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Supreme Court’s Decree On Tamil Nadu Bills Raises Questions On Judicial Overreach Over Executive Authority

By
The Commune
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On 8 April 2025, the Supreme Court exercised its inherent powers and ruled that 10 Tamil Nadu Bills, which had been withheld assent by Governor R.N. Ravi for periods ranging from two to five years, are now deemed to have been assented to.

A bench comprising Justices J.B. Pardiwala and R. Mahadevan declared the Governor’s decision to reserve the 10 Bills for Presidential assent as “illegal” and subject to being overturned.

The Bills, mostly related to the appointment of Vice-Chancellors at state universities, were sent by the Tamil Nadu Legislature to the Governor for consent between January 2020 and April 2023. However, the Governor delayed action on them indefinitely. When the Tamil Nadu government approached the Supreme Court in November 2023 over the Governor’s lack of response, the Governor referred two Bills to the President and continued to withhold consent on the remaining 10.

In response, the Tamil Nadu Assembly re-passed the 10 Bills during a special session on November 18, 2023, and resubmitted them to the Governor. The Governor subsequently referred all of them to the President for approval. While the President assented to one of the Bills, rejected seven, and did not address the remaining two, the Supreme Court’s ruling has now granted assent to the 10 Bills.

The 10 Bills now deemed to have been assented to by the Supreme Court include:

  • Tamil Nadu Fisheries University (Amendment) Bill, 2020
  • Tamil Nadu Veterinary and Animal Sciences University (Amendment) Bill, 2020
  • Tamil Nadu Universities Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2022
  • Tamil Nadu Siddha Medical University Bill, 2022
  • Tamil Nadu Dr. M.G.R. Medical University, Chennai (Amendment) Bill, 2022
  • Tamil Nadu Agricultural University (Amendment) Bill, 2022
  • Tamil University (Second Amendment) Bill, 2022
  • Tamil Nadu Universities Laws (Second Amendment) Bill, 2022
  • Tamil Nadu Siddha Medical University Bill, 2022
  • Tamil Nadu Fisheries University (Amendment) Bill, 2023
  • Tamil Nadu Veterinary and Animal Sciences University (Amendment) Bill, 2023

Governor’s Mandate Followed

Regarding the Governor’s actions, as per constitutional mandates, Tamil Nadu Governor R.N. Ravi has followed the provisions outlined in the Indian Constitution. Under Article 200, the Governor has four options when dealing with a bill:

  1. Assent to the bill.
  2. Withhold assent to the bill.
  3. Return the bill (if it’s not a Money Bill) for reconsideration by the legislature. However, if the bill is passed again, with or without amendments, the Governor must give his assent.
  4. Reserve the bill for the consideration of the President of India.

Once a bill is reserved for Presidential consideration, the Governor plays no further role in the bill’s enactment. The Governor has the discretion to reserve a bill for the President’s consideration without needing the advice of the Council of Ministers. However, the Constitution does not specify a time limit within which the Governor must act, nor does it mandate automatic assent if the bill is passed again after being returned when bill reserved for Presidential consideration.

Is Judicial Overreach At Its Peak?

The Supreme Court’s decision to treat the Tamil Nadu Bills as passed, utilizing its powers under Article 142, is a rare instance of the provision being invoked. Article 142, typically sparingly used, was employed three times in 2024 alone.

Article 142 of the Constitution allows the Supreme Court to pass any decree or make any order necessary to ensure “complete justice” in cases before it. Such decrees and orders are enforceable throughout India, in accordance with laws made by Parliament or as prescribed by the President until such laws are enacted.

  1. In October 2024, the Court invoked this provision to allow a Dalit youth to be admitted to IIT Dhanbad after he missed the fee payment deadline.
  2. Earlier, in April 2024, Article 142 was used to grant a divorce under the Hindu Marriage Act in a case where one party opposed it, but the marriage had irretrievably broken down.
  3. In February 2024, the Court invoked Article 142 again to annul the results of the mayoral election in Chandigarh, citing evidence of electoral fraud.
  4. The Supreme Court’s intervention in the Chandigarh mayoral election was criticized by some as judicial overreach, with critics questioning the judiciary’s involvement in electoral matters.

