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Dravidoid Myth Busted: Study Reveals How Villages In Tamil Nadu Governed Themselves Before British Rule

By
The Commune
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Study Reveals How Villages In Tamil Nadu Governed Themselves Before British Rule

A recent study by the Centre for Policy Studies (CPS), a not-for-profit research organization, sheds light on the self-governing administrative systems in two north Tamil Nadu villages, Kundrathur and Ullavur, before British colonial rule. The research, led by CPS Director Jatinder K. Bajaj, aimed to explore the functioning of India’s polity before British intervention. The study is based on a survey conducted by Thomas Barnard, a British military officer, between 1767 and 1774. Barnard’s survey covered approximately 2,000 locations in the Chengalpattu Jagir, an area the British acquired from the Nawab of Arcot in 1762.

Bajaj explained that the British had compiled a summary of the survey in English, which was preserved at the Tamil Nadu State Archives. This record, along with Tamil palm-leaf inscriptions kept by traditional accountants called ‘Kanakkupillais,’ provided insights into the governance of villages in the region. In addition to these records, the study also examined inscriptions from the Pallava period, including the Kasakudi copperplate, further enriching the research.

One of the study’s key findings is that Indian villages in the pre-British era were self-sufficient, with clear financial, cultural, and political boundaries. These villages were financially independent and culturally and politically self-contained, with a rich history spanning centuries. The study highlighted that Kundrathur has 55 inscriptions ranging from the Chola period to the Mughal era, offering a window into the village’s long-standing traditions and governance.

The study also found that the annual foodgrain production in the entire Chengalpattu Jagir was as high as one tonne per capita—five times the current average in India. A detailed analysis revealed how agricultural produce was distributed across various institutions, including allocations for maintaining water bodies and supporting scholars, teachers, musicians, and dancers. These practices reflect the holistic and community-driven governance of the time.

The CPS has published the study’s findings in two separate books in collaboration with the Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts (INGCA). The study calls on the Union and State governments to gather and compile records such as inscriptions, copper plates, and palm-leaf accounts from villages across India to decolonize the Indian polity and revive the self-governing practices before British colonialism. Additionally, the study recommends revitalizing the water bodies, flower gardens, and temples in Kundrathur and Ullavur to restore their 18th-century heritage and transform them into vibrant centres of heritage tourism.

(With inputs from The Hindu)

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Delhi High Court To Assess Whether Wikipedia Edits On ANI’s Page Are Defamatory

By
The Commune
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"We'll Ask Govt To Block You, If You Don't Like India, Don't Work Here", Says Delhi High Court To Wikipedia, Issues Contempt Notice Over ANI Defamation Case

On 19 December 2024, the Delhi High Court announced it would review the news articles that form the basis of the allegedly defamatory edits made to the Wikipedia page of Asian News International (ANI). The defamation suit, ANI Media Private Limited vs. Wikimedia Foundation Inc & Ors, concerns edits that ANI claims are defamatory and were published on the online encyclopedia.

Justice Subramonium Prasad, during the hearing, referred to the articles from The Caravan and The Ken about ANI’s functioning as a news organization. He said, “I will also read the articles … to see whether the (edits) are borne out of the articles or not. Obviously, if they are not borne out of the articles, they cannot do it. Therefore, I can, to that extent, even ask them to take down those offending statements.”

The court noted that if it finds the edits are based on articles in a way that could be reasonably inferred, it may not pass an order to remove the content. However, Justice Prasad questioned whether it could delve into such details at the interim stage of the case.

“This is an understanding of the editor of what the source means. If the understanding is so defamatory that it is relying on something which actually does not mean it at all, then the person can be restrained… again the question is even if it can be understood in that way, then would the court go deeper into that aspect to come to a conclusion as to whether in no circumstances can it be construed it as that at all,” the judge remarked.

It is important to note that The Caravan and The Ken are not parties to the defamation suit before the High Court.

The suit alleges that Wikipedia is allowing defamatory content to remain on ANI’s Wikipedia page. The court also indicated that it would later examine whether Wikipedia is merely an intermediary or a publisher, which would subject it to different legal rules.

At this stage, the court clarified it would focus on whether the content on ANI’s Wikipedia page violates the free speech restrictions under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution of India. “The courts in case of 19(1)(a) have said that injunction must be exception and not the rule. Keeping that in mind, I have to then look into the question of irreparable loss, prima facie case and balance of convenience,” the court explained.

Justice Prasad made these comments while reserving the decision on ANI’s application for interim relief.

The court also questioned Wikipedia for defending the actions of the users accused of making the defamatory edits on ANI’s page. In response, Senior Advocate Jayant Mehta, representing Wikipedia, stated, “I have to defend my model of free speech. I am not on merits of allegations.”

Advocate Sidhant Kumar represented ANI in the case.

In July, the court issued a summons to Wikipedia and ordered it to disclose the identities of three individuals who made the disputed edits to ANI’s page. However, ANI later complained that Wikipedia had not complied with this directive. In response, single-judge Justice Navin Chawla took strong exception to Wikipedia’s conduct and issued a notice for contempt of court. The court also ordered an authorized representative of Wikipedia to personally appear in court on 25 October 2024, when the contempt case was listed.

These directives were challenged by Wikipedia before the Division Bench. However, both ANI and Wikipedia reached an agreement, with Wikipedia agreeing to serve notice on the users, thereby protecting their identities. Wikipedia then served notices to the three users accused of defamation by ANI.

