Book Review: The Cholas By TS Krishnan – Where Pages Become Portals To Our Glorious Past

September 29, 2025

The famed author, Michael Crichton, once said, “If you don’t know history, then you don’t know anything. You are leaf that doesn’t know it’s a part of the tree”. History is limited to the versions captured in the school textbooks, the narrative of which is set by the powers that may be. More often than not, some of the illustrious eras of the past get relegated to occasional passing mentions and don’t get the justice of being represented for what they are.

The land which we inhabit currently has been walked over by some very illustrious kingdoms of the past, whose accounts we know nothing of. This type of disservice is corrected by some good authors, who, with some painstaking research and years of toil, come up with a book that paints a vivid picture of a kingdom gone by. The book, The Cholas, is one such effort that portrays the lives and times of one of the most famous kingdoms of the past.

TS Krishnan is a prolific writer, evident to all those following him on the social media platform, X. The contribution of the Cholas in terms of law, administration, and the architectural and engineering marvels in the form of the famed temples that have stood the test of time has been a topic of interest and research for a long time.

The movie, Ponniyin Selvan, has piqued or rather reinvigorated an interest in the famed dynasty of the southern part of India, and naturally, there were a lot of expectations. At the onset, it needs to be highlighted that this book is an excellent one, which is backed by some solid research and cross-references across a multitude of works across various texts.

The book captures the evolution of the Cholas in 3 segments of time. Starting with their origins from Surya (Surya Vamsha) to their mention in the famed Sugreeva’s map (Ramayana) and being part of the Mahabharata, the author captures the early reign of Cholas through references from various Tamil and Sri Lankan works.

The Sangam era is the next part of the book, which captures the times of the Cholas during the Sangam period, followed by a few centuries of the Kalabhra Interregnum. Finally, the golden age of Cholas from the 9th Century CE to the 13th Century CE is presented with very rich details. The author’s research is quite evident in the form of the references from Ramayana (Sugreeva’s map) and Mahabharata (Drona Parva), as well as the famous Sri Lankan text, Mahavamsha.

The book records the times of the Sangam era with very rich and intricate details, while the Kalabhra Interregnum is also represented with vivid details, including the spread of Jainism and Buddhism during that era in this region. The author is quite clear in the details of some of the kings, whose accounts are lost to the tides of time. For example, in the revival period, the fate of Kannaradevan is quite clearly highlighted as unknown.

The book is quite an eye-opener to modern readers who are unfamiliar with the rich history of the land. Cholas were devout Sanatanis with a sound grounding in the Vedic culture. This is captured in vivid detail throughout the book, starting from the Hemagarbha and Tulabhara of Parantaka Chola.

One of the key aspects of the book is the vibrant detailing of the titles adorned by many Chola rulers over time. Another interesting anecdote is the inscription related to Raja Raja Chola’s ascension to the throne, where the word “Karkataka” is employed to denote the 4th month of the Hindu calendar (same as Adi in Tamil), as well as the word “Uttarayana Sankranthi”. These instances demonstrate the knowledge and widespread usage of the common Sanskrit-based words in the inscriptions.

The author has captured many “Meikeerthis” (true deeds) related to many Chola rulers of the modern era, which highlight the poetic elegance and exuberance of the citizens to sing the praises of their king. One of the interesting aspects captured in the book is the existence of “Chalais”, which served as a prestigious training school for the leadership, reminiscent of the modern LBSNAA located in Mussoorie, Uttarakhand.

The author highlights the various administrative reforms, like the extensive land survey, the taxation, etc, undertaken by each of the rulers. There is a dedicated section at the end of the book that captures this information in equally rich detail. Perhaps, there could have been cross-references to avoid some repetition and perhaps better compartmentalisation of the content to provide a better reading experience. The meticulous documentation of these famed kings is definitely one of the highlights of their reign during those illustrious years.

The architectural marvels of Brihadeeshwara (Rajarajeshwaram), Gangai Konda Cholapuram, Darasuram, and Tribhuvanam are brought out with such rich and vivid details. The author successfully transports the readers into the era of architectural and engineering excellence, along with the rich and deep cultural and religious impact of these rulers. For example, one learns about the first installation of Sarabha Murthy (a fierce form of Shiva) during Raja Raja II’s reign in Darasuram. These tiny, yet powerful details are clearly the highlights of this book.

One of the standout features of the book is the rich photographs of temples, murals, and bronze sculptures of that era. Spanning over 20 pages, these pictures give a rich insight into the deep impact of this famed kingdom of an era gone by. The page with pictures of Chola coins is equally rich and intriguing, with the inscriptions in Nagari, indicating the language of the Chola kings of that era.

Part II of the book, i.e., Glory and Governance of the Chola Era, is perhaps one of the best portions of the book, which in itself can become a booklet or an addendum to the school curriculum. The author brings out the various administrative, legal, and cultural reforms institutionalised by the Cholas across the reign of various rulers. These subsections are laden with rich details of the thought process of the kings in terms of centralised and localised administration of the various local bodies.

The division of the responsibility is quite an interesting read, considering the various conflicts being observed in modern society. This book, coupled with Dr R Nagasamy’s eternal book “Studies in Ancient Tamil Law and Society,” would be a very good read for those interested in these aspects of life and history.

There are some aspects of the book that I felt could have been better. For example, the author uses the word “Tamilakam” quite extensively in the book while referring to other regions as Andhra, Karnataka, etc. If this book were written in Tamil, it would be quite understandable. However, when the book is written in English, it would be expected that the regions are treated equitably, i.e., quoted with their historical names or referred to through modern boundaries. This perceived partial treatment is upsetting.

There is an account of Banas who ruled some parts of modern Andhra, Karnataka, and northern Tamil Nadu. The author quotes that they used the word “Maveli,” which is a Malayalam word. A reference to an inscription or copper plates for this could have been beneficial.

The author’s efforts at consolidating the information across various sources are quite commendable. However, this is laden with inherent challenges of collating related data. For example, if one considers the episode between Athi Rajendra and Kulottunga Chola (Pages 139, 141), there is some related information on both pages. I felt that the context of Page 139 was a rich foundation on which the additional details from Page 141 could have been added.

The author has highlighted many religious donations and activities undertaken by each of these famed rulers. In these sections, the author makes a distinction between Saivism, Vaishnavism, and Vedic rituals. This is quite appalling considering that all 3 paths are various forms of our own Sanatana Dharma. This kind of distinction can possibly fuel the fault lines that are being created in modern society. I wish that the author could have phrased these terms much better to avoid this kind of muddle.

Apart from these infractions, this book is very highly recommended to get a deeper insight into the times and lives of these illustrious royals of the past, The Cholas – A very highly recommended read.

Gee Vee is an engineer and avid fan of itihasas, puranas and books.

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Madurai Bench Of Madras High Court Quashes Case Against Former Idol Wing IG Pon Manickavel, Calls Charges “Baseless”

The Commune

September 29, 2025

Fmr Idol Wing IG Ponn Manickavel's Anticipatory Bail Postponed. Varadharajan defends him. tamil nadu madurai bench

The Madurai bench of Madras High Court has officially dismissed the case filed against former Inspector General of Police Pon Manickavel, ruling that it was baseless and lacked sufficient evidence. The case, which had been initiated based on allegations by a known idol smuggling accused, DSP Kadher Basha, was deemed to have no legal standing.

During his tenure as Inspector General of the Idol Wing, Pon Manickavel was known for his relentless pursuit of idol smugglers and for exposing several high-profile cases involving the theft of ancient temple idols (murtis). It was during this time that a case was registered against DSP Kadher Basha for his alleged involvement in one such idol theft case.

In response, Basha filed a petition in the Madras High Court accusing Pon Manickavel of misconduct and requesting legal action against him. Acting on this petition, the court directed the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) to probe the matter. Following this directive, the CBI registered a case against Manickavel and submitted a chargesheet to the Madurai District Court.

Challenging the case, Pon Manickavel approached the Madurai High Court, requesting that the FIR and chargesheet filed against him be quashed. Justice G. Manjula, who presided over the case, ruled in his favor.

In her judgment, Justice Manjula stated that the CBI’s chargesheet lacked substantive evidence to support the allegations against Manickavel. She noted that neither the complaint nor the FIR contained any credible material to justify the legal proceedings, and that the charges appeared to be without merit.

The court further emphasized that allowing such unfounded accusations to proceed could set a dangerous precedent, potentially discouraging honest officers from carrying out their duties. It was observed that frivolous complaints could lead to public distrust in the investigative process and compromise the integrity of cases pursued by special investigative teams.

