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Young Thinkers’ Confluence 2025: Fostering Ideologically Rooted Discourse For India’s Next Generation

Young Thinkers Confluence 2025: Fostering Ideologically Rooted Discourse For India’s Next Generation

The Young Thinkers’ Forum (YTF) is set to host its flagship event, the Young Thinkers’ Confluence (YTC) 2025, from October 10–12 at Avantika University in Ujjain. The three-day gathering aims to foster intellectual discourse on themes ranging from civilizational studies and family resilience to geopolitical challenges facing contemporary India.

The event will commence with an inaugural session featuring Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Dr. Mohan Yadav and National Award-winning filmmaker Vivek Ranjan Agnihotri. The first day, themed “Darshan. Dialogue. Devotion,” will include a visit to the Mahakaleshwar Jyotirlinga temple and a cultural evening at the Mahakal Lok, blending spiritual heritage with contemporary dialogue.

Day two, titled “Manthan – The Churning of Ideas,” will feature panel discussions and lectures by prominent scholars and thinkers. Key sessions include “Tradition, Technology, and Togetherness: Building Resilient Families” with Advocate Dr. MR Venkatash, and “Battle for Dharma in North-Eastern Bharat,” addressing cultural and social dynamics in the region. Other notable topics include “Rising ORPs, Rising Concerns,” which will analyze recent census trends, and “Monotheism: Origins & Interactions with Polytheism,” exploring theological and historical narratives.

The final day, “Sankalp – From Thought to Action,” will include addresses by Dr. Mammohan Vaidya, an All India Committee member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), on “RSS@100: A Century in the Service of Bharat.” J Nandakumar, National Convenor of Prajna Pravah, will speak on “Hindutva in the Changing Times,” while experts like Pathikrit Payne and Anmol N. Jain will delve into geopolitical strategies and what they term “destabilising narratives” aimed at India.

According to the organizers, YTF serves as a platform for “free thought, fearless inquiry, and conscious leadership,” with activities ranging from workshops and book discussions to heritage walks and film screenings. The Confluence aims to inspire the youth to engage with India’s cultural and intellectual legacy while addressing modern challenges.

The event has drawn knowledge partners from academic and research institutions such as SMaRT, Sangam, Brhat and Centre for Indic Studies and is being conducted with the support of Avantika University as the venue partner. Registration for the Confluence is open through the official website: www.youngthinkersforum.com

As India’s youth increasingly participate in dialogues concerning national identity and global standing, events like YTC 2025 seek to channel their energy into structured, ideologically rooted discourse, aiming not just to reflect on the past, but to shape the future.

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Congress, The Real Surrenderer: Chidambaram’s Confession Reveals Congress Govt Yielded To US Pressure To Not Retaliate Against Pakistan After 26/11 Mumbai Terror Attack

"My Personal View Was We Should Have Retaliated" Says Former Home Minister P Chidambaram About 2008 Mumbai Terror Attacks Aftermath

In a stunning revelation, former Union Home Minister P Chidambaram has disclosed that he personally advocated for a military response against Pakistan following the devastating 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks but was overruled by the top Congress leadership, then led by party president Sonia Gandhi.

Chidambaram, who took charge of the Home Ministry on 1 December 2008, in the immediate aftermath of the attacks, made these statements during a recent interview. His comments provide the clearest insider account yet of the internal government debate and pinpoint where the decision against retaliation was made.

“It Did Cross My Mind”: From Reluctant Minister to Advocate for Retribution

The former minister revealed he was a reluctant appointee, stating he had to be ordered by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to take the job. 

He stated that the selection was done by Sonia Gandhi as well. He said, “I think it was a Sunday when I was called by the Prime Minister in the morning, and he said, we are moving you from finance to home. I said, but I don’t wish to go. He said, we have already taken a decision. He said, Mrs. Gandhi was Congress president, naturally.”

Once in office, he immediately grappled with how to respond to the Pakistan-orchestrated attack that left 166 Indians dead. When asked if retribution crossed his mind, Chidambaram confirmed, “Yes, I did discuss it with the Prime Minister and other people who mattered.”

He explicitly stated, “Without disclosing any official secret, it did cross my mind that we should do some act of retribution.”