(With inputs from Bar and Bench)

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‘If Basha Is A Father Figure, What About The 58 Victims?’, BJP TN Chief Annamalai Slams NTK Chief Seeman For Glorifying A Convicted Terrorist

By
The Commune
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'If Basha Is A Father Figure, What About The 58 Victims?', BJP TN Chief Annamalai Slams NTK Chief Seeman For Glorifying A Convicted Terrorist

Tamil Nadu BJP chief Annamalai has criticized Naam Tamilar Katchi leader Seeman for hailing SA Basha, the convicted mastermind behind the 1998 Coimbatore serial bombings, as a “father” figure following his death on 16 December 2024. Basha, who was the founder of the extremist group Al-Umma, was responsible for masterminding the bombings that killed 58 people and left 231 others injured.

The reporters asked Tamil Nadu BJP chief Annamalai about Naam Tamilar Katchi leader Seeman calling SA Basha his ‘father,’ and about Trichy SP Varun Kumar’s recent statement at an All India IPS conference, where he suggested that the party was leaning towards separatism and should be monitored.

In response, Annamalai said in Coimbatore, “Yesterday, Seeman went to attend the funeral of Basha, the founder and leader of ‘Al-Umma,’ who was the mastermind behind the February 1998 Coimbatore bomb blasts. After being released on bail, he has now passed away. So, does this make Naam Tamilar an anti-national party? No. Should the Naam Tamilar party be banned? No. What I’m saying is that political parties have a responsibility. All the 58 people who died in the blasts also had fathers right? Seeman calls Basha his ‘father,’ the dead 58 children have parents right, including a Muslim child who died in the attack had a father. If Basha is a father figure, then the 58 victims are also fathers, and the 200 others severely injured are also fathers. Seeman should consider this as well. I don’t want to use harsh words here, but they should think carefully about when and where to do politics. Till today, the scars of 1998 remain unhealed, the sorrow from the attacks lingers in people’s hearts, and everyone knows, that is why the region went backwards.”

What Did NTK Chief Seeman Say?

On 17 December 2024, NTK party chief Seeman took to his official X account to describe the leader of the extremist group Al-Ummah SA Basha, as a “father figure”, expressing deep hurt over the news. In a mere attempt in minority appeasement, stating, “The death of father Basha is a great tragedy! Has the DMK government thought that the death of Muslim prisoners is their freedom? @CMOTamilnadu @mkstalin. I was deeply shocked and deeply saddened to learn of the death of father, Basha, who had been imprisoned for more than a quarter of a century in prison. I express my condolences to the family, relatives, and Muslim relatives who are grieving the loss of father and share in his grief.”

“The powerless situation of not being able to rescue my father despite knowing that injustice was being done gives me great mental pain and guilt. The fact that father Basha, who was striving to obtain the great right of freedom, was completely separated from us and achieved freedom is a great tragedy that cannot be described in words. Being with him in Coimbatore jail and talking to him when he was released from prison are etched in my heart.”

“He who makes a promise and then looks for excuses not to fulfill it is a cruel person,” says the venerable great prophet, Mohammed. The DMK, which promised to release the Muslim prisoners, formed the Adinathan Committee upon coming to power and withdrew, considering its duty to be over, is a terrible act of deceit that deceived the Muslim relatives who had trusted it. While prisoners Abuthakeer and Abdul Hakeem died during the DMK regime without enjoying their freedom, it is a great tragedy that father Basha has also died now following them. It is a great tragedy that his longing and desire, which he wanted to be freed at least in his last days and live in peace with his family, went unfulfilled until the end.”

“Isn’t it treasonous that the DMK, which came to power by winning the votes of all Muslim people, is delaying their long-standing demand for the release of Muslim prisoners without making any progress, and is obstructing the efforts of the prisoners who want to be released by conducting legal battles in the Supreme Court? Has the DMK government decided to release Muslim prisoners only through death? How much longer will you, gentlemen, get away with citing the Governor as an excuse? Can you shirk your responsibility and duty and play cheap politics on the release of Muslim prisoners? Shame!”

“It is an unacceptable tyranny to play political games and seek political gain by flouting the promise made to release the Islamic prisoners. Let the death of father Basha be the last. No prisoner should ever die without being released. Let the Islamic prisoners who have spent their entire lives behind bars spend their remaining time with their families and relatives. Our final tribute to father basha will be continuing the work to ensure the speedy release of Islamic prisoners. My tearful salutation to father Basha!”

Who Is SA Basha?

S.A. Basha, the mastermind behind the 1998 Coimbatore serial bomb blasts, who founded the extremist organization Al-Umma, was responsible for planning the devastating blasts that killed 58 people and injured 231 others.

The Coimbatore serial bomb blasts of 1998 (DMK was in power in then) were a grievous incident in which 58 people were killed and over 200 individuals sustained serious injuries. This devastating series of 12 bomb attacks unfolded across 11 different locations within a 12-kilometer radius. Many of the survivors continue to grapple with the long-lasting effects of the shrapnel and other injuries caused by the devastating explosions.

The chief orchestrator behind these tragic events was identified as S. A. Basha, the founder of Al Ummah, an Islamic fundamentalist group. Investigations revealed that these bombings were part of a larger conspiracy with the sinister aim of targeting L.K. Advani, the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party, during his election meeting scheduled for 4 p.m. on that ill-fated day. Fortunately, Advani’s flight was delayed, and he narrowly escaped the horrors of that day.

It is noteworthy to mention that one of the suspects, Mohammed Dhalka, who was detained in connection to the 2022 Coimbatore car blast terror incident is the nephew of SA Basha. Nawab Khan, Basha’s brother, was also sentenced to one-life term and 27 years of rigorous imprisonment in the 1998 bomb blast case.

The president of the banned fundamentalist outfit Al-Umma, SA Basha, openly threatened to kill the then Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi if he visited Coimbatore in July 2003. This threat was made by Basha and eight others while speaking to journalists in the Coimbatore court premises after their conviction and life imprisonment in a case related to the murder of a Hindu Munnani leader. It is noteworthy that Al-Umma and its leader were allowed to operate openly by the DMK Government until the Coimbatore blasts on 14 February 1998.