The judge concluded that, given the pending status of the original complaint against DSP Kadher Basha, it was unjustified to proceed with charges against Pon Manickavel. As a result, both the FIR and the case filed against him were quashed.

(With inputs from Hindu Tamil)

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The “I Love Muhammad” Campaign: A Deliberate Ploy To Stoke Communal Tensions In India?

The Commune

September 29, 2025

The "I Love Muhammad" Campaign: A Deliberate Ploy To Stoke Communal Tensions In India?

India has in recent weeks been rocked by violence triggered by the so-called “I Love Muhammad” campaign, which, far from being a spontaneous show of religious devotion, has revealed itself to be a calculated attempt to create communal fissures across multiple states.

What began as a small poster in Kanpur has mushroomed into riots, arson, and stone-pelting in Gujarat, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, and beyond. The evidence shows that this is not an isolated flare-up of sentiment but a coordinated Islamist effort, politically backed by certain opposition parties, to destabilize Hindu-majority states and embarrass the Indian state on the global stage.

How It Started

The playbook was first exposed in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, on 4 September 2025. During Barawafat celebrations, an “I Love Muhammad” light board was installed not in a neutral space, but deliberately opposite the traditional route of a Hindu Ram Navami procession in Syed Nagar, an area with a long-established history of Hindu religious events. This was not an innocent act of faith; it was a calculated provocation, a “new tradition” imposed without any community consultation, designed to test and breach local sensitivities.

As police rightly intervened to maintain order, the instigators pivoted to a well-rehearsed second act: victimhood.
The very next day, unidentified Muslim youths attacked a Hindu locality in Rawatpur, damaging religious posters. Yet, when an FIR was filed for promoting communal hatred and vandalism, not for the slogan itself, a massive, coordinated disinformation campaign was launched

Gujarat Clashes: The Fault Line Explodes

The latest eruption came on 24 September 2025 in Bahiyal village, Gandhinagar district, Gujarat. A Hindu youth uploaded a WhatsApp status saying “I Love Mahadev” in response to the circulating “I Love Muhammad” trend. This ordinary expression of faith was enough to trigger violence. A Muslim mob vandalized his shop, attacked Garba celebrations, hurled stones, set vehicles on fire, and even damaged police jeeps. More than 200 were involved, 60 were arrested, and an entire village was thrown into panic.

The Spread of a Manufactured Campaign

The roots of this campaign lie in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, where on 4 September 2025, during the Barawafat procession, organizers installed a giant light board with “I Love Muhammad” written on it in Syed Nagar. This was not a traditional practice; it was a unilateral innovation placed directly in the path of the Ram Navami procession route. Police quickly removed and relocated the board, but the damage was done. The next day, Muslim youths vandalized Hindu religious posters, and on September 10, cases were filed under IPC Section 153A for promoting communal hatred.

Instead of respecting the law, Islamist groups reframed the incident as an “attack on Muslims” and flooded social media with the hashtag #ILoveMuhammad. AIMIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi, along with other leaders, amplified the narrative that Muslims were being criminalized simply for expressing love for their Prophet, deliberately concealing the violence that had taken place.

From there, the unrest spread:

Kashipur, Uttarakhand: 500 Muslims, mobilized by Samajwadi Party leaders Nadeem Akhtar, Anis Gandhi, and Danish Chowdhury, took out an unauthorized procession. Police were attacked, chased, and beaten; vehicles vandalized; seven arrested.
Kaushambi, UP: Children were caught chanting “Sar Tan Se Juda,” the jihadist slogan calling for beheading, during an “I Love Muhammad” march. Video evidence showed minors brandishing placards and chanting hatred.
Bareilly, UP: Over 1,000 Muslims gathered near Islamia Ground. What began as a rally turned into stone-pelting, vandalism, and even gunfire. Police resorted to lathicharge and tear gas; 10 policemen were injured.
Nagpur, Maharashtra: Congress minority leader Vaseem Khan led demonstrations in Mominpura, openly politicizing the slogan.
Hyderabad, Telangana: AIMIM workers staged protests framing the FIRs as “anti-Muslim persecution.”

Political Linkages and Subversive Strategy

The controversy has exposed direct political involvement. In Kanpur, police arrested Zubair Ahmed Khan, a dismissed constable turned Samajwadi Party worker, for circulating a provocative audio clip after Friday prayers, designed to mobilize mobs. His photos with senior SP leaders quickly went viral, giving the agitation a clear partisan shade.

If we analyze the sequence of the protests, we can identify six deliberate steps in this Islamist playbook:

Create an emotional slogan – “I Love Muhammad” – seemingly harmless but loaded with identity politics.
Mobilize through WhatsApp/social media – ensure mobs assemble instantly after Friday prayers.
Confront police – provoke action, record videos of clashes.
Internationalize the narrative – feed visuals to Amnesty, Human Rights Watch, and hostile foreign think tanks.
Frame Hindus as oppressors – through critical race theory-style interpretations that cast minorities as “blacks” and Hindus as “whites.”
Globalize Hinduphobia – present India as “Islamophobic” to UN forums, US Congress, and Western academia.

This is a classic case of weaponized narrative warfare, with Islamist networks, opposition parties, and foreign powers in sync.

A Threat to Indian Social Fabric

At its core, this campaign undermines India’s pluralistic balance. Expressing love for the Prophet is not the issue; the danger lies in imposing new traditions in mixed localities, deliberately ignoring sensitivities, vandalizing rival religious symbols, and then playing the victim card.

By chanting “Sar Tan Se Juda,” assaulting police, and vandalizing Hindu shops, the campaign is not about devotion, it is about intimidation. The Islamists behind it are creating something like an “Islamic Gen Z” radicalization wave, inspired by unrest in Nepal, and seeking to transform street protests into a nationwide anti-Hindu, anti-India movement.

Why It Must Be Resisted

The “I Love Muhammad” movement is dangerous because:

It weaponizes faith as a political tool.
It imposes unilateral traditions that breed conflict.
It normalizes extremist slogans like “Sar Tan Se Juda.”
It seeks international intervention against India.
It aims to guilt-trip Hindus while concealing violence committed by mobs.

The fact that this campaign has been endorsed by Islamist leaders, amplified by opposition parties, and supported through orchestrated violence proves that it is not a devotional slogan but a deliberate strategy of destabilization.

Last Word

The “I Love Muhammad” campaign is dangerous precisely because it is not about love. It is a political and subversive tool, inspired by global Islamist playbooks, aimed at disrupting India’s religious harmony and also the country’s political stability. It deliberately provokes, then feigns victimhood, and finally unleashes violence when confronted.

To counter this, the state must act firmly against all violence and vandalism, regardless of the perpetrator. But more importantly, the public must see through this charade. If left unchecked, “I Love Muhammad” could become the seed of a larger Islamist insurgency. True devotion never destroys harmony, it builds it. The “I Love Muhammad” campaign, however, has brought only arson, bloodshed, and division.

We must recognize that this is not a debate over religious freedom, but a deliberate and dangerous conspiracy to break India, one communal clash at a time. The stability of the nation depends on seeing this threat for what it is and rejecting its divisive agenda outright.

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RSS Branded As ‘Divisive Force’ By Vijay Steps In After Karur TVK Rally Stampede That Left 40 Dead & Several Injured; Relief Provided To Victims And Families

The Commune

September 29, 2025

While Joseph Vijay, like any other secular Dravidian Stockist has often targeted RSS as ‘communal’ and ‘divisive force’, its Swayamsevaks plunged to offer help to those affected in the stampede caused by TVK rally.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in yet another instance has joined relief efforts in the aftermath of the tragic stampede in Karur, Tamil Nadu. They are assisting both the general public and the relatives of victims at the Karur Government Hospital, where emergency provisions like drinking water and food are being distributed to those affected.

களத்தில் ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ்
அரசு மருத்துவமனையில் இருக்கும் பாதிக்கப்பட்டவர்களின் உறவினர்கள், பொதுமக்களுக்கு ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ். சார்பில் தண்ணீர் பாட்டில்கள் மற்றும் உணவு உட்பட தேவையான அனைத்து உதவிகளையும் ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ். செய்து வருகிறது. #RSS100Years #karur #tvk pic.twitter.com/oDXErDA4i8
— Mediyaan (@mediyaannews) September 28, 2025

களத்தில் ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ்
கரூரில் விஜயின் பரப்புரையின் போது கூட்ட நெரிசலில் 39 பேர் பலியான சம்பவம்.
அரசு மருத்துவமனையில் இருக்கும் பாதிக்கப்பட்டவர்களின் உறவினர்களுக்கு தண்ணீர் உணவு உட்பட தேவையான அனைத்து உதவிகளையும் ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ். செய்து வருகிறது.#RSS100Years #karur #tvk… pic.twitter.com/7qGAIpu5I4
— Vijayabharatham Weekly (@v_bharatham) September 28, 2025

On 27 September 2025, a devastating stampede occurred during a political rally organized by the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) party, led by actor-turned-part-time-politician Vijay. The incident, which took place in Velusamypuram on the Karur–Erode highway, resulted in at least 40 fatalities and around 100 injuries, with the death toll possibly rising further.

