought to project the welfare initiatives of Chief Minister MK Stalin as evidence of the DMK government’s governance record. He claimed that the monthly ₹1,000 education assistance scheme for students was introduced after students questioned why financial assistance was being provided only to mothers and not to them. According to him, the Chief Minister responded by announcing a scheme that now provides ₹1,000 per month to students as educational assistance.

He went on to list schemes such as the breakfast programme, Innuyir Kappom medical outreach, and Thozhi hostels as measures aimed at women’s welfare and empowerment. However, he did not provide any data on outcomes or independent assessments of these schemes, relying instead on broad assertions.

Source: Indian Express Tamil

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DMK Govt’s HR&CE-Run Palani Murugan Temple Allegedly Pushes Political Propaganda In Temple Book, Features Udhayanidhi Stalin’s Picture Who Called For ‘Eradicating Sanatana Dharma’ Branded As Hate Speech By Courts

DMK Govt’s HR&CE-Run Palani Murugan Temple Allegedly Pushes Political Propaganda In Temple Book, Features Udhayanidhi Stalin’s Picture Who Called For ‘Eradicating Sanatana Dharma’ Branded As Hate Speech By Courts

The DMK government has once again found itself at the centre of controversy over its administration of temples under the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Department, following allegations of political propaganda at the Palani Murugan temple. The government has been reportedly commercialising temple worship through darshan and prasadam charges and now they seem to have a found a novel way to misuse religion for political messaging.

The latest controversy emerged after a devotee stated that a book sold at the Palani Murugan temple, that reportedly details the history of the deity and the temple, contained photographs of senior political leaders instead of purely religious content, raising questions about the role of the HR&CE Department in regulating temple literature.

According to the devotee who visited the Palani Murugan temple, the book was purchased during a recent visit for special darshan. The devotee said he had gone to the temple along with friends and was given a book at a temple office, which staff described as detailing the history of Lord Murugan of Palani. The book was sold for ₹2,700.

However, upon examining the contents, the devotee alleged that the book did not contain only religious or historical material related to the deity. He claimed that instead of the history of the deity and temple, the book carried photographs of the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin, Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Minister PK Sekarbabu and the Deputy Chief Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin who called for eradicating Sanatana Dharma.

The devotee alleged that the inclusion of photographs of political leaders in a book presented as a religious text amounted to political propaganda within a temple setting. He said this had hurt the sentiments of Hindu devotees and accused the ruling Dravidian model government of allowing political messaging in religious spaces.

He further alleged that leaders who publicly profess disbelief in God had their photographs printed specifically in a book related to Lord Murugan, which he described as deeply objectionable. Calling for a wider response, he urged Hindu devotees to condemn the incident and express their opposition to what he described as the politicisation of temple literature.

 

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It is noteworthy that Deputy Chief Minister of TN and DMK scion Udhayanidhi Stalin made a speech on 2 September 2023 at a conference titled Sanathan Abolition Conference, organised by the Tamil Nadu Progressive Writers Artists Association where he said“… only a few things can be resisted. Some have to be eliminated. In that sense, even Sanathan must be eliminated. We cannot resist mosquito, dengue, coronavirus. They must be eliminated. In that sense, even Sanathana must be eliminated…”

On 20 January 2026, the Madras High Court held that the Tamil phrase “Sanathana Ozhippu” translates to “abolish” and that its ordinary meaning implies the elimination of an existing belief system and its followers. Observing that abolishing Sanathana Dharma would necessarily mean that “the people following Sanathana Dharma should not be there,” the Court concluded that the phrase amounts to “genocide or culturicide.” It ruled that questioning such a speech could not constitute hate speech.

Referring to earlier writ proceedings, the Court noted that the minister’s remarks “spew hate against a particular community, the Hindus and constitutes dis/misinformation.” Rejecting the State’s argument of instigation, the Court termed it “absurd” and held that the minister’s speech, viewed in historical and political context, “would clearly indicate it is totally against 80% Hindus, which come within the mischief of hate speech,” thus ruling that Udhayanidhi Stalin amounts to hate speech.

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