Magazines like Outlook and Frontline also acknowledged the role of the Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhagam (TNMMK) in these blasts. In March 1998, Frontline reported, “Within hours of the blasts, the Tamil Nadu Government banned Al-Umma and the Jihad Committee. Al-Umma founder-president S.A. Basha and 12 other members of the organization were arrested in Chennai; explosive materials and weapons were seized from his house in Triplicane, Chennai.”

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“After One Disaster, Now Plunging Into Another”: Kerala HC Questions Wayanad Sunburn Festival

By
The Commune
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"After One Disaster, Now Plunging Into Another": Kerala HC Questions Wayanad Sunburn Festival

The Kerala High Court has raised serious concerns over the Sunburn Festival, scheduled for New Year’s Eve at a tea plantation in Wayanad. The court demanded that authorities provide detailed information about the event, including permissions, expected crowd size, and the organizing group, following a complaint by two senior citizens submitted to the District Disaster Management Authority (DDMA).

Justice AK Jayasankaran Nambiar and Justice Easwaran S questioned the preparedness of local authorities to manage the crowd, especially after the region’s devastating landslides in July 2024, which claimed over 250 lives. “Barely after one disaster, now plunging into another,” remarked Justice Nambiar, urging authorities to inform the court about their disaster management plans for the festival.

The event, inspired by Goa’s Sunburn Festival, is expected to draw thousands to the hill district. Boby Chemmannur, the chief promoter, announced international DJ Mari Ferrari’s performance and noted that Rs 499 tickets had already sold out. The festival, spanning 25 acres, is expected to have 20,000 attendees. However, last year’s celebration saw police intervention due to riot-like conditions and injuries among attendees.

The court’s concern stems from the ongoing rehabilitation in the area. “Disaster management authority is supposed to prevent disasters also. Six months after the disaster, you are having parties there?” Justice Nambiar questioned. The court also sought clarification on the event’s approval process, crowd control, and traffic management.

The complaint also raised concerns about illegal constructions in the landslide-prone Chulika Estate, where the festival is set to be held. The court has instructed the state to provide full details on the event and posted further hearings for 19 December 2024.

Additionally, the court addressed the state’s request for flexibility in using the State Disaster Response Fund (SDRF) and National Disaster Response Fund (NDRF). The Advocate General reported that most of the SDRF funds have already been committed. The court has directed the Additional Solicitor General to ensure the Central Government responds by 10 January 2025 and will hear the case again in January.

(With inputs from Bar and Bench)

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DEI Research Study Shows Participants Endorsed Anti-Brahmin Statements When Adapted From Nazi Rhetoric

By
The Commune
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DEI Research Study Shows Participants Endorsed Anti-Brahmin Statements When Adapted From Nazi Rhetoric

A new study by the Network Contagion Research Institute raises alarms about the impact of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) programs, suggesting that caste-based materials may inadvertently fuel division and prejudice against the Brahmin community. By substituting “Brahmin” into anti-Semitic rhetoric from Adolf Hitler’s Mein Kampf, the research highlights a troubling trend in DEI content that could reinforce identity-based biases and punitive attitudes, raising serious questions about the effectiveness of these interventions in promoting inclusivity.

The study, which tested widely used DEI materials, reveals troubling findings about the potential of such interventions to exacerbate identity-based divisions and reinforce punitive attitudes.

The research focused on three prominent DEI themes: anti-racism, anti-Islamophobia, and anti-caste bigotry. Drawing from influential works by figures such as Ibram X. Kendi and Robin DiAngelo, as well as material from organizations like Equality Labs, the study examined how exposure to DEI narratives shaped participants’ beliefs and attitudes.

One of the study’s most startling findings emerged from its investigation into caste-related DEI content. Researchers substituted the term “Brahmin” into quotes from Adolf Hitler’s Mein Kampf, such as “Brahmins are parasites” and “Brahmins are the devil personified.” Participants exposed to these materials demonstrated higher levels of agreement with these statements than those in the control group. This raises serious concerns about the potential for caste-based DEI narratives to fuel prejudice against Brahmins under the guise of combating caste oppression.

DEI And The Perception Of Bias

Across all three themes, participants exposed to DEI rhetoric were more likely to perceive bias in situations where none was empirically present. For instance, in a hypothetical college admissions rejection scenario, those who had read anti-racist materials were 21% more likely to attribute racial bias to the admissions officer, even in the absence of evidence or any mention of race.

Participants exposed to DEI content were also significantly more inclined to endorse punitive measures, including suspension, public apologies, and additional DEI training for the imagined wrongdoers in these scenarios. This dynamic, the researchers argue, creates a self-perpetuating cycle where perceived bias leads to further DEI interventions, regardless of whether discrimination occurred.

The study highlights a lack of critical evaluation and accountability within the DEI industry, which generates an estimated $8 billion annually. Researchers pointed out that many training materials are proprietary and shielded from public scrutiny, making it difficult to assess their content and effectiveness.

Ibram X. Kendi, a prominent DEI advocate, criticized the study when approached for comment, alleging misrepresentation and dismissing it as “pseudoscience.” However, the researchers maintain that they quoted his work verbatim and note that Kendi has not conducted any peer-reviewed studies to substantiate the efficacy of his methods.

The findings suggest that DEI programs, particularly those rooted in anti-oppression rhetoric, may inadvertently foster division, resentment, and hypervigilance. The researchers argue that framing individuals and groups as “oppressed” and “oppressors” risks amplifying biases rather than reducing them.