The tragic event unfolded at approximately 7:40 PM when Vijay’s convoy, delayed by nearly six hours, arrived at the venue. The crowd, initially estimated at around 4,000, had swelled dramatically, reaching nearly 27,000 people, including supporters and fans. Many attendees, including children and women, had waited for hours in the intense heat, some without food or water, hoping to catch a glimpse of the actor.

Supporters of TVK formed convoys around Vijay’s campaign vehicle, effectively blocking road access and contributing to traffic congestion. As the vehicle approached the venue, the crowd began pushing forward toward the stage barricades, leading to a deadly crush.

The stampede was triggered near a shed that housed a generator and a television broadcast van, where people became trapped and trampled. The absence of buffer zones and poor crowd management worsened the situation. Security personnel and volunteers struggled to control the crowd, and ambulances faced delays due to blocked roads. Volunteers eventually created human chains to help evacuate the injured. Several people fainted due to heat and pressure, and children were reported missing in the chaos.

During the turmoil, Vijay paused his address to provide water and appealed for help in locating missing children. Eyewitnesses and survivors blamed the disaster on inadequate planning, poor security presence, and a failure in crowd control measures.

Initial reports suggested about 10 deaths, but the number soon rose to 40, including 10 children, 17 women, and 13 men. Over 80 individuals were hospitalized with injuries ranging from fractures to suffocation. Hospitals in Karur and nearby districts received the injured.

In response, emergency services were swiftly mobilized. Around 44 doctors from Salem and Tiruchirappalli were dispatched to Karur, and helpline numbers were set up by the district administration to help families locate missing persons. Political leaders at both state and national levels expressed their condolences, and compensation packages were announced for the victims’ families.

The Tamil Nadu government appointed retired High Court judge Justice Aruna Jagadeesan to head a one-person commission of inquiry into the incident, aiming to uncover the causes and assign accountability.

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Kalviyil Sirantha Tamil Nadu: Teacher Of Govt-Aided School Arrested For Sexually Harassing 5 Girl Students

The Commune

September 29, 2025

In a deeply troubling case, a school teacher at a government-aided school near Kulithalai in Karur district has been arrested under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act after five students accused him of sexual harassment.

The accused, identified as Shivakumar, worked as an intermediate-level teacher at the institution. According to reports, the victims alerted the authorities by contacting the Child Helpline (1098) to report the inappropriate behavior.

Following the complaint, Child Welfare Committee (CWC) officials visited the school and conducted a detailed inquiry, during which the students reportedly confirmed the allegations. Based on their statements, and with confirmation from the school head, a formal complaint was filed.

Acting on the complaint, local police swiftly arrested Shivakumar under relevant sections of the POCSO Act. Further investigation is underway.

(With Inputs From Polimer News)

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Who Is Responsible For Karur Stampede – TVK Or DMK Govt? How Vijay’s Crowd Obsession Collided With DMK’s Dirty Politics Leaving Innocent People Dead

The Commune

September 28, 2025

On September 27, 2025, a pall of gloom descended Karur as it turned into a graveyard with 39 lives — including nine children and seventeen women — getting crushed to death due to a stampede at actor Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam’s (TVK) rally. More than 80 were injured.

Poor planning by the local administration under the DMK government, combined with TVK’s reckless mismanagement, left tens of thousands of people standing for hours under the scorching sun with no proper crowd control. The situation turned catastrophic when the crowd was forced to make way for Vijay’s vehicle, triggering a surge that trapped people in a deadly crush. Panic spread as people fainted, gasped for air, and collapsed — ultimately resulting in a devastating stampede that could have been entirely prevented.

And yet, in the aftermath, both the DMK government and Joseph Vijay’s party are busy trading barbs, as if this was a political blame game rather than a preventable human tragedy.

The truth is uncomfortable but unavoidable: both TVK and DMK have blood on their hands.

TVK’s Reckless Gamble With Lives

As organizers, TVK displayed sheer incompetence — or worse, criminal negligence. According to Tamil Nadu Director General of Police, permission was sought for 10,000 people but around 30,000 people showed up. The site was inadequate, but TVK refused alternative venues. No water, no barricades, no medical facilities, no clear evacuation routes — nothing that even remotely resembled responsible event management.

Adding to the recklessness, Vijay chose to arrive nearly seven hours late. Crowds that had gathered since morning were left stranded in the sweltering heat, surging forward in desperation when word spread of his approach. Was this delay, as some allege, a deliberate stunt to capture dramatic drone shots of “massive crowds”? If so, TVK gambled with lives for optics — and lost.

The result: chaos, suffocation, and a deadly stampede triggered by a wave of human bodies desperate to catch a glimpse of their leader.

Vijay and his party functionaries should have acted responsibly instead of conveniently invoking the ‘cooperation’ of the very state government they endlessly criticize. If the district administration denied every venue they asked for, Vijay could have simply rescheduled his program to another day. And given his personal wealth and resources, he could have easily engaged his own private security forces with the police and district authorities to ensure proper arrangements — if he had truly cared about safety more than optics.

The Madras High Court, while hearing a petition by TVK regarding denied permissions, made a pointed remark: “You, as the leader, should control the crowd,” Justice Sathish Kumar said. Vijay clearly failed in this fundamental responsibility, allowing his frenzied, fanatical mob to surge uncontrollably, turning what should have been a political rally into a deadly stampede.

DMK’s Administrative Failure Or Deliberate Sabotage?

But TVK’s culpability does not absolve the ruling DMK. If TVK was reckless, the DMK govt was incompetent. Currently, the Tamil Nadu police force doesn’t even have a regular Director General of Police due to political reasons. There’s only an acting-DGP.

The police and district administration approved a venue inadequate for the turnout, imposed no safeguards, and deployed insufficient security. No real-time crowd monitoring, no emergency medical teams, no preparedness.

TVK proposed four urban spots (e.g., Bus Stand roundabout), but police rejected them due to population density and traffic risks. Permission was granted for Velusamypuram (an open area previously used for an AIADMK rally), but the site proved inadequate for the turnout. The location where the rally happened cannot even hold a crowd of 5000. On what basis was the location allotted by the local administration? Why were enough security personnel not deployed when we know that there will be uncontrollable crowd coming in not just from Karur but neighbouring districts as well?

While ADGP Davidson Devasirvatham says thats 500 people were deployed, the real ground-level police officers were fewer than 100 in number according to BJP leader Annamalai.

When the surge happened, ambulances were trapped in the same crowd they were supposed to save. Victims died en route to hospitals, some gasping for air while the state machinery remained paralyzed. The power cuts may have been unavoidable, thanks to frenzied TVK fanatics mindlessly scaling electric poles just to glimpse their matinee idol. But what should have been a safety measure only ended up deepening the chaos, plunging the venue into darkness and confusion.

This was not the first warning sign either. Vijay’s Trichy rally earlier in September had exposed glaring lapses, with the Madras High Court itself cautioning the state to tighten guidelines for political gatherings. The DMK government clearly ignored those red flags.

And here lies the darker question: was this just negligence — or something more sinister? Did the DMK deliberately allow such an ill-managed setup to proceed, knowing full well it could backfire on Vijay? A tragedy of this scale not only tarnishes his reputation but also plants seeds of fear among his supporters, potentially shrinking turnout at future rallies. Was this disaster merely incompetence, or was it a calculated attempt to psychologically weaken a rising rival?

And let’s not forget — this is Karur, the political fiefdom of Senthil Balaji. Everyone in Tamil Nadu knows what this man is capable of, given his long track record of intimidation, strong-arm tactics, and murky dealings. In his backyard, nothing happens without his shadow looming large. Which raises an even darker suspicion: was the administrative paralysis in Karur mere incompetence, or was it the deliberate handiwork of a seasoned operator ensuring that Vijay’s show ended in disaster?

Beyond Politics: Negligence Codified In Blood

The law is unambiguous. Bussy N. Anand, CTR Nirmal Kumar, TVK’s Karur District Secretary and others have been charged under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita sections relating to culpable homicide not amounting to murder, acts of rash/negligent conduct endangering human life and disobedience to an order issued by a public servant. They have also been charged under the Tamil Nadu Public Property (Prevention of Damage and Loss) Act.