The “Prevailing” View: Diplomacy Over Deterrence

However, Chidambaram clarified that his personal stance was overruled. He attributed the final decision to – “Yes, I did discuss it with the Prime Minister and other people who mattered. Apparently, the Prime Minister had discussed this even when the attack was going on. I don’t know, I can only surmise. The conclusion was largely influenced by the MEA and the IFS that we should not physically react but employ diplomatic means.

He also revealed intense international pressure, noting that then-US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice flew to Delhi to personally urge India “please don’t react.”

He said, “That was a conclusion at that time – and remember, the whole world was descending upon Delhi to tell us not to start a war. For example, Condoleezza Rice, who was then Secretary of State, flew in two or three days after I took over to meet me and the Prime Minister and to say, “please don’t react.” I said, this is a decision which the government will take.”

When asked if he thought that the UPA government went soft on terror back then, P. Chidambaram said, “No, it was not soft on terror. We did not retaliate for reasons. My personal view was we should have. But I don’t decide on my personal view. I take on the strengths and weaknesses of the government.”

India’s Home Minister post 26/11 terror attack P. Chidambaram, who took over as Home Minister on 30th November, says:

A Pattern of “Softness”?

This admission places a glaring spotlight on the decision-making of the Congress-led UPA government and its top leadership. The revelation that the Home Minister, the official responsible for internal security was in favor of a military response, but was “prevailed” upon to stand down, confirms long-held criticisms of the government’s hesitant approach to terrorism.

This stands in stark contrast to the policy of the current government, which has authorized kinetic strikes like the 2016 surgical strikes and the 2019 Balakote airstrike in response to major terror attacks.

The 26/11 decision now appears to be part of a broader pattern, from the controversial questioning of the Batla House encounter to the recent criticism of operations like ‘Sindoor’ and ‘Tilak’. Chidambaram’s testimony makes it clear that when faced with a historic provocation, the ultimate authority in the Congress party, Sonia Gandhi, presided over a policy of restraint that many Indians perceived as weakness, leaving the nation’s call for justice unanswered.

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“No Ceasefire, Only Surrender, Bullets Must Be Answered With Bullets”, Says Union Home Minister Amit Shah Rejecting Maoist Ceasefire Offer

amit shah ceasefire surrender

Union Home Minister Amit Shah on 28 September 2025 delivered a firm rebuttal to a ceasefire proposal from Maoist insurgents, stating the government’s position is one of unequivocal surrender, not negotiation. He invited the left-wing extremists to lay down their arms with the assurance that they would not be fired upon.

The Home Minister’s comments came during his address at the valedictory session of a seminar titled ‘Naxal Mukt Bharat: Ending Red Terror Under Modi’s Leadership’ held in the national capital. He was referring to a purported letter from the banned Communist Party of India (Maoist) that expressed a readiness to give up arms, contingent on the government announcing a one-month ceasefire and pausing ongoing anti-Naxal operations.

“Recently, to spread confusion, a letter was written stating that what has happened so far has been a mistake, that a ceasefire should be declared, and that we (Naxals) want to surrender,” Shah stated. “I want to say there will be no ceasefire. If you want to surrender, there is no need for a ceasefire. Lay down your arms, not a single bullet will be fired.”

Elaborating on the government’s stance, Shah outlined a clear two-pronged approach: a welcoming surrender and rehabilitation policy for those who renounce violence, and a firm military response for those who do not.

“The government’s approach is that we make every effort to arrest Naxalites and get them to surrender. We also give them a chance. We have introduced a good surrender policy,” he said. However, he added a stern warning: “But when you take up arms and set out to kill innocent citizens of India, the security forces have no other option. Bullets must be answered with bullets.”

Criticism of Ideological Supporters

Shah also launched a sharp critique against what he described as the ideological and legal supporters of Naxalism, specifically targeting leftist political parties, activists, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

“Why do they need to protect them…why don’t NGOs come forward to protect human rights of victim tribals?” he questioned. “Have all the people who write these lengthy articles and advise us ever written an article for the tribal victims? Why are they not concerned about this?”

2026 Deadline and Ideological Battle

Reiterating the government’s determined goal, Shah announced that the country would be free of Naxalism by 31 March 2026. He emphasized, however, that the conflict is not merely a military one.

“Many people believe that the Naxalite problem will end with the end of armed activities. But this is not the case,” Shah stated. He stressed the need to confront the ideology that fuels the movement. “Why did the Naxalite problem arise, grow, and develop in this country? Who provided its ideological support? Until Indian society understands this theory, this idea of Naxalism, and the people in society who provided ideological support, legal support, and financial support, the fight against Naxalism will not end.”

The Home Minister concluded by acknowledging the importance of winning the ideological battle, stating, “We can make Naxalites surrender or our security forces can neutralise them, but on the ideological front, we have to make a lot of efforts. Regarding this, the discussion that took place here is relevant and important to me as well.”

(With inputs from OpIndia)

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Pro-Palestinian Dance Performance At Kannur School Halted By School Principal, Cited Violation Of Guidelines

kannur palestin

On 27 September 2025, a pro-Palestinian-themed dance performance was stopped midway at Anjarakandy Higher Secondary School in Kannur, Kerala. The performance, part of the school’s youth festival, featured students presenting kolkali, a traditional folk art. However, school authorities intervened and sent the participating students offstage before the performance could proceed.

The students involved were from the higher secondary section. The school management claimed the decision was based on a violation of the youth festival guidelines, stating that the content of the performance was not in accordance with the festival manual. As the performance began, the principal and other staff members approached the stage and instructed the students to halt the act.

The school is operated by a society reportedly affiliated with the CPI(M). In response to the incident, members of the Muslim Students Federation (MSF) and the Kerala Students Union (KSU) held a protest march to the school premises.

This is not an isolated case. Earlier this month, on 5 September, Kerala Police registered a case against 30 members of the Girls Islamic Organisation (GIO) for organizing a pro-Palestine demonstration and public meeting at Madayipara in Kannur district without official permission. The event, led by Afra Shihab, was held in an ecologically sensitive zone on Devaswom-owned land, where public gatherings are strictly restricted due to concerns over biodiversity.

According to the complaint, the participants entered the protected area around 6 PM. carrying flags and banners, allegedly causing environmental disturbance. Despite an existing ban on vehicle entry into Madayipara especially during the Onam holiday period several vehicles reportedly accessed the area in violation of the rules.

Police initiated a formal investigation after video footage of the demonstration went viral on social media platforms.

(With inputs from Media One)

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Rahul Gandhi The Missing Leader: Why Does The Congress Scion Go On Frequent Foreign Trips?

Rahul Gandhi The Missing Leader: Congress Scion On Yet Another Foreign Trip, Off To South America This Time

Opposition leader in the Lok Sabha and senior Congress figure Rahul Gandhi has embarked on yet another foreign trip, this time to South America. According to Pawan Khera, head of the Congress’s media and publicity department, Gandhi’s itinerary includes visits to Brazil and Colombia. During this four-nation tour, he will meet political leaders, address university students, and interact with members of the business community on topics like trade and technology.

The Congress party has framed this tour as a diplomatic outreach aimed at strengthening India’s ties with South America, citing historical links through the Non-Aligned Movement and the shared legacy of the Global South. However, the timing of this foreign trip has sparked considerable debate back home. With the Bihar assembly elections around the corner, many are questioning why the leader of India’s principal opposition party is globe-trotting rather than focusing on the political battlefield in one of the most crucial states.

Rahul Gandhi is neither the prime minister nor part of an official government delegation. Yet, he has assumed the role of a globe-trotting statesman, addressed overseas universities and held high-level meetings abroad. This might seem like an effort to enhance his international profile, but it comes at the expense of domestic responsibilities. Bihar is not just another state for the Congress.

The party is struggling to remain relevant there, battling both the BJP-led NDA and its own dwindling cadre. At such a critical juncture, a serious leader would be expected to stay on the ground, engage with party workers, strategize with allies, and directly connect with voters.

Instead, Gandhi’s schedule shows he would rather speak to students in Bogotá or São Paulo than rally crowds in Patna or Gaya. This pattern reinforces the widespread perception that he views politics as a part-time activity, something he dips into occasionally before retreating abroad to reset.

Rahul Gandhi’s latest trip comes on the heels of another controversy, his recent vacation in Malaysia. Earlier this month, after completing his so-called Voter Adhikar Yatra in Bihar, he quietly slipped away to