The study also raises concerns about the bureaucratic nature of DEI initiatives, which often prioritize compliance and reputation management over genuine commitment to equality and inclusion. This, the researchers contend, incentivizes performative actions and undermines the potential for substantive progress.

The paper concludes with a call for a shift away from the current ideological DEI paradigm toward evidence-based practices. The authors advocate for transparency, rigorous evaluation, and a focus on fostering pluralism and mutual respect.

While the promise of DEI programs lies in rejecting discrimination and promoting social cohesion, the study warns that the prevailing approach may be counterproductive. The researchers emphasize the importance of designing interventions that celebrate shared humanity and encourage open dialogue to achieve the goals of inclusivity and equity.

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After 37 Days Of Official Apathy, Tirunelveli Police File 2 Cases Regarding Kerala Biomedical Waste Dumping

By
The Commune
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After 37 Days Of Official Apathy, Tirunelveli Police File 2 Cases Regarding Kerala Biomedical Waste Dumping

Allegations of negligence and flawed investigation have been raised against the Suthamalli police and revenue officials following a 37-day delay in addressing complaints about the dumping of biomedical, food, plastic, and other waste from Kerala in the villages of Kodaganallur and Palavoor.

The issue first emerged on 11 November 2024, when J Santhanam, a private farm supervisor overseeing the patta land where the waste was initially dumped, filed a complaint with the Suthamalli police. No action was taken despite escalating the matter to the Village Administrative Officer (VAO) and later to the Chief Minister’s Special Cell on 2 December 2024.

Even after assurances from an officer from the CM’s Special Cell, the police reportedly remained inactive. Only after significant public and media pressure, on 16 December 2024, did the police register two cases based on complaints by Santhanam and Palavoor VAO Sayed Ali.

Santhanam reported being coerced by the police to amend his complaint. He claimed he was asked to state that no waste had been dumped on his land until 28 November 2024, contradicting his earlier complaints. Additionally, the FIR omitted references to biomedical waste, despite evidence showing hazardous materials such as syringes, used blood-sample containers, and blood-stained cotton at the sites.

The police’s delayed response has been criticized by locals and activists, who argue that this inaction enabled the continued dumping of waste, resulting in significant pollution of the soil and water bodies in the area.

The inaction contrasts sharply with the proactive measures taken in similar situations by officers such as the late Inspector Ayyappan, who actively intercepted and prevented the burning of Kerala waste during his tenure as SHO of Alangulam police station. Other officers, like Inspector Maheshkumar, have also been praised for making several arrests in connection with waste-related offenses.

Local political parties, including the AIADMK, BJP, NTK, and SDPI, have strongly condemned the incident. NTK functionaries have petitioned the district administration, demanding the removal of the waste and the arrest of the culprits.

The BJP criticized the state government, alleging a lack of action against the dumping and its impact on Tamil Nadu. Political leaders have called for stricter measures to address the issue and prevent future incidents.

Tirunelveli Superintendent of Police N. Silambarasan has assured an inquiry into the police’s initial inaction, while District Collector Dr. K.P. Karthikeyan stated that the Tamil Nadu Pollution Control Board and rural development department are analyzing the waste to handle it appropriately. Strict criminal action against those responsible is being planned in line with government directives.

The waste, which includes biomedical and other hazardous materials, poses a significant threat to the local environment. Activists and residents have demanded urgent action to prevent further pollution and to ensure accountability for the mismanagement of the complaints and subsequent investigations.

(With inputs from TNIE)

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Indian Knowledge Systems: Bridging Ancient Wisdom And Modern Education In The Journey Towards A Civilizational State

By
Gautam Desiraju
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How Indic Knowledge Systems Can Revolutionize Education And Spark A Civilizational Renaissance

Indian Knowledge Systems (IKS) represent a repository of indigenous knowledge that remains relevant in modern contexts, such as wellness, sustainability, and interdisciplinary research. IKS is a term that has come into vogue recently and its meaning might be mostly unclear to many lay persons.

What is IKS? Is it a new development in studies of epistemology or is it of ancient provenance? Is it mostly a qualitative and incoherent jumble of superstitions and stories about an imaginary India where everything was just fine? Or were we just untamed savages waiting for the white man to come and educate us and make us civilized and after we got educated, are we trying to imagine something glorious in the past and ascribe everything we know to IKS? Still, others note that the government of a secular country should not indulge itself or support an education system that is rooted solely in the religious and socio-cultural beliefs of one community, namely the Hindus, even if they account for 80% of India’s population today. Even here, the naysayers hold that IKS is the property of savarna Hindus, and it is by no means inclusive in nature.

The meaning of IKS can be described by the three words Indian, Knowledge, and Systems. By Indian, we mean the entire land that is called Bhāratvarsha, namely all the land between Kandahar and Mandalay, from the Himalayas to the Indian Ocean, in today’s terminology consisting of all countries that are loosely clubbed together as South Asia. This is the geographical sacred space of Sanātana Dharma and when one refers to IKS, one refers to the knowledge systems that were developed and emanated from this sacred space. IKS uniquely belongs to Sanātana Dharma and may be enjoyed and appreciated by all who adhere to the principles of Dharma.

By Knowledge, we mean the entire corpus of written documentation and oral traditions accompanying Sanātana Dharma in addition to various allied bodies of knowledge that have accrued from experiences in day-to-day life, folklore, traditions, and customs that have enabled this sturdy civilization that is going strong after 5000 years, some say possibly longer. The written documentation is based around the 14 knowledge silos or chatrurdasa vidyasthanas, namely the four Vedas, the six darshanas, the epics, and the Puranas.