But should the buck stop there? On December 4, 2024, a stampede at the Pushpa 2 premiere at Sandhya Theatre, Hyderabad, claimed the life of Revathi and left her son Sri Tej injured, triggered by overcrowding during Allu Arjun’s visit. The actor faced arrest and later secured bail. If in Telangana, a star whose actions contributed to a single death was held legally accountable, why is Joseph Vijay allowed to walk away scot-free after a tragedy that claimed 39 lives?

What about the DMK-run police and administration that rubber-stamped permissions, failed to enforce restrictions, and essentially outsourced public safety to amateurs blinded by stardom?

Tamil People Should Come Out Of Cinema Intoxication

Karur was not just a failure of TVK’s planning or the DMK government’s negligence — it was a catastrophe born of arrogance, mismanagement, and mindless devotion. TVK and Vijay prioritized optics over lives, arriving hours late and ignoring basic safety measures. The DMK administration approved inadequate venues, deployed minimal security, and plunged the city into chaos, raising the darker question: was this incompetence, or deliberate sabotage? And yet, the crowd itself bears responsibility. It is utterly reckless to bring toddlers into a throng of tens of thousands, to climb poles and buildings without authorization, risking life for a fleeting glimpse of a star. What is the point? Don’t fans have basic sense? Is Vijay so important that it’s worth your life? This frenzied, zombie-like devotion must end. Tamil people must break free from this cinema star intoxication.

Karur demands justice, and history will not forgive those who chose politics over life.

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40 Including Children Dead In Stampede Caused By TVK Head Actor Vijay’s Rally In Karur, Vijay Rushes To Chennai From Trichy Airport In His Chartered Flight

The Commune

September 27, 2025

A wave of shock and grief swept across Karur after a tragic stampede at Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) leader Vijay’s rally in Veluchamipuram on Saturday evening left 31 people dead and more than 40 injured.

According to Health Minister Ma. Subramanian, the deceased included six children, nine men, and 16 women, all of whom were brought dead to hospitals. He also confirmed that medical reinforcements were being rushed from across the state, with 24 doctors from Tiruchy, 20 from Salem, and five from Dindigul expected to arrive in Karur within an hour.

The Tamil Nadu government has mobilised extensive resources in response to the disaster. Senior health officials, including the Health Secretary and Director of Medical Education, headed to Karur, while additional doctors from Tiruchy, Dindigul, Namakkal, and Madurai Medical College were deployed to Karur Medical College, where most victims were admitted. Dr. R. Suganthy Rajakumari, Director of Medical Education, stated that around 30 doctors were already on site and more would be sent if required. She further noted that 33 bodies had been brought to the college hospital, which has sufficient facilities to handle the crisis.

Chief Minister M.K. Stalin is expected to visit Karur on Sunday to review the situation. School Education Minister Anbil Mahesh Poyyamozhi and former minister Senthil Balaji also reached the hospital to oversee relief measures.

President of India Droupadi Murmu, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Home Minister Amit Shah have expressed grief over the tragic incident.

The incident occurred during Vijay’s campaign in the Kongu region, part of his preparations for the 2026 Assembly elections. Arriving by chartered flight from Chennai earlier in the day, he had been campaigning in Namakkal before heading to Karur, where his rally drew massive crowds. The chaos broke out during his address, forcing the actor-turned-politician to cut short his speech as people began collapsing in the heat and crush.

Vijay, visibly shaken, appealed to his supporters to make way for ambulances and provide assistance to the injured.

However, many have criticised the TVK chief for failing to meet the families of those killed or injured in the stampede before his departure.

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Political Killings In India: Radical Left Wing Terror Against RSS-BJP Workers

The Commune

September 27, 2025

Political killings are not new in India. When the world was reeling from the shock of Charlie Kirk’s assassination in the US a few days ago, the reactions from the leftists was extreme – they were rejoicing his death. Back in India, the leftist “liberals” also were hoping something similar would happen to conservative voices from the non-left side of the spectrum.

Far from the truth, one must note that killings caused by the left is much more than what is propagated as “right wing extremism”.

The Commune also did an analysis of how radical Islamist terrorists, and the radical left ‘liberals’ are pretty much similar in many ways, especially when it comes to violence.

In this article, we will take a look at the political killings carried out by the left – Communists, Maoists against the members of BJP and RSS.

Maoist Insurgency & Related Political Killings

Over the past 75 years India’s Maoist/Naxalite insurgency has sporadically targeted local politicians and party activists, especially in tribal “red corridor” regions.

The Maoist (Naxalite) insurgency in India traces its roots to a 1967 peasant revolt in Naxalbari, West Bengal. Inspired by Chinese Maoism, the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) (Charu Majumdar faction) waged guerrilla war against landlords and the state.

Over decades this splintered into numerous groups; in 2004 the People’s War Group (Telangana) and Maoist Communist Centre (Bihar) merged to form the CPI (Maoist). The party’s stated goal is to overthrow the Indian state via “protracted people’s
war”.

In its insurgency strategy, the Maoist armed wing (PLGA) deliberately targets symbols of state and “class enemies.” Official Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) commentary notes that Maoists aim to “create a vacuum at the grassroots level” by killing “lower-level government officials, police personnel, workers of mainstream political parties and the people’s representatives of the Panchayati Raj system.”

In practice, this has meant systematic ambushes of village officials, elected sarpanches, schoolteachers, and local party cadres whom Maoists label as informers or oppressors. For example, the 2013 Darbha attack was explicitly attributed to
the Maoists’ “Tactical Counter Offensive Campaign” against ruling-party leaders.

Regional and socio-economic context play a major role. Maoism remains strongest in India’s impoverished, tribal-majority “Red Corridor” (see hotspots below). Long-standing grievances over land displacement, mining, forest rights and underdevelopment fuel support among the rural poor. Battlegrounds like Bastar
(Chhattisgarh-Odisha-Telangana border) are rich in minerals (bauxite, coal, iron) and have seen fierce fights between tribal communities, insurgents, and security forces.

An Al Jazeera report (May 2025) described the Bastar/Karrigutta hills as a “warzone” with 40,000 security personnel deployed to counter 27,000 Maoist fighters. Official figures cited 11,000+ total deaths of civilians and security forces in Maoist conflicts from 2000–2024 (many tribals among them).

Despite government offensives, new Maoist recruits exploit the region’s gaps. The Maoists frame their struggle as defending Adivasi land from “exploitation” and neglect. For instance, the 2018 Araku killings occurred amid local protests over a proposed bauxite mining lease.

In West Bengal’s jungle tribal districts (Bankura, Purulia), the uprising is remembered in folklore but today is relatively dormant. Kerala and Tamil Nadu have seen only sporadic Maoist cells, with few attacks on mainstream politicians (though Kerala has experienced violent clashes between rival trade-union communists, e.g. the 2012 murder of dissident MPML leader T.P. Chandrasekharan by CPI(M) cadres).

Geographic Hotspots and Patterns

Left-wing militancy has been concentrated in these key states:

Chhattisgarh (Bastar region) – A longstanding Maoist stronghold. Central Bastar (Bijapur, Sukma, Narayanpur, Kanker districts) has seen repeated attacks on village leaders and security forces. The years 2023-2024 showed a spike in assaults on BJP-affiliated sarpanches and district officials. Bastar’s dense forests and poor road networks make it a favorite guerrilla base, and its tribal populace has been deeply affected by both insurgency and counterinsurgency.

Andhra Pradesh/Telangana – Historically the cradle of modern Naxalism (Telangana armed struggle in the late 1940s, and Naxalbari followers from AP). The 1980s–2000s saw heavy Maoist
activity in the Telangana and Gadchiroli (Maharashtra) triangle. High-profile victims include two AP state legislators (above) and numerous local workers. Maoists here frequently target officials seen as collaborators with state security (for example, Madhava Reddy as former state Home Minister). The Araku hills (AP–Odisha border) remain a flashpoint, especially around mining rights, as seen in the 2018 murders.

Jharkhand/Bihar – Dense forests in Jharkhand (e.g. Giridih, Latehar, Gumla) and adjacent Bihar villages have long Maoist presence. Party cadres (often CPI(ML) Liberation or regional leaders) have occasionally been slain. Aside from the 2005 Singh killing, more recent years saw Maoist ambushes on tribal assemblies. The police have recounted dozens of Maoist-planned attacks, often blunting them through intelligence.

Odisha – Malkangiri and Koraput in southwestern Odisha form part of the Bastar belt. Naxal insurgents are active (targeting police camps) but have seldom claimed prominent tribal politicians’ lives. In 2016, the CPI(M) tribal leader Ramachandra Panda was shot dead by alleged Maoists in Koraput, reflecting tensions over mining and political alignment.