Criticism and Debate Over Judicial Overreach

Critics argue that if the Supreme Court steps in to approve bills that the Governor has withheld, it raises questions about the appropriateness of this intervention. Some believe that the bills should have been examined carefully, with issues addressed and a clear timeline set for the Governor’s action, thus maintaining the judiciary’s dignity.

Instead, the Supreme Court’s swift intervention in assuming the President’s role is seen by some as an overreach, potentially abusing its power. The Court’s decision to act without input from the Central Government has been deemed unacceptable by critics.

Why is this objectionable?

The Chief Ministers and Governors are directly connected to the people, and it is the legislature’s role to decide what aligns with public interests, not the judiciary. If the Supreme Court wields excessive power, it might lose sight of more pressing issues. For instance, if the Court had intervened more swiftly in laws addressing rampant alcoholism, or the crisis of law and order, it could have made a greater societal impact.

Why hasn’t the Court addressed increasing crimes, jail overcrowding, child sexual abuse, or public health issues like untouchability and contaminated water? Critics question whether the judiciary has become selective in its intervention.

Furthermore, there are concerns about the Court’s role in investigations, particularly when it chooses to withdraw from cases involving politicians or public figures. Is this retreat opportunistic, or does it signal a lack of willingness to act?

Additionally, some question whether it is the Court’s role to step in on administrative matters such as appointing university chancellors, especially if those appointments are made by politicians who may not act in the public’s best interest. The Constitution has undergone several amendments over the past seventy years, but there’s still a lack of clarity on key issues, particularly regarding the implementation of laws.

There are also concerns about the credibility of the legal and political systems. For example, some wonder if the judicial appointment process, particularly the collegium system, is truly serving the best interests of the people, given the substantial financial influence at play.

The Tamil Nadu government’s decisions, instead of being guided by a well-formed committee with clear directives, should be scrutinized when they seem to disregard public welfare. If the ruling party displays injustice or cruelty, the public must not remain silent.

While the judiciary’s role is critical, its interference in areas that traditionally belong to other branches of government raises important questions about the boundaries of judicial power. When the Court oversteps its authority, it can undermine the democratic principles it is meant to protect.

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NHRC Issues Notice To UGC & Registrar Of Madras University Over Alleged Human Rights Violations at Loyola College, Chennai

By
The Commune
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The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has taken cognizance of serious allegations against Loyola College (Autonomous), Chennai, and has issued formal notices to the University Grants Commission (UGC) and the Registrar of the University of Madras. The Commission has demanded an Action Taken Report within four weeks, marking a significant intervention in the matter. A copy of the notice has also been sent to the Chief Secretary of Tamil Nadu for appropriate administrative follow-up.

The NHRC’s action stems from a detailed complaint filed by the Legal Rights Protection Forum (LRPF), a Hyderabad-based legal advocacy group. The complaint accuses Loyola College of operating its M.A. Philosophy program illegally through an off-campus Jesuit institution named Satya Nilayam, located approximately 12 km from the college’s main campus. According to LRPF, the program runs without mandatory approvals and in violation of University of Madras affiliation norms.

The complaint further alleges religious discrimination in student admissions to the program, claiming that non-Christian students have been systematically excluded. If substantiated, such practices would violate Articles 15(1) and 29(2) of the Indian Constitution, which prohibit discrimination in public educational institutions based on religion.

LRPF has also raised concerns over academic legitimacy, accusing Loyola College of misusing the name and official logo of the University of Madras to issue degrees under a program that may lack proper affiliation. This, the forum says, constitutes academic fraud and raises questions about regulatory oversight and potential collusion among officials.

The NHRC Bench, led by Priyank Kanoongo, invoked Section 12 of the Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993, and categorized the issue as a potential case of grave human rights violation. The Commission has called for a thorough and transparent inquiry, emphasizing that accountability must be ensured at all levels.