PurAna nyAya mimAngsA dharmshAstrAnga mishritAh |
VedAh sthAnAni vidyAnAm dharmasya cha chaturdasha ||

The Vedas are the blueprint and the Vedāngas, literally, the limbs of the Vedas, unlock the Vedas and make them accessible. The six Vedāngas are Siksha, Chhanda, Vyakarana, Nirukta, Jyotisha and Kalpa. These subjects were an integral and essential part of the ancient Vedic education system, aimed to promote an all-round development of the students with a better understanding of the Vedas and Vedic practices. The aspects from the Vedas that lead to better living for all are also a part of the knowledge corpus. These include the medicinal treatises of Chāraka and Susruta, the Arthasāstra of Chānakya, the Patanjali Yoga Sutras, the Kāvyas of Kalidasa and others, Bharatā’s Natyasastra, Sārangadeva’s Sangita Ratnākara and the Rasa Ratna Samuchchaya of Vāgbhata and Nagārjuna, the study of chemistry and materials. This is just a sampling. There was a time when Sāmaveda, which is just one among the four Vedas, had over a thousand branches! It is practically impossible to collect and collate all of the knowledge available to us within the Sanatani tradition.

In the context of IKS, the term Systems refers to structured frameworks of thought, practices, and disciplines developed in ancient and classical India that span various fields of knowledge. These systems are holistic and interdisciplinary, addressing subjects such as philosophy, science, arts, medicine, and governance. The key components are Philosophical Systems (Darshanas etc), Medical Systems (Ayurveda, Siddha), Linguistic and Grammatical Systems (Pānini), Mathematical Systems, (Aryabhata, Varāhamihira. Brahmagupta, Bhāskara), Artistic and Aesthetic Systems:
Political and Economic Systems (Arthshāstra, Nitisastra), Environmental and Ethical Systems, Spiritual and Ritualistic Systems. Systems refer to the manner in which these items are integrated into a holistic unity that is both contextual and practical.

In summary, IKS is intimately connected with our ancient scriptures. The Nyāya Darshana, or school of thought, centres on logic and epistemology, emphasizing rational inquiry to attain knowledge and truth. Key features include methods of debate, valid sources of knowledge (perception, inference, comparison, and testimony), and techniques to distinguish valid reasoning from fallacies. Its foundation is in Indian philosophy for developing rigorous logical methods. IKS is similarly based on a methodology of rigorous questioning and rejection of fallacies that fail the tests of logic. In the context of the scientific disciplines, the Vaiseshika Darshana focuses on categorizing reality into fundamental elements or dravyas. It emphasizes atomism, proposing that all physical substances are composed of indivisible atoms. Key features include exploring six categories or padārthas: substance, quality, action, generality, particularity, and inherence, aiming for liberation or moksha through knowledge of these universal principles. The strong influence of holism is again shared with IKS which should be imparted with the goal of being able to solve advanced scientific problems of the modern age.

There is little doubt that the time is ripe for an educational revolution in India. For too long, we have struggled with a system that had its roots in the Macaulay dictum and was then further corrupted after independence by a situation where a very limited amount of funding was available to educate a population that was just around 12-18% literate. This number has risen to 77% today but let us remember that being technically literate does not mean that one is educated. We still limp along and there is little connection between formal education as expressed by a school or college degree and employability. The economic problem more or less spontaneously led to a social problem with the limited funding available for education being cornered by special interest groups with political influence—an educational jati system. This was formalized in the institutionalization of reservations, initially for the SC ST communities but later going up to a minimum of 49.5% across the country with the inclusion of the OBC group, and further delinking merit from outcomes (in Tamil Nadu this number is an absurd 69%). Realizing these almost insurmountable contradictions between aspirations and abilities, the governments of the day sporadically instituted various commissions to look into the education system and make recommendations, specifically in 1948, 1964, 1986, and most recently in 2020, the National Educational Policy (NEP 2020). Most of the recommendations of these committees never saw the light of day.
It is in this disappointing context that one must look at the Indic Knowledge System (IKS) initiative, which attempts in its own way, a reversal of the education pattern to a system that is more reminiscent of what prevailed in this country before Macaulay, in other words, to go back to a cognitive system that relied on holism, inductive logic, and intuitive thinking. Holism is the essence of IKS and it embodies the holistic and integrative wisdom of ancient India, covering diverse domains like science, art, medicine, philosophy, and spirituality. Unlike modern Indian education, which often focuses on rote memorization and standardized testing, IKS nurtures critical thinking, contextual knowledge, and values-based education.

Rooted in texts like the Vedas and Upanishads, IKS emphasizes experiential learning, ethics, interconnectedness, and lifelong inquiry. There is no doubt that IKS is derived from Sanātana Dharma, and no one should artificially try to conflate it with woke ideas of Nehruvian secularism or try to integrate it with concepts that are unique to the Abrahamic faiths. The twain do not intersect, and IKS is and will only be a part of the Hindu Rashtra that is eagerly awaited by an overwhelmingly large section of our population, namely the 80% Hindus of India. IKS is based in the Hindu religion and as such it cannot be interpreted within the rubric of Abrahamic faiths.

India’s NEP 2020 recommends integrating the IKS into the educational curriculum to promote a deeper understanding of the country’s traditional wisdom, sciences, languages, and cultural heritage. This includes learning about ancient sciences, arts, linguistics, philosophy, and environmental conservation practices, along with modern subjects. The goal is to foster holistic education, instill pride in India’s diverse heritage, and bridge the gap between traditional knowledge and contemporary learning methods.