West Bengal (Junglemahal) – In the 1970s–90s, Maoists emerged in tribal border areas of West Bengal (e.g. Jhargram, Purulia). However, under long-time left-wing state governments, most insurgency was crushed or co-opted. Since the 2000s, violence has declined; major incidents typically involve security ambushes, not targeted assassinations of party workers.

Kerala/Mizoram/etc. – Left extremism is negligible. Kerala’s violent episodes have been internecine communist feuds rather than Maoist insurgency.

Political Killings by Maoists/Naxalites

Let us now take a look at Maoist/Naxalite attacks on politicians.

7 March 2000 – Ghatkesar (Andhra Pradesh): A. Madhava Reddy (Telugu Desam Party leader and State Panchayat Raj Minister) was killed in a landmine blast by Naxalites of the outlawed People’s War Group near Hyderabad. He was on a campaign tour when the mine detonated; PWG claimed
responsibility as he was known for hardline policing.

29 December 2001 – Maddimadugu, Mahbubnagar (Andhra Pradesh): Ragya Naik (INC MLA, Devarakonda constituency) was ambushed and shot dead by four Naxalites while visiting a temple
festival. Police identified the gunmen as members of the PWG’s Amrabad guerrilla unit. This was the first known Maoist attack on a sitting Tribal MLA.

15 January 2005 – Durgi Dhabaiya, Giridih (Jharkhand): Mahendra Prasad Singh, the lone CPI(Marxist–Leninist) (Liberation) MLA in Jharkhand, was shot and throat‑slit by three CPI (Maoist) cadres after a public meeting. Witnesses reported ~100 Maoists surrounded the venue. The killing shocked the region as Singh had served three terms (since 1990) and was a tribal rights advocate.

25 May 2013 – Darbha Valley, Sukma (Chhattisgarh): In a major ambush on Congress’s “Parivartan Yatra” convoy, 26–27 people died, including veteran Congress leaders Mahendra Karma
(Chhattisgarh LoP and former Home Minister) and Nand Kumar Patel (state Home Minister). The CPI (Maoist) claimed responsibility, citing a “Counter-Offensive” campaign. Vidya Charan Shukla (former Union Minister) died later from injuries. This high-profile attack underscored Maoist hostility
to anti-insurgency politicians.

23 September 2018 – Dumbriguda, Araku (Andhra Pradesh): TDP MLAs Kidari Sarveswara Rao (then-Araku Valley MLA) and ex-MLA S. Siveri Soma were shot dead by a 40–50 member Maoist team. The assassins reportedly ambushed them while they were negotiating over a tribal bauxite mining issue. Both victims were former Congress members turned TDP, the Andhra government later noted Maoist opposition to new mining contracts in the tribal area.

4 January 2022 – West Singhbhum district, Jharkhand

Former BJP MLA Gurucharan Nayak from Manoharpur constituency was attacked on 4 January 2022. Nayak escaped unhurt, but two of his police bodyguards were killed – Shankar Nayak and Thakur Hembrom had their throats slit by Maoists. Around 100 Maoists belonging to the armed squad of commander Mocchu mixed in the crowd at a football prize distribution ceremony and attacked as Nayak was leaving. They also looted AK-47 and INSAS rifles.

BJP Leaders Killed (2023)

According to documented cases, 7 BJP leaders were killed by Maoists in 2023 in Chhattisgarh alone:

Ratan Dubey – BJP district vice-president, Narayanpur (4 November 2023)
Birju Taram – BJP worker, Ambagarh Chowki (20 October 2023)
Kaka Arjun – BJP leader and former sarpanch, Bijapur (21 June 2023)
Sagar Sahu – BJP district vice-president, Narayanpur (10 February 2023)
Neelkanth Kakem – BJP mandal president, beheaded in Bijapur (5 February 2023)
Ramdhar Alami – BJP leader and party vice president of Barsur district was killed by Maoists (11 February 2023)
Budhram Katram – BJP district leader, was found dead near his home in Jagdalpur, Chhattisgarh (16 January 2025)

5 February 2023 – Paikram village, Bijapur (Chhattisgarh): Neelkanth Kakkem (BJP mandal president, Usoor block) was dragged from his home during a wedding ceremony and hacked to death by Maoists. Over 150 Maoist guerrillas infiltrated the village; Kakkem was attacked with axes and swords in front of family. The CPI(Maoist) was blamed as revenge against local leaders cooperating with security forces.

4 November 2023 – Kaushalnagar, Narayanpur (Chhattisgarh): Ratan Dubey (BJP district vicepresident
and local Panchayat leader) was stabbed and hacked to death during a campaign rally. Police said assailants emerged from the crowd and attacked him; Dubey was the sixth BJP functionary killed by Maoists in Chhattisgarh since early 2022. The incident occurred days before state elections, heightening party and public alarm.

8 March 2024 – Toynar village area, Bijapur (Chhattisgarh): Triupati Katla (BJP Janpad Panchayat
member) was ambushed and fatally hacked on a return journey from a wedding. A “small action team” of Naxals attacked him with sharp weapons, despite heavy police presence. This was noted as the first BJP leader killing in Chhattisgarh in 2024 (and eighth since 2022).

16 April 2024 – Dongargarh area, Narayanpur (Chhattisgarh): Pancham Das Manikpuri (BJP Deputy Sarpanch) was murdered by Maoists near his home. He was returning from evening prayers when insurgents attacked with swords and axes; police say it was retaliation for recent security operations. Manikpuri’s death was widely condemned as the “ninth” BJP cadre killed by Maoists in the past 14 months.

Each event above lists the date, state/district, victim and party, and alleged Maoist/Naxalite perpetrators, as reported in media accounts. (In many cases targets were local functionaries
– Panchayat members or district organizers – rather than senior politicians.)

If we were to look at the cost of human lives to Maoist, the numbers are staggering

The Naxalite-Maoist Insurgency: Left-Wing Extremism’s Deadliest Face

The Communist Party of India (Maoist), formed in 2004 from the merger of People’s War Group and Maoist Communist Centre, represents the most lethal form of left-wing violence in India.

Documented Casualties

Government data reveals the staggering human cost of left-wing extremism:

Between 2004-2025, 8,895 people killed by Left Wing Extremists
A conservative estimate of 15,000 lives lost in 25 years of Naxal violence
Majority of civilian victims are tribals, often labeled as “police informers” before being brutally tortured and killed
The tribal and economically underprivileged sections whose cause Maoists claim to espouse have been the biggest victims

Major Naxalite Attacks

The Naxalite movement has perpetrated numerous large-scale attacks:

Dantewada Attack (2010): 76 CRPF personnel killed in ambush
Dantewada Bus Bombing (2010): 31-44 civilians killed including Special Police Officers
Jehanabad Jail Break (2005): Over 1,000 Maoist insurgents attacked prison, freeing 300+ inmates
Sukma Attack (2017): 26 CRPF personnel killed in convoy ambush
Sukma-Bijapur Attack (2021): 22 security personnel killed in coordinated assault

The Left bastions, i.e., Kerala and West Bengal have a very long running history of such political killings. Here is a list:

Kerala: RSS/BJP Workers Killed by Communists (1947-2025)

The Pioneer Phase (1969-1974): Foundation of Violence

The systematic targeting of RSS workers in Kerala began in 1969, marking the start of what would become decades of political violence.

Vadikkal Ramakrishnan (1969)

Ramakrishnan was an RSS worker and sweets maker in Thalasserry. His murder was the first documented RSS killing in Kerala, allegedly carried out by local CPI(M) workers led by young Pinarayi Vijayan (current Kerala CM) and Kodiyeri Balakrishnan (former state secretary). This set the precedent for systematic targeting of RSS workers. As per records, no prosecutions followed.

Subsequent 1969 Killings

Sreedharan Nair: RSS worker killed in Ponkunnam, Kottayam, one month after Ramakrishnan
Ramakrishnan (Palakkad): Third RSS worker killed in the same year

1970

11 January 1970 – Veliyathunadu Chandran: Chandran was a senior RSS worker and former Pracharak in Parur, Ernakulam District. His murder was significant because it was a targeted killing of senior organizational leader.

Organizational Leaders Targeted (1973-1974)

Sankranarayanan (1973): Mandal Karyavah killed in Nallenkara, Thrissur
Sudheendran (1974): RSS Mandal Karyavah killed in Kochi

The Post-Emergency Escalation (1978 onwards)

The violence intensified after the Emergency period, as documented by regional sources:

Strategic Targeting Pattern: CPI(M) began systematically targeting RSS workers who had gained prominence during Emergency resistance, particularly those who had switched from CPI(M) to RSS.