Additionally, LRPF has expressed concern over the role of officials at the University of Madras, alleging that they failed to carry out mandatory inspections of Loyola College’s academic operations, further contributing to the alleged violations.

The LRPF had previously submitted a similar complaint to the Governor of Tamil Nadu in March 2025, urging the withdrawal of both autonomous status and affiliation granted to Loyola College on grounds of unauthorized academic activity and religious discrimination.

The matter is now under formal review, with the NHRC monitoring developments closely.

(With inputs from Organiser)

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Alleged Social Media Influencer ‘Ranting Gola’ Caught Peddling Fake News Again – This Time On Waqf Amendment

By
The Commune
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Shamita Yadav, better known by her online persona ‘Ranting Gola’, has once again proven herself to be less of a commentator and more of a professional misinformation peddler. In her latest stunt, Yadav released a sensationalist video filled with lies and recycled footage, this time falsely claiming that the Waqf (Amendment) Bill would strip Indian Muslims of their right to bury their dead.

To “prove” her case, she shared an eight-year-old video from 2017 — a completely unrelated local protest — and presented it as evidence of the so-called aftermath of the Waqf Amendment. No context. No disclaimer. Just agenda-driven drama.

What makes this more shameful is that the amendment has nothing to do with religious rites or burials. It concerns administrative reforms related to Waqf properties. But for Yadav, facts clearly take a back seat when there’s outrage to be manufactured and propaganda to be peddled.

This is not the first time Yadav has landed in controversy for peddling scripted content under the pretense of personal opinion. In 2024, she faced backlash after a video targeting Samajwadi Party MLA Abu Asim Azmi went viral. In that clip, she had harshly criticized Azmi’s handling of issues in his Govandi constituency, including drug-related crimes and pollution. But after facing political and public heat, Yadav issued a statement claiming the video was merely a “trial recording” based on a pre-written script and that it was never meant for public release.

The episode earned her criticism for irresponsibly platforming unverified accusations and attempting to backtrack after the damage was done. Her clarification did little to quell concerns, especially as many began to question the authenticity of her other politically charged content. The fact that the earlier video also circulated widely right before the Maharashtra Assembly elections led many to believe it was part of a broader political ploy.

Yadav has also been accused in the past of making Hinduphobic remarks, adding to the growing scrutiny around her content. Worse, she operates under the shield of “secular concern” while spewing content that routinely targets Hindus, Hindu practices, and Hindu festivals. Ram Navami processions are labeled “provocative,” Hindu villages are “a threat to secularism,” and anyone opposing her narratives is met with abuse from her echo chamber. With her recent Waqf Amendment video, critics say she continues to weaponize misinformation to push polarizing narratives.

Observers note that her tactic remains consistent—deliver incendiary content on sensitive issues, use emotionally charged language, and later disown responsibility by calling it “scripted” or “leaked.” The pattern, they say, resembles a deliberate disinformation campaign more than an occasional lapse in judgment.

The latest video, in which she fear-mongers about Muslim burial rights using fake footage, crosses a new line — inciting communal paranoia over a law that has nothing to do with funeral rites. This is not just misleading; it’s a deliberate attempt to create unrest.

Ranting Gola has become a symbol of what’s wrong with influencer culture today: no accountability, no ethics, just viral rage for clout and clicks.

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Legendary Dancer Prabhu Deva Meets UP CM Yogi Adityanath

By
The Commune
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The legendary dancer and choreographer Prabhu Deva, who captured the hearts of 90s kids with his electrifying moves met with Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Shri Yogi Adityanath at his official residence in Lucknow today. The meeting was said to be regarding the upcoming Telugu mythological epic Kannappa, a film that has already generated significant buzz across India.

Prabhu Deva, often called as India’s Michael Jackson by his fans, became a household name in the 90s with iconic dance numbers like Chikku Bukku Rayile from Gentleman and Urvashi Urvashi from Kadhalan. Now, decades later, the dance maestro continues to inspire, this time as part of the Kannappa team, where he is reportedly set to choreograph a song for the film.