Now, all this is very well but it simply restates what is known about the nature of IKS. How exactly do schools and colleges go about in this business and is it really possible to integrate IKS within a Macaulay system that is fundamentally different, in that the very cognitive processes in the two systems are diametrically opposite? One option is to not even try and mix these two streams but rather set up universities like Nalanda University or Rishihood University to operate wholly within the IKS pattern, more or less like Jewish Yeshivas that are based on Talmudic principles, and yet are able to turn out graduates that easily take their place in the secular world outside. Operationally, an IKS curriculum needs appropriate teachers and at present, we see the need for teachers with expertise in three different areas: (i) the domain expertise in the subject being taught; (ii) the Sanskrit language, and; (iii) a working knowledge of the Vedas. It will be difficult to find people with simultaneous expertise in all three areas till two or so generations of IKS students graduate at the PhD level. Faculty in IKS departments need therefore to be wisely chosen.

The Government of India needs to actively fund IKS programmes in private universities because many extraneous political factors might creep in if IKS is aggressively pushed in public universities especially state universities in Tamil Nadu and other places. IKS should be taken forward in as many places where there is eagerness and willingness to learn subjects through IKS. Once it is seen that there are employment opportunities for IKS-trained graduates, its popularity and relevance are bound to grow.

Overall, for IKS to be a practical reality in India, we need a civilizational reworking, in other words integrating India’s re-awakening with respect to its identity. IKS cannot be treated as a purely educational exercise, nor even as a subpart of the overall educational policy of the country as most recently articulated in NEP 2020. IKS can only have viability and relevance when a nation-state, namely India, remakes itself as a civilizational state, namely Bhārat.

This is a major exercise that needs reforms in all aspects of governance: the judiciary, the executive, and the legislature. The reforms should be directed towards a redefinition of the country as a Hindu Rashtra. For, if Sanātana Dharma lives, Bhārat lives—if Sanātana Dharma dies, Bhārat dies. Education can and must be viewed as a part of a grand design in which a country comes out of a millennium of physical, mental, intellectual, and above all, civilizational servitude.

The colonial mindset that has persisted even after 75 years of independence from Britain has been a really serious problem in India partly because the upper echelons of decision makers, the highest-level politicians and bureaucrats, were largely Macaulayist in their thinking till the mid-1970s, conservatively speaking. The diplomatic and organizational aspects of governance were, inter alia, gravely impaired. The matter of the rediscovery of India and its remaking as Bhārat its origins in the very nature of Sanātana Dharma.

The civilizational revolution is an immediate and short-term priority. The several policy and governmental changes during the past decade can only increase the feelings of self-confidence and self-pride among vast sections of Indians. We are mostly concerned here with the effects of the civilizational and cultural revolution on bringing in a dharmic educational system, governance institutions, and overall social regulation that will give a long-term, resilient thrust to India’s economic expansion. It is in this context that IKS should be considered, and its practitioners should ideally be aware that the synergy of IKS with the overall movement towards a Hindu Rashtra can certainly lead to a fundamental change in our educational policies for the better.

Gautam Desiraju is Professor Emeritus in the Indian Institute of Science, Bengaluru.

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“I’m Telling You Again And Again, I’m Proud To Be A Christian”: DMK Scion Udhayanidhi Stalin Who Wants To Eradicate Sanatana Dharma Says

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The Commune
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I'm Telling You Again And Again, I'm Proud To Be A Christian: DMK Scion Udhayanidhi Stalin Who Wants To Eradicate Sanatana Dharma Says

The Christmas and welfare program, organized by the Synod of Pentecostal churches, was held at Bethel Metropolitan Cathedral in Coimbatore. DMK scion and Tamil Nadu Deputy Chief Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin and delivered a ‘heartfelt’ speech celebrating the spirit of Christmas at the event, even as he proudly declared himself a Christian and Muslim.

Addressing the gathering, Udhayanidhi reflected on the ‘universal joy’ of the Christmas season. “If there is a festival that brings happiness to the whole world, it is Christmas. I am even happier when Christmas arrives,” he remarked.

He spoke about his personal connection to Christian institutions, sharing that he had studied at Don Bosco School and Loyola College. Referring to a statement he made at a Christmas event last year, he said, “I proudly declared, ‘I am also a Christian.’ Immediately many ‘Sanghis’ had stomach burns. Today, I say it again—I am proud to say that I am a Christian.”. 

Though ‘Sanghi’ is a term referring to a devout Hindu, a subscriber of Hindutva ideology, a support of BJP and Prime Minister Narendra Modi and everything in that spectrum, it is used by leftists, Islamists and Dravidianists to derogate their ideological and political opponents.

The Deputy CM later went on to play it safe, stating, “If you think of me as a Christian, I am a Christian. If you think of me as a Muslim, I am a Muslim. If you think of me as a Hindu, I belong to all. The foundation of all religions is love. Every religion teaches us to love one another.”

Repeat From The Past

In 2022, speaking at a Christmas celebration event organized on 22 December 2022) at Chennai’s Harbour constituency, he said, “I’m proud to call myself a Christian. Today, all Sanghis (a colloquial reference denoting devout Hindus and supporters of RSS-BJP) will be burning. Because Sekarbabu (Tamil Nadu Hindu Religious & Charitable Endowments Minister) is saying ‘Hallelujah’, Udhayanidhi is saying ‘I’m a Christian’. Yes, I will say that I’m a Muslim too.”

Addressing the audience, Udhayanidhi Stalin said “From the same platform last year, the speech I made became a big topic of discussion. I said that I’m proud to be a Christian, I studied in Don Bosco school and Loyola College. Again I’m saying, I’m a Christian and I am proud to call myself a Christian.”

Earlier in 2022, Udhayanidhi Stalin speaking at the Christmas celebrations organized in the same Harbour constituency said that he and his wife are Christians.