1980, Kannur, Kerala: ABVP youth district leader Gangadharan was murdered at his office on his first day in a government job. A staff member informed the CPI(M) activists, who attacked and killed him while he was seated.

25 May 1996, Kannur, Kerala: RSS propagandist and BJP district secretary Panniyannoor Chandran was brutally attacked and killed with deadly weapons while returning from Thalassery railway station with his wife. The attack was carried out by CPI(M) activists.

Contemporary Documented Cases (2000-2025)

2002: Meloor Double Murder: The victims, CK Sujeesh and P Sunil (RSS workers), were hacked to death by CPI(M) cadres. Supreme Court upheld life imprisonment for 5 CPI(M) members in January 2025. This is a rare case with successful prosecution to highest court.

August 2005, Kannur, Kerala: BJP worker Elambilayi Sooraj was murdered by nine CPI(M) workers. The assailants first hurled a bomb at him before hacking him to death with axes and machetes. The murder was triggered by political enmity after Sooraj left the CPI(M) to join the BJP. In 2019, the court acquitted all the accused.

October 2005, Kannur, Kerala: BJP-RSS worker Edacholi Preman (27) was attacked by CPI(M) activists while using a PCO booth in Thalassery. He underwent treatment for over a month but succumbed to his injuries on 27 November 2005. A sessions court later acquitted all eight CPI(M) accused.

22 October 2006, Thalassery, Kerala: Mohammed Fazal, a former CPI(M) worker who had joined the National Development Front (NDF), was murdered near Saidarpally. Investigations revealed he was killed for leaving the CPI(M), and a plot was devised to frame an RSS worker by dropping his towel near their house.

1 December 2006: Krishna Kumar (Biju), an RSS activist, was killed in Thiruvananthapuram, allegedly by CPI(M) supporters.

17 December 2006: BJP activist P.S. Sujith was murdered in Engandiyur, Thrissur district, by CPI(M) operatives.

20 January 2007: RSS activist Ravi was killed in Tirur by NDF members.

12 February 2007: BJP/BMS activist Shaju (30) was killed in Kallettumkara, Thrissur district, by CPI(M) operatives.

5 March 2007: PP Valsaraj Kurup (37) was murdered by CPI(M) activists.

16 March 2007: RSS activist Lakshman was killed in Thanur, Malappuram district, by NDF workers.

24 April 2007: RSS Taluk Karivayak G. Chandran was murdered in Vettiyar, near Mavelikkara, by CPI(M) operatives.

16 August 2007: K. Pramod (33), an RSS/BJP activist, was killed in Thalassery, Kannur district, by CPI(M) supporters.

22 October 2007: BJP activist Sunil Kumar was killed in Kodungallur by DYFI operatives.

2 November 2007: RSS activist Vinod Kumar (35) was killed near Manalayam Junction, Chadayamangalam, Thiruvananthapuram, by NDF members.

23 December 2007: RSS Mandal Sareerik Sikshan Pramukh Vinod (25) was killed near his residence by NDF operatives.

March 2008, Kuthuparamba, Kerala: Mahesh (32) was killed by a bomb thrown near a bus stop in Chitriparamba town. The attack, which nearly severed his head, was carried out by 11 CPI(M) workers. The provocation was that Mahesh had left the CPI(M) to join the BJP. In 2018, all 11 convicts were sentenced to life imprisonment.

March 2008, Kannur, Kerala: K.V. Surendran (65), a BJP worker, was brutally murdered in Illathuthazha. The incident was attributed to CPI(M) activists, adding to the long history of political violence in Kannur district.

March 2008: RSS activists Nekhil and Sathyan were killed in Thalassery, Kannur, by CPI(M) supporters.

March 2008: RSS activist Mahesh was killed in Kannur by CPI(M) operatives.

March 2008: RSS activists Suresh Babu and Surendran were killed in Kodiyeri, Kannur, by CPI(M) members.

April 2009, Kannur, Kerala: BJP-RSS worker Sajith Kumar (29) was stabbed to death by a group of 12 assailants near Mattannur while returning from a wedding. His friend, Biju, sustained serious injuries. Police registered cases against 12 CPI(M) workers in connection with the attack.

May 2010, Kannur, Kerala: BJP-RSS volunteers Vijith (30) and K.V. Shinoj (32) were brutally attacked and killed in New Mahe by a five-member CPI(M) group. The assailants first hurled crude bombs and then hacked the victims with swords and axes.

September 2014, Kathiroor, Kannur: Manoj (42, RSS leader) was killed at home. The CBI charged veteran CPI(M) leader P. Jayarajan and others, finding that Manoj was “hacked to death… by a group of CPI‑M workers”.

December 2014, Kannur, Kerala: BJP worker K.K. Rajan (52) suffered a severe head injury when CPI(M) activists pelted stones at his jeep as he returned from a party rally. He underwent treatment for over two months but succumbed to his injuries on 14 February 2015 in a Mangalore hospital.

2016: The Kannur Massacre Year

On 13 February 2016, 27-year-old RSS activist Sujith was murdered, just days after RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat had suggested peace talks to resolve decades of hostility between the RSS and CPM.

On 11 July 2016, BJP worker CK Ramachandran (46) was murdered at his home near Payyanur. Assailants, alleged to be CPI workers, first threw crude bombs to create panic before hacking him to death. Ramachandran, affiliated with the RSS-linked labour union Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, died on the way to the hospital.

On 4 September 2016, 26-year-old RSS worker Bineesh was hacked to death in Kannur district, reportedly by CPM supporters. His killing marked the fifth political murder in the district since the Left Front assumed power just three months earlier.

On 12 October 2016, Ramith an RSS supporter and BJP worker, was brutally attacked and killed by a group of eight CPI(M) activists using knives and swords in Pinarayi village. A chargesheet later named 15 local CPI(M) workers. Although nine were arrested, all were eventually released on bail. Notably, Ramith’s father, Uthaman, had also been killed in 2002, allegedly by CPM cadres.

2017: Intensification Under LDF Government

On 19 January 2017, in Kannur’s Dharmadam, a 52-year-old BJP worker named Santhosh was stabbed to death by alleged CPI(M) activists. He was attacked at Andalur and succumbed to his injuries while en route to the hospital. The killing was another addition to the long list of political murders in the politically volatile district of Kannur.

In May 2017, a 33-year-old RSS worker and house painter, K Biju was followed for an hour in Toyota Innova, car crashed into motorcycle, throat slit with sword in Kakkamparai village, Kannur.

In July 2017, a 34-year-old RSS basti karyavah (ward secretary) and mason, SL Rajesh received 83 injuries found on body, hands chopped off after being attacked by 12 people in Kallampally, Thiruvananthapuram. They needed a bedsheet to collect the severed limbs. 8 were arrested including 2 active CPI(M) organization members (CITU/DYFI).

In August 2017, Vipin, an RSS worker in Kodinji, Malappuram accused in conversion-related case, was stabbed to death on roadside after being released on bail.

In November 2017, in Thrissur, Kerala, BJP worker Satheesan (51) died from injuries sustained in an attack by CPI(M) activists at Kaipamangalam. The clash was triggered after a group of 20 Dalits, led by Satheesan, quit the CPI(M) and joined the BJP six months prior.

2018

In May 2018, in Kannur, Kerala, BJP-RSS worker K.P. Shamej, an auto-rickshaw driver, was attacked and later died from his injuries in Mahe. The murder occurred hours after a CPI(M) worker was killed nearby, with authorities suspecting it was a retaliatory act in the ongoing political violence. Three CPI(M) workers were arrested for direct involvement, with five other accused remaining absconding, underscoring the cycle of revenge killings between the factions in Kannur.

2022

February 2022 – Harippad, Alappuzha: Sarath Chandran (26, BJP worker) was stabbed to death after a temple festival. The BJP alleged CPI(M) workers were behind the attack. (Police attributed the murder to a criminal gang, but BJP leaders blamed CPI(M) cadres.)

April 2022 – Palakkad: RSS worker Ranjith Sreenivasan was hacked to death in Palakkad, Kerala, by members of the Popular Front of India (PFI). Police reported that four arrested individuals—Bilal, Rizwan, Sathar, and Riyaz Khan—were involved in the conspiracy, keeping watch over the murder site to avoid detection. Six more suspects remain at large. Srinivasan’s identity and RSS affiliation were confirmed the day after the killing. The murder occurred just one day after the killing of PFI leader Subair in the same district, suggesting a possible retaliatory motive in the cycle of political violence in Palakkad.