The delegation, which also included Dr. M. Mohan Babu, Chancellor of Mohan Babu University, actor Vishnu Manchu, and Vinay Maheshwari, was warmly received by CM Yogi Adityanath. During the meeting, the team presented the Chief Minister with thoughtful gifts, including a glass painting and a red box, symbolizing the cultural exchange between the Telugu film industry and Uttar Pradesh’s leadership. In a gesture of support, CM Yogi Adityanath signed the Kannappa poster and extended his best wishes for the film’s success.

Kannappa, a movie based on the legend of a devoted follower of Lord Shiva, stars Vishnu Manchu in the titular role, with a stellar ensemble cast including Mohanlal, Akshay Kumar, Prabhas, and Kajal Aggarwal. Originally slated for release on April 25, 2025, the film’s launch has been postponed, with new dates yet to be announced. The project, which has been in the making for nearly a decade, promises to be a visual spectacle, blending pan-Indian talent with a powerful narrative.

The meeting in Lucknow highlighted the growing synergy between India’s political and entertainment spheres, with CM Yogi Adityanath expressing his appreciation for the team’s efforts in bringing such a culturally significant story to the big screen. For 90s kids, seeing Prabhu Deva in the spotlight once again was a nostalgic treat, reaffirming his timeless appeal as a dance legend who continues to make waves in the industry.
As Kannappa gears up for its release, fans eagerly await the magic that Prabhu Deva will bring to the film, hoping for a glimpse of the same energy that made them dance along to his tunes in the 90s.

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TNTJ Which Was Linked To 2019 SL Easter Bomb Attacks Announces Protest At Raj Bhavan Against Wakf (Amendment) Bill, Alleges Land Grab by Centre

By
The Commune
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The Tamil Nadu Thowheed Jamath (TNTJ), an organization previously flagged in connection with the 2019 Sri Lanka Easter bombings, has announced plans to gherao the Raj Bhavan on 12 April 2025 in protest against the Wakf (Amendment) Bill recently passed by the BJP-led government in Parliament.

TNTJ general secretary A Abdul Rahim accused Union Home Minister Amit Shah and Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman of misleading Parliament on the provisions of the Bill. He alleged that the legislation was designed to facilitate the transfer of vast stretches of Wakf land to corporate allies of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Abdul Rahim also expressed gratitude to Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin and DMK MPs A. Raja and Tiruchi Siva for vocally opposing the Bill in Parliament.

Ironically, their founder P Jainulabdeen’s video speaking in support of the Waqf Amendment Bill where he called the Waqf Board, the most corrupt institution in India and also called it a “museebat” for Muslims, went viral a few days ago.

(With inputs from Times of India)

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Madras High Court Slams TN Govt For ‘Disrespecting’ Court In ED Case Involving TASMAC

By
The Commune
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On 8 April 2025, Justice S.M. Subramaniam of the Madras High Court criticized the Tamil Nadu government for “disrespecting and insulting” the High Court in its approach to transferring a set of cases related to the Enforcement Directorate’s (ED) recent search and seizure operation at the Tamil Nadu State Marketing Corporation (TASMAC) headquarters in Chennai. The operation took place between 6 and 8 March 2025.

While presiding over a Division Bench alongside Justice K. Rajasekar, Justice Subramaniam questioned whether the state was more concerned with protecting the public interest or the interests of certain TASMAC officials being investigated by the ED. He accused the state government of being unfair to the court proceedings and disrespecting the High Court, addressing State Government Pleader (SGP) Edwin Prabakar.

The remarks came after the SGP informed the court about the state’s request to the Supreme Court to transfer three writ petitions—one filed by the state and two by TASMAC—challenging the legality of the ED’s operation and seeking to prevent further harassment of TASMAC officials. The state argued that the writ petitions were filed to safeguard the welfare of the state and its citizens, and requested that the High Court delay hearing the matter by a couple of hours to await the outcome of the transfer petition in the Supreme Court.

However, Justice Subramaniam questioned the timing of the transfer petition, pointing out that the state had previously agreed in court on 1 April 2025, to commence final arguments on the writ petitions by 8 August 2025. He expressed his concerns about how the state filed the transfer plea without informing the High Court beforehand, despite being given the opportunity to do so earlier. Although the state had the right to approach the Supreme Court, the judge criticized the way the transfer petition was filed as improper.

Later that day, the Division Bench was informed that the Supreme Court had dismissed the state’s transfer petition, and TASMAC decided to proceed with its two writ petitions before the High Court. Senior Counsel Vikram Chaudhary began presenting his arguments on behalf of TASMAC and was granted permission to continue his submissions the following day.

After the hearing concluded, Advocate General P.S. Raman requested that the interim order issued by another Division Bench on 20 March, which had directed the ED to refrain from taking coercive action, be extended until the writ petitions were resolved. However, ED Special Public Prosecutor N. Ramesh strongly objected, stating that the ED had not made any commitments to the previous Division Bench. After hearing both sides, Justice Subramaniam stated that his Bench was not inclined to issue any interim orders but was prepared to expedite the hearing and resolve the main writ petitions as soon as possible.

(With inputs from The Hindu)

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Loyola College Scandal Exposed: Non-Christians Discriminated In MA Philosophy Course, Degree Issued In Madras University’s Name For Unauthorized Priest Training Course, University Of Madras Shielding Loyola’s Misdeeds?

By
The Commune
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loyola college university of madras

A formal complaint has been filed with the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) against Loyola College (Autonomous), Chennai, accusing the institution of religious discrimination, academic misrepresentation, and denial of equal access to education for Hindu students. The complaint was submitted to NHRC and seeks immediate intervention and action.

According to the complaint, Loyola College has allegedly been conducting its MA Philosophy programme off-campus at Satya Nilayam, a Jesuit-run theological training centre in Thiruvanmiyur, around 12 kilometres away from its approved campus. Satya Nilayam is operated by the Society of Sacred Heart College and is not an institution formally recognised under the affiliation norms of the University of Madras. The complainant argued that the programme was effectively limited to Catholic seminarians and Jesuit missionaries, thereby excluding non-Christian students in violation of Article 15(1) and Article 29(2) of the Indian Constitution.

It was further stated that Loyola College has been issuing degree certificates bearing the name and official logo of the University of Madras to students who have studied exclusively at Satya Nilayam, misleading both the university and regulatory bodies. A 2005 MA Philosophy degree certificate issued to a Jesuit missionary was cited as an example of this alleged misrepresentation.

The complaint also pointed to the changing contents of Satya Nilayam’s official website. Before a complaint was filed with the Governor of Tamil Nadu, the website had referenced Loyola College’s role in the MA Philosophy programme. These references were reportedly removed after the complaint, indicating what the petitioner described as a deliberate attempt to erase evidence. Archived versions of the website available through the Wayback Machine were submitted to the NHRC as supporting material.

 

The petitioner expressed concern that this arrangement not only breached academic integrity but also violated university affiliation rules, which require that all academic programmes be conducted within approved campus premises and remain open to students of all religious backgrounds. The use of an unapproved off-campus centre with restricted access was described in the complaint as a systematic denial of equal educational opportunities to Hindu and other non-Christian students.

The complaint also raised questions about the role of University of Madras officials. It noted that the university’s official website continued to refer to Satya Nilayam as an affiliated research centre offering the M.A. Philosophy programme in collaboration with Loyola College, even after the website of Satya Nilayam had removed such references.

Before complaint
After complaint – removal of Loyola College reference

Additionally, in response to an RTI query, the University of Madras stated in January 2023 that the original affiliation or permission order granted to Loyola College in 1998 was “untraceable” due to the passage of time, a claim the petitioner viewed with suspicion and described as indicative of administrative complicity.

The complaint urged the NHRC to recommend a full investigation and to direct the University Grants Commission (UGC) to take disciplinary action against both Loyola College and Satya Nilayam. The petitioner called for the cancellation of the MA Philosophy programme’s affiliation with the University of Madras, revocation of Loyola College’s autonomous status, and imposition of penalties for violating university regulations and constitutional principles.

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Madurai Bench Of Madras High Court Seeks HR&CE Response On PIL Challenging Ban On Caste Names In Temple Invitations

By
The Commune
-

The Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court has sought a response from the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR & CE) Department on a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) petition challenging a circular that prohibits the inclusion of caste names in temple festival invitations.

The PIL was filed by G. Ramalingam, a devotee of the historic Baskareswarar Temple in Thanjavur, which was established over 1,100 years ago during the Chola period. According to the petitioner, the 10-day annual festival currently underway at the temple faced an unexpected hurdle when organizers became aware of the HR & CE circular restricting the mention of caste or family names of sponsors in invitation materials.

Ramalingam contended that the practice of including such names has been a long-standing tradition and an integral part of temple customs. He argued that the circular infringes upon these age-old practices and cited that it was issued following a Madras High Court order related to the Pattukkottai Nadiamman temple festival. However, he pointed out that the Supreme Court has already stayed that specific order on 24 March 2025.

In light of this, the petitioner urged the High Court to stay or quash the circular. While the division bench declined to stay the circular’s operation, it directed the HR & CE Department to file a detailed response within four weeks.

(With inputs from The New Indian Express)

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Why Tamil Thaai And Bharat Mata Are The Same Divine Mother

By
Soorya Kant
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tamil thaai bharat mata

India, a country that is home to almost 33 million Gods, is truly the most diverse nation on the planet. The ratio of the number of people and gods put together is staggering; we arrive at 1 god/goddess for every 42.42 people. From this lens, there is a divine depiction of every cultural identity. These gods are a medium for cultural integration and invocation for a historic and spiritual consciousness. Contrary to their purpose, the divine entities have been misinterpreted to foster division and isolate certain linguistic backgrounds from the larger Indian identity. A common example of such a misinterpretation is the distinction given to Tamil Thaai from Bharat Mata. The Dravidian movement effectively used Tamil Thai as a symbol to resist the ‘Aryanisation’ of Tamil Nadu and invoke a cause to protect the Tamil identity. Yet, when both are closely studied, one realises that Bharat Mata and Tamil Thaai are one and the same.

Goddess For Each Region And Culture

In ancient Indian culture, geography at different levels is depicted in the form of goddesses. The earth is known as Bhumi Devi. India and the larger subcontinent are worshipped in the form of Bharat Mata. When broken down further, each cultural region and linguistic identity has its own depictions, such as Tamil Thaai (the personification of the Tamil language), Karnataka Thaayi (the mother of Karnataka), and Telugu Thalli (the mother of the Telugus). Break them down further; we can find gods that are specific to each town and village. This shows that at every stage, from the globe to the country and then to the local region, at each successive level, there is a concept of female divinity, the Mother who nourishes us.

Drawing Parallels That Intersect

The problem arises when these linguistic and regional divine entities are invoked to foster division among regions and people. When that is not truly the case. Ultimately, all goddesses are an incarnation of Shakthi, the ultimate feminine energy, that which gives life to everyone. Therefore, all other goddesses, such as Lakshmi, Saraswati, Kali, Bharat Mata, and Tamil Thaai, are different forms taken by Shakthi in different situations.

Bharat Mata was first conceptualised in the 1870s by Bankim Chandra Pal in his song Vande Mataram, which personified the nation as a goddess. This idea was later enhanced with the pictorial depiction of Bharat Mata by Abindranath Tagore in 1905. The freedom movement at that time used the idea of Bharat Mata to solicit national pride and identity among the people.

Similarly, Tamil Thai found its origin around the same time as Bharat Mata, Bharathiyar and Sundaram Pillai spoke of a Tamil mother to inspire pride in the language. Pillai’s drama Manomaniam used the song Tamil Thai Vaazhthu to set such a tone. This identity was later used and given an image by political groups in the anti-Hindi agitation.

The similarities are that both Bharat and Tamil Nadu were personified to invoke pride in identity and language. Both of them are goddesses who found their origins during the need for cultural consciousness under British rule. Both have their own songs, which were later adopted as the national and state songs, respectively. Thus, Tamil Thaai is an incarnation of a larger Bharat Mata.

If Bharat Mata is the body of India, then Tamil Nadu is one of her limbs, and Tamil Thaai is the voice of that limb. One cannot separate the voice from the body—it is a regional articulation of the same national spirit.

Bharatiyar’s Perspective

In Bharatiyar’s poem, “Bharat Mata Thiruppalliezhuchi”, he writes, ‘Aḷḷiya teḷḷamu taṉṉai em aṉṉai!’ which translates to ‘The one who has been crying is our mother!’

Throughout the poem, in different stanzas, he is constantly referring to a mother with words such as Thaaye, Annai, and Amme; in this context, the mother he speaks so lovingly about is none other than Bharat Mata.

In other poems in which the theme was Tamil pride, he would personify the language with a feminine connotation, many a time showing love for it like how one does for a mother. Therefore, one can affirm that he saw no distinction between the two.

To argue that Tamil Thaai is an incarnation of Bharat Mata is not to diminish Tamil pride but to place it within a context. Just as rivers flow from different sources but reach the same ocean, regional identities like Tamil Thaai lead us toward a united love for Bharat Mata. India may have many cultural identities, but none of these stand outside or above India; instead, they enrich it. Bharat Mata speaks many tongues. When she speaks in Tamil, she becomes Tamil Thaai.

Soorya Kant is a 12th grade student at Isha Home School.

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How TNM Editor-In-Chief Dhanya Rajendran Routinely Simps For The DMK

By
The Commune
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The Supreme Court’s recent verdict striking down Tamil Nadu Governor R.N. Ravi’s reservation of 10 state bills for Presidential assent has triggered a media storm — but not all of it grounded in impartiality. Among the loudest celebrants was Dhanya Rajendran, editor of The News Minute (TNM), who wasted no time calling it a “huge” moment and a “big victory” for the DMK.

Her post on X read, “This is huge. Big victory for the DMK and sets a precedent. So many states have complaints that Governors are sitting on bills.”

A journalist publicly cheerleading a political party’s legal victory — without nuance or journalistic caution — is not analysis. It’s partisan posturing. And this is far from an isolated instance. TNM, under Dhanya’s editorial leadership, has made a habit of amplifying outrage against the BJP while remaining conspicuously silent on the censorship and strong-arm tactics of the DMK — a pattern best described as “selective journalism,” or more bluntly, simping for the Dravidian ruling class.

It Is All ‘Fascist’ — Unless It’s The DMK

Take the recent Empuraan controversy. The Malayalam political thriller faced over 17 cuts following objections over its portrayal of the 2002 Gujarat riots — prompting TNM to unleash a barrage of content on censorship, “Hindutva bullying,” and the death of artistic freedom. Its tone was militant: artistic liberty was under siege, and the villain was the “right wing.”

But when the same film was quietly edited to remove alleged references to the Mullaperiyar dam — after public pressure from the DMK government, including threats from ministers and an Assembly debate — TNM had nothing to say.

Not a word. Not a video. Not a breath of the righteous outrage that animated its earlier coverage.

TNM’s Bias And Selective Outrage – Silence On DMK’s Crackdown On Dissent

The News Minute (TNM), under the leadership of Editor-in-Chief Dhanya Rajendran, consistently exhibits glaring double standards and ideological bias, particularly in favor of the DMK and other left-leaning forces. While Dhanya is vocal against the central government—accusing it of censorship, authoritarianism, and media control—she remains conspicuously silent on similar or worse crackdowns by the DMK-led Tamil Nadu government. Despite a long list of arrests targeting critics, YouTubers, BJP functionaries, and common netizens under the DMK regime, Dhanya has never condemned the state’s blatant misuse of power. In contrast, she denounced the Centre’s PIB fact-checking mechanism as unconstitutional and dangerous for press freedom, ignoring the fact that DMK had already created a similar, more expansive state surveillance mechanism. These patterns raise serious questions about TNM’s neutrality and reveal it as a partisan outlet masquerading as independent media, with Dhanya Rajendran acting more like a DMK sympathizer than an objective journalist.

The Kunal Kamra Issue

While Dhanya publicly praised comedian Kunal Kamra for challenging the central government’s fact-check unit in court—framing it as a defence of media freedom, her silence on similar or worse actions by the DMK-led Tamil Nadu government, particularly its Social Media Monitoring Centre set up in 2022, was telling. This unit, operating under the police, allegedly suppresses dissent and targets critics of the state government. TNM and Dhanya, despite their vocal opposition to the central government’s policies, failed to condemn this initiative. In fact, Dhanya even platformed the mission director of the DMK’s Fact-Check Unit, effectively legitimizing it.

Thanking DMK Ministers For Supporting Them

As allegations against The News Minute resurfaced in 2023, accusing its journalists of receiving bribes from mining baron Shekhar Reddy based on a resurfaced diary entry, Dhanya Rajendran strongly rejected the claims. She recalled the 2018 Income Tax raids on TNM and a prolonged investigation, which concluded in 2021 with no findings of wrongdoing. The photo of the alleged diary entry listed Dhanya and TNM journalists like Shabbir Ahmed and Anna Isaac as supposed recipients of bribes — claims TNM says were fake and debunked earlier.

Dhanya reshared a 2022 post addressing the same diary entry and condemned those reviving it. Meanwhile, journalist Shabbir Ahmed pointed to a 2016 call recording proving the entry’s circulation was based on misinformation. DMK Minister and IT Wing Secretary TRB Rajaa publicly condemned the misinformation, prompting Dhanya to thank him for his support.

Dhanya’s selective outrage – her silence on violent threats from prominent DMK figures was there for everyone to see.

ASER 2024: Whitewashing Tamil Nadu’s Learning Crisis

Dhanya Rajendran and TNM misrepresented the findings of the ASER 2024 report on Tamil Nadu’s education system. TNM spun alarming data into a false narrative of “progress,” using the severely disrupted 2022 numbers as a benchmark instead of pre-pandemic figures like those from 2018. TNM downplayed the steep decline in foundational literacy and numeracy in the state, particularly in reading and arithmetic skills among government and private school students. Their selective reporting was a deliberate attempt to shield the DMK government and its “Dravidian Model” from scrutiny. TNM highlighted digital literacy gains as a distraction from core academic failures. TNM, being a mouthpiece for the ruling establishment, ignored long-term negative trends and failing to hold the government accountable.

The TNM Rulebook: Hindu Sentiments Don’t Matter

TNM’s selective outrage doesn’t stop at censorship. Its editorial stance consistently portrays any Hindu outrage as dangerous majoritarianism, while ignoring or justifying equally aggressive reactions from Dravidian or minority leaders.

Their coverage of The Kerala Story was scathing, calling it propaganda. But Empuraan, which fictionalized the 2002 riots with real names altered just enough to avoid lawsuits? That, according to TNM, was art. Fiction. Imagination. How convenient.

One of their senior journalists, Pooja Prasanna, even tried to make a distinction between the two films — saying The Kerala Story was “state-sponsored fiction” while Empuraan was “just storytelling.” That’s not journalism. That’s spin.

From TNM – The News Minute To TN Murasoli

In its desperate attempt to project itself as a progressive, left-liberal platform, TNM has turned into something else entirely — a digital mouthpiece for the DMK-Left ecosystem. Its glaring double standards reveal a simple truth: free speech only matters to them when their ideological opponents are doing the censoring.

If the BJP criticizes a film, it’s authoritarianism. If a BJP minister sneezes, it can become hegemony! 

If the DMK suppresses speech – Crickets.

If Dhanya Rajendran truly cared about freedom of expression, she wouldn’t just tweet triumphantly when the DMK wins a legal battle. She would have condemned the party’s strong-arming of filmmakers and its creeping censorship culture.

But that would mean speaking truth to power. And TNM only does that when the power isn’t wearing a black shirt and speaking Tamil.

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