However this time, the DMK scion went on to play safe saying “But I am not going to stop there this time. If you call me a Christian, I’m a Christian. If you call me a Hindu, I’m a Hindu. If you call me a Muslim, I’m Muslim. I don’t have any caste or religion. I will keep telling that everybody is equal by birth. Our leaders – ‘Thanthai’ Periyar, ‘Perarignar’ Anna, ‘Muthamizharignar’ Dr. Kalaignar (Karunanidhi), our leader CM (Stalin) has taught us only this. I will keep talking about it anywhere, anytime, how many ever times. I am sure that you will agree with what I say.”

In 2023, during the Christmas celebrations held in Chennai’s Harbour constituency, Tamil Nadu Hindu Religious & Charitable Endowments Minister PK Sekar Babu, Chennai Mayor Priya, and several Christian pastors shared the dais with the attendees.

Addressing the audience, Udhayanidhi Stalin once again said “From the same platform last year, the speech I made became a big topic of discussion. I said that I’m proud to be a Christian, I studied in Don Bosco school and Loyola College. Again I’m saying, I’m a Christian and I am proud to call myself a Christian.”

Trying to play safe, he said, “But I am not going to stop there this time. If you call me a Christian, I’m a Christian. If you call me a Hindu, I’m a Hindu. If you call me a Muslim, I’m Muslim. I don’t have any caste or religion. I will keep telling that everybody is equal by birth. Our leaders – ‘Thanthai’ Periyar, ‘Perarignar’ Anna, ‘Muthamizharignar’ Dr. Kalaignar (Karunanidhi), our leader CM (Stalin) has taught us only this. I will keep talking about it anywhere, anytime, how many ever times. I am sure that you will agree with what I say.”

Udhayanidhi Stalin had landed himself in soup in September 2023 when he called for the ‘eradication of Sanatana Dharma’ also known as Hinduism saying “Mosquitoes, dengue, flu, malaria, corona – we should not oppose these things. They’ve to be eradicated completely. Same is the case with Santanam (Hinduism). Our first work should be to abolish/eradicate Sanatanam instead of opposing it.” This had led to a national outrage with even the I.N.D.I. allies distancing themselves from the DMK.

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How Congress And Nehru Gandhi Family Have Insulted Ambedkar

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The Commune
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How Congress And Nehru Gandhi Family Have Insulted Ambedkar

Even as the Congress-Leftist-Dravidianist falsely accuses Home Minister Amit Shah of being ‘anti-Ambedkar’ after misrepresenting a 12-second video,  the full context reveals Shah’s support for Ambedkar’s principles, exposing Congress’s long history of undermining the Dalit icon. From Nehru’s efforts to defeat Ambedkar in elections to Rahul Gandhi’s recent blunders, the Congress has repeatedly insulted Ambedkar, casting doubts on their commitment to his vision.

The entire Congress-Leftist-Dravidianist ecosystem has stirred up a controversy by spreading a false narrative by clipping a 12-second video of Home Minister Amit Shah, and attempting to convince the public that Amit Shah and the BJP are ‘anti-Ambedkar,’ ‘anti-Constitution,’ or ‘anti-Dalit.’ However, this narrative crumbled once the full context of Shah’s statement was revealed, debunking the claims. Rather than disrespecting Ambedkar, Shah’s comments exposed the propaganda machine of Congress and its allies, showing that they have disrespected Ambedkar and his principles both in the past and present.

In this context, it’s important to consider how Congress and its leaders have consistently undermined Babasaheb Ambedkar, primarily to preserve their dynastic politics. Ambedkar’s knowledge and influence were seen as a threat to the Nehru-Gandhi family’s control, prompting Congress to sideline him tactically after the first parliamentary elections. Much like how they adopted the surname “Gandhi” instead of “Nehru,” Congress and its leaders have used Ambedkar’s name as a mere political tool for survival and vote bank politics, without truly upholding or following his principles.

Nehru Worked To Defeat Ambedkar In Elections

The Congress party has long exhibited an anti-Ambedkar sentiment, dating back to the era of Jawaharlal Nehru. Nehru’s Congress treated Dr. B.R. Ambedkar with contempt, actively working to ensure his defeat in the 1952 parliamentary elections in North Bombay and the 1954 by-election in Bhandara. Infact, Nehru made defeating Ambedkar as a matter of his prestige.

The 1952 Lok Sabha elections in the North Bombay reserved constituency marked a calculated effort to sideline Dr. Ambedkar, one of India’s greatest intellectuals and visionaries. The Congress, treating the election as a battle of prestige, ensured a meticulously orchestrated campaign under the supervision of Prime Minister Nehru, with active involvement from S.K. Patil and Communist leader Shripad A. Dange. Their objective was clear: defeat Dr. Ambedkar at any cost. To achieve this, they rallied behind an unknown candidate, Narayanrao Kajrolkar, who ultimately won by a slim margin of 14,374 votes (Kajrolkar: 137,950; Ambedkar: 123,576).

This defeat wasn’t just political—it was symbolic. It demonstrated the extent to which the Congress and its allies would go to suppress towering figures like Dr. Ambedkar, whose contributions to shaping modern India remain unmatched. The election revealed an unwillingness to accommodate independent thinkers of his caliber, prioritizing political dominance over merit and vision. In doing so, the Nehruvian establishment attempted to erase the legacy of one of the nation’s most critical and transformative leaders.

Denied A Portrait In Central Hall Of Parliament & Bharat Ratna

It was only in 1990, under the National Front government supported by the BJP, that Dr. Ambedkar’s portrait was finally placed in the Central Hall of Parliament. For decades, the Congress also denied him the Bharat Ratna, which was conferred on him only by the National Front government in 1990.

Shaming Ambedkar In School Textbooks

In 2012, a controversial cartoon of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar featured in the NCERT political science textbook for Class XI sparked outrage in both houses of Parliament. The cartoon, which was deemed derogatory, led to the government issuing an apology and ordering its removal from the textbook. Originally published in 1949, the cartoon had been included continuously, seemingly to mock Ambedkar. It depicted Ambedkar riding a snail labeled “Constitution,” which was moving slowly, while Jawaharlal Nehru was shown wielding a whip. The cartoon was intended to reflect the two years it took to draft the Constitution, but it ignited widespread controversy. In response to the backlash, the Congress government apologized and ensured the sketch was removed from NCERT textbooks.

Rahul Gandhi’s Mentor Sam Pitroda Insulted Ambedkar

Recently, Rahul Gandhi’s mentor, Sam Pitroda, insulted Dr. Ambedkar by endorsing a tweet/article that outrageously claimed that the greatest falsification of modern history was the idea that Ambedkar was the father of the Indian Constitution.

Rahul Gandhi Called For Cancelling Reservation

The Congress party’s approach to Ambedkar’s legacy is a notable aspect of its political strategy. There are several factors contributing to the shortcomings of Rahul Gandhi’s social justice efforts. While the party publicly supports a caste census and calls for greater representation for political gain, its actual practices tell a different story; Congress-led states have not demonstrated any commitment to these principles. Recently, during his visit to the USA, Rahul Gandhi suggested moving away from reservations in India, a remark that sparked considerable backlash, as it contradicts Ambedkar’s vision for upliftment and the protections enshrined in the Constitution.

Rahul Gandhi Was Seated In A Chari While Ambedkar’s Photo Was On The Ground

Recently, Rahul Gandhi faced heavy criticism on social media after a photo surfaced showing him posing with Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s portrait placed on the floor during a meeting with representatives of the Valmiki community at his mother’s residence in Janpath. Netizens accused him of disrespecting Ambedkar, sparking widespread backlash.

The criticism directed at Rahul Gandhi arises in the context of his recent visit surrounding Valmiki Jayanti on 17 October 2024. On this occasion, he visited the Valmiki Temple on Mandir Marg to offer prayers and later met with the representatives of the Valmiki community at his mother Sonia Gandhi’s residence. During a meeting with delegations, members brought souvenirs and gifts to Rahul Gandhi and took photos with him. These images were shared by Gandhi and the Congress on their respective social media platforms. However, one picture drew significant backlash: it showed a photo of Dr B.R. Ambedkar carelessly placed on the ground among the attendees. This caused considerable outrage, as many felt it disrespected Ambedkar’s legacy.

Netizens criticized Gandhi, pointing out the contradiction between his praise for Ambedkar and the perceived disrespect in the photo. The incident went viral, with many expressing their disappointment over what they saw as hypocrisy while honoring Maharishi Valmiki, a respected figure among Dalit communities and the author of the Ramayana, they felt it was wrong to disregard Ambedkar in the same setting.

In stark contrast, Prime Minister Narendra Modi paid a heartfelt tribute to Ambedkar during his 125th birth anniversary, marking the first-ever celebration of Constitution Day. He introduced the term “Panchteerth,” committing to develop five significant locations related to Ambedkar’s life into pilgrimage sites and declared Samvidhan Diwas. In 2018, Modi granted constitutional status to the BC Commission, supported the election of India’s first tribal woman president, and led the passage of a constitutional amendment to ensure women’s reservations.

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Kerala High Court Quashes Case Against Govt Employee For ‘Sarcastic Comment’ On CM Vijayan

By
The Commune
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Kerala High Court Quashes Case Against Govt Employee For ‘Sarcastic Comment’ On CM Vijayan

The Kerala High Court has quashed legal proceedings against a state government employee who made a “sarcastic comment” in a WhatsApp group about Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan’s appeal for government employees to donate a month’s salary to the 2018 flood relief fund.

The employee, a manager at the state-owned SupplyCo, had shared a post in the WhatsApp group of SupplyCo employees in Kasargod. The post included a picture of the Chief Minister’s appeal captioned, “Malayalees will happily donate their one-month salary, but you have to reduce the expenditure.”

The post further criticized certain government expenditures and remarked that the Chief Minister should lead by example before giving advice. The employee was charged under Sections 166 and 167 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) for allegedly disobeying the law and preparing an incorrect document.

He approached the High Court seeking to quash the case. In its judgment, the Court said, “It is also pertinent to note that the comment posted by the petitioner quoting the appeal of the Chief Minister to donate one month’s salary to the Flood Relief Fund, is not one exhorting others to refrain from contributing their monthly salary as requested by the Chief Minister. On the other hand, the opening words of that comment itself show that the people of Kerala would wholeheartedly give their monthly salary for the land, but there shall be austerity measures on the part of the Government to reduce the expenditure. Thus, it is not possible to say that a person reading the comment would be motivated to avoid payment of his monthly salary to the Flood Relief Fund. In that view of the matter, it cannot be said that the act of the petitioner making the above post in the WhatsApp group of the employees of SupplyCo in Kasaragod, was intended to cause injury to any of the beneficiaries of the Flood Relief Scheme.”

The Court ruled that the charges under Section 166 IPC, which pertains to a public servant disobeying the law with intent to cause harm, were not applicable. The Court clarified that the term “person” under the IPC does not extend to the government. Similarly, it found that Section 167 IPC, related to preparing an incorrect document with intent to cause injury, was also not applicable in the case. “The facts and circumstances of this case are in no way related to the preparation or translation of any document or electronic record as part of the petitioner’s official duty, in a manner intended to cause harm to any individual,” the Court stated. “It has to be stated that the offense under Sections 166 and 167 the IPC is prima facie not attracted in the facts and circumstances of this case,” the court added and quashed the proceedings against the employee.

–IANS

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