Tripura

Political violence has long marred Tripura’s history, but it has received little national attention compared to states like Bengal and Kerala. Successive incidents point to a pattern where dissent, opposition, or even intra-party rivalry has been met with bloodshed and suppression. The carefully cultivated image of a “clean” Left administration under Manik Sarkar collapses under scrutiny of these events.

Major Killings and Incidents in Tripura

2014 onwards – Attacks on BJP workers: With BJP’s rise, political violence escalated.

December 2016: Chand Mohan Tripura, a tribal BJP leader, was brutally murdered.

2017 (Ramzan): BJP district general secretary Ariful Islam’s house was vandalised; women family members abused.

2017: Reports of 25 Muslim families barred from mosques after leaving CPM for BJP.

2017: BJP worker Nanigopal Dey assaulted in Saphijala district by elements allegedly backed by CPM.

3 January 2018 – Rajnagar (Belonia), South Tripura: Amulya Malakar (60, BJP worker) was killed in his house by Gopal Malakar, identified by BJP as a CPI(M) member. BJP leaders called it the seventh BJP member killed by CPI(M) “goons” in recent months.

12 August 2024 – Sonamura (Sepahijala): Asish Paul (BJP worker) was severely beaten by alleged CPI(M) supporters during panchayat vote counting. He suffered grave head injuries and died days later in hospital. BJP officials explicitly accused CPI(M) cadres of the attack.

West Bengal: Communist Political Violence (1947-2025)

The heartland of Communism after Kerala has been under the clutches of Communist regime for several decades. Bengal even saw 34 years of uninterrupted Communist rule – under Jyoti Basu from 1977 till 2000 and then under Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee till 2011. TMC then took over the reins and things are not so different. Some of the documented cases of killings are as below:

Sainbari Murders (March 1970)

Three Sain brothers (Congress supporters) were brutally killed by CPI(M) cadres. Naba Kumar Sain was blinded and had eyes gouged out; brothers Malay and Pranab were hacked to death. Their mother was forced to eat rice smeared with her sons’ blood. The trauma caused the mother to lose her mental balance until her death a decade later.

Marichjhapi Massacre (January 1979)

Bengali Hindu refugees from Bangladesh were killed by Left Front government forces in January 1979. It was estimated that hundreds were killed through police firing, starvation, and drowning. The victims included children, women, and elderly refugees seeking shelter. The bodies dumped in rivers and fed to crocodiles to hide evidence.

Ananda Marg Killings (1982)

In the year 1982, 17 Ananda Marg monks (known as Anand Margis) were burned alive by CPI(M) cadres in Kolkata. The monks were doused in petrol and kerosene at three separate locations. It was a carefully planned execution to eliminate perceived threat to CPI(M)’s growth.

Nanoor Massacre (July 2000)

In July 2000, 11 landless Muslim laborers were killed by CPI(M) cadres for supporting opposition. The victims were agricultural wage workers caught in land dispute. CPI(M) initially labeled them as “dacoits” before admitting they were laborers.

Triple Murder in Murshidabad (October 2019)

In October 2019, Bandhu Prakash Pal (40), a schoolteacher and RSS worker, his pregnant wife Beauty (30), and their five-year-old son Angan were brutally hacked to death in their home in Jiaganj, Murshidabad, West Bengal. The crime, first discovered by a milkman who saw a suspect fleeing, sparked political outrage, with BJP leaders blaming political violence and demanding Mamata Banerjee’s resignation.

Systematic Violence During Left Front Rule

Thousands were killed during the 34-year Left Front rule. An average of 20 political killings occurred annually from 1999-2016. Violence was used as systematic tool to suppress opposition. If we consider the years 2019-2024, there have been atleast 47 political killings between TMC and BJP workers since 2019 Lok Sabha elections. During the 2023 Panchayat elections, at least 11 were killed and over 200 crude bombs recovered.

Systematic Violence Under TMC Rule (2011-2025)

As mentioned above, the Left regime in West Bengal wreaked havoc in terms of law and order. The violence continues under TMC, inheriting Left Front’s violent political culture. Here are a few reported instances.

In June 2019, political violence in West Bengal intensified after two killings in Howrah’s Amta. On 10 June 2019, BJP worker Samatul Dolui was found hanging from a tree, with his family alleging he had faced threats after leading “Jai Sri Ram” rallies. A day earlier, RSS veteran Swadesh Manna was discovered dead in the same manner in Atchata village, also after organizing similar rallies. BJP blamed Trinamool for both murders, while TMC leaders denied involvement, accusing BJP of conspiracy.

In June 2019 inAmdanga, North 24 Parganas, 38-year-old Najibur Karim (alias Akbar), a BJP worker was beaten and killed, sparking local unrest. The BJP alleged Trinamool involvement, while Trinamool MLA Rafiqur Rahman claimed it stemmed from a dispute among local drinkers. Najibur was attacked by Rakesh Piada near Boichgachi’s old market, hospitalized, and later died.

In 2019, three BJP activists were murdered at Sandeshkhali in North 24 Parganas, West Bengal. Despite a complaint being filed at the Sandeshkhali police station naming Trinamool Congress functionary Sheikh Shahjahan and his associates as accused, the police reportedly took no action for years. In January 2024, following Shahjahan’s arrest in a separate case involving an attack on ED officials, petitioners approached the Calcutta High Court seeking justice for the 2019 murders.

In January 2021, in Patashpur, East Midnapore, 80-year-old BJP supporter Amulya Mandal died after allegedly being pushed by Trinamool workers while trying to protect his son Shankar, who had been beaten during a local procession. Shankar had joined BJP three years earlier and led a BJP rally on January 1. Trinamool denies involvement, claiming Amulya was bedridden and his death was natural, accusing BJP of politicizing the incident. Tensions escalated locally, with BJP leaders condemning what they called attempts to terrorize the area.

In May 2021, Abhijit Sarkar, a 35-year-old BJP worker in north Kolkata, was dragged from his home and brutally murdered in broad daylight during post-poll violence in West Bengal. The attack, allegedly carried out by Trinamool Congress supporters, involved over 30 men; Abhijit was strangled with cable wires and his head smashed. The case, originally registered at Narkeldanga police station, was later handed to the CBI.

Before the Tamluk Lok Sabha elections in Nandigram, BJP worker Rathibala Aari was killed on 23 May 2024. She reportedly intervened when miscreants, allegedly linked to the Trinamool Congress, attacked her son Sanjay with sharp weapons. Rathibala was beaten multiple times while protecting him and later declared dead at the hospital; her son survived after medical treatment.

In August 2025, the killing of BJP booth president Rajib Biswas in Baruipur, South 24 Parganas, West Bengal, sparked political controversy, with BJP alleging that Trinamool Congress supporters had assaulted and set him on fire. Police, however, indicated that preliminary investigations suggest a family dispute may have been the motive. Two individuals, the victim’s father and brother, were arrested in connection with the case. Biswas was reportedly attacked with bamboo poles and stabbed multiple times on the night of August 8, and he later died from his injuries at a hospital the following day.

In the book Hindutva for Changing Times, RSS ideologue J. Nandakumar highlighted political and communal violence in Bengal. He alleged that 90 RSS-BJP workers have been killed, including four for chanting “Jai Shri Ram.” Nandakumar also pointed to incidents like the Kaliachak communal riots, accusing the Mamata Banerjee government of denial and appeasement.

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Unpacking The Politics And Geopolitics Behind The Leh Violence Spearheaded By Sonam Wangchuk

The Commune

September 27, 2025

'Climate Activist' Sonam Wangchuk’s Hunger Strike Turns Violent, BJP Office, CRPF Vehicle Torched; Blames Gen-Z While Hiding HIAL Land Defaults leh violence ladakh protest arrest

The recent violent protests in Ladakh have captured national attention, not just for the unrest itself but for the broader questions they raise about development, governance, and strategic security. What may appear as a local agitation for greater autonomy and protections is, on closer inspection, part of a complex interplay of political, environmental, and geopolitical factors that demand careful analysis.

The Protest and Its Roots

The immediate trigger for the protests is a demand to include Ladakh under the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution, which would grant the Union Territory greater autonomy over local governance, taxation, and judicial powers. Protesters argue that such powers are necessary to preserve the region’s unique culture, language, and fragile environment.

Many observers, however, question the choice of the Sixth Schedule rather than the Fifth Schedule. The Fifth Schedule applies to most tribal areas in Central and Southern India and allows local councils to advise on development planning in coordination with the state governor. The Sixth Schedule, which currently covers tribal regions in the Northeast, provides far greater powers, including the ability to execute development projects independently, collect taxes, and manage judicial functions. Granting Sixth Schedule status to Ladakh would thus represent a significant legal and constitutional shift, requiring an amendment.

This legal nuance is critical. Critics argue that if implemented, Sixth Schedule powers could slow down critical infrastructure projects in the region, such as highways, tunnels, and airstrips—projects vital for both local development and national security in this border-sensitive area.

Selective Protest: Who Is Involved?

It is important to note that not all residents of Ladakh are participating in or supporting these protests. Analysts have described the movement as driven by a select group of activists (you know who they are) who have used environmental and cultural concerns to amplify their visibility. These activists claim that India’s development projects are harming Ladakh’s delicate ecology. Yet, similar or even larger-scale projects by China in neighboring regions such as Aksai Chin, Western Tibet, and Xinjiang have not provoked comparable protests.

Over the past few years, China has developed extensive infrastructure in these areas, including strategic highways, airstrips, and military bases, releasing millions of tons of carbon dioxide into the environment in the process. Local observers note the irony: while Chinese development was largely ignored, Indian development in the same ecologically sensitive region is being framed as environmentally destructive. Was the environment not fragile then?

A Strategic Laboratory?

Some analysts have described Ladakh as a “laboratory” for protest tactics. Observers note parallels with developments in Nepal, where protests were reportedly organized under the guise of legal or judicial issues to engineer a regime change. In Ladakh, the protests are framed as environmental and cultural advocacy, but they may serve broader strategic objectives, including testing protest methodologies that could later be applied elsewhere in India.

These tactics include:

Street protests – visibly mobilizing citizens on emotive issues like language, culture, and ecology.
Media campaigns – amplifying narratives of ecological damage and the insensitivity of the government.
Intellectual framing – engaging think tanks, podcasts, and debates to sustain the narrative at a national level.

The careful orchestration of these campaigns suggests that the unrest is not entirely spontaneous but part of a wider, planned strategy.

Geopolitical Dimensions

The protests also have significant geopolitical implications. Analysts point to the role of China’s United Front Work Department, a specialized branch of its Ministry of State Security tasked with shaping foreign narratives and obstructing strategic projects abroad.

According to experts, the department employs a two-pronged approach:

Aggressive media posture – using public statements, renaming of places, and symbolic gestures to influence perceptions. For example, China has repeatedly claimed Arunachal Pradesh as part of South Tibet in international discourse.

Obstructionist campaigns – framing Indian development projects in Ladakh and Kashmir as environmentally destructive, thereby creating delays or resistance at local and national levels.

This strategy aligns with China’s broader objective of maintaining a strategic edge in the Himalayan region by slowing India’s infrastructure parity, particularly in border-sensitive areas.

Development vs Ecology

The protests spotlight a deeper tension between development and ecological concerns. ‘Activists’ like Sonam Wangchuk argue that India’s projects in Ladakh threaten fragile ecosystems and tribal cultures. Yet environmental arguments are selectively applied, as similar large-scale Chinese projects in the region received little to no pushback.

Experts note that climate change and environmental degradation are global commons problems. Industrialization in other parts of the world has contributed far more to atmospheric carbon dioxide than localized development in India. Despite this, India’s projects in Ladakh are criticized, demonstrating the selective framing used in the protest narrative.

Political Implications

Domestically, the protests intersect with ongoing political struggles. Analysts note that the Congress party and certain local actors may be using the unrest to challenge the ruling BJP, weaken public perception of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and create a broader narrative of governmental insensitivity. We already saw that despite the mob being of an older age group, Congress and supporting handles on social media called it “Gen Z protest” after Wangchuk blamed them for the arson and violence.
While the majority of Ladakh’s population is not involved, a small, vocal ‘activist’ group has been able to attract significant attention, making use of national media and social media platforms.

The Ladakh protests can thus be seen as part of a larger pattern: attempts to create street-level unrest, amplify grievances via media, and frame the narrative in ways that slow down government initiatives. This pattern has parallels with previous campaigns, including protests around the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and other socio-political movements in India.

This comes exactly a week after Rahul Gandhi called on the youth, students, and Gen Z to “save the Constitution, protect democracy, and stop vote theft,” effectively encouraging them to mobilize politically against the government. By framing the youth as defenders of democracy, he positions them to take direct action, which can be interpreted as instigating unrest. His remarks echo regional examples like Nepal, where youth-led movements spiraled into protests and chaos, suggesting a potential blueprint for similar disruption in India. Critics argue that his message is less about safeguarding democracy and more about stirring dissent among young people against the current government, with Rahul himself cast as a guiding figure.

Looking Ahead

While the immediate unrest may have calmed, observers warn that the real work of shaping narratives is only beginning. Intellectual discourse, media debates, and online campaigns are expected to continue framing India’s development as ecologically insensitive, potentially creating long-term obstacles for projects in Ladakh and similar regions.

The protests highlight the need for citizens, policymakers, and analysts to critically assess the motivations behind movements. Not every demonstration is purely local; some may be influenced by broader political or geopolitical agendas. Understanding these layers is crucial, especially in regions like Ladakh, which are simultaneously ecologically fragile, strategically vital, and historically marginalized.

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Pakistani Intelligence Operative Arrested By Ladakh Police Was Allegedly In Touch With Anarchist Sonam Wangchuk

The Commune

September 27, 2025

Leh continues to remain under curfew for the fourth consecutive day following large-scale violence on September 24 that left four people dead, and many others injured. Ladakh Director General of Police (DGP) SD Singh Jamwal confirmed the toll on Saturday and said that strict restrictions remained in place across the Union Territory.

Addressing a press conference, Jamwal said the detention of climate activist Sonam Wangchuk under the National Security Act (NSA) was necessary to restore peace. He alleged that Wangchuk and other activists attempted to derail talks between Ladakh groups and the Centre on statehood and Sixth Schedule demands. He further said that Wangchuk’s alleged links with Pakistan had emerged during investigations and were under probe.

September 24 Violence

According to the DGP, nearly 7,000 people pelted stones at buildings, police, and paramilitary forces during the protests in Leh. He said CRPF personnel were “mercilessly beaten,” with one still critical. He added that three women personnel were inside a building when rioters attempted to set it on fire, but they narrowly escaped.

Jamwal described the incident as unprecedented in Ladakh’s history. He said his own vehicle was attacked and he sustained minor injuries. He added that 80 security personnel, including 17 CRPF and 15 Ladakh police, were injured in the violence. He said 70–80 civilians were also injured, including seven who were critically hurt. One girl was airlifted to Delhi for treatment.

Jamwal said firing took place in self-defence, which resulted in four deaths. He noted that three Nepali nationals were among those who sustained bullet injuries.

Allegations Against Sonam Wangchuk

The DGP alleged that Wangchuk had a history of instigation, citing references to movements in Nepal, Bangladesh, and the Arab Spring. He said that Wangchuk had made provocative speeches and statements that attempted to derail the Centre’s discussions with the Leh Apex Body and Kargil Democratic Alliance (KDA). He said FIRs had been registered in connection with the speeches.

Jamwal claimed that possible violations of the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA), 2010, were being investigated. He said agencies were also probing Wangchuk’s alleged visits to Pakistan and potential foreign funding links.

The DGP said a Pakistan Intelligence Operative (PIO), who was allegedly “reporting” on Wangchuk, had been arrested with incriminating material. He said the PIO had been “in touch” with Wangchuk and was sending reports across the border.

We also arrested a Pakistan PIO (Pakistan Intelligence Officer) in the recent past who was in touch with Sonam Wangchuk and reporting back across. We have a record of this –
Ladakh DGP Dr. S.D Singh Jamwal
pic.twitter.com/hnZwwz8me4
— Aman Chopra (@AmanChopra_) September 27, 2025

Arrests and Security Measures

Jamwal confirmed that 44 people had been arrested so far, including five to six individuals described as “ringleaders.” He said that police had prior intelligence of possible disturbances, which led to security deployments.

He said that despite the unrest, security forces exercised restraint. He noted that while the forces were entitled to use firearms in self-defence, they worked to control the situation without escalation.

Wangchuk’s Arrest

Major clashes on September 24 saw protesters torch police vehicles and attack the BJP office in Leh. Following the unrest, prohibitory orders banning assembly of more than five people were imposed in major towns, including Kargil.

The police later arrested Wangchuk on Friday. He was taken into custody by a team led by DGP Jamwal and lodged in a jail in Rajasthan’s Jodhpur under NSA provisions.

The Ladakh administration issued a statement late Friday night, saying Wangchuk’s detention was important to restore normalcy in Leh and to prevent him from further acting in a manner prejudicial to public order.

Jamwal said Ladakh police would not spare anyone attempting to destabilise peace. He expressed confidence that Ladakh would overcome the crisis and hold peace.

(With inputs from News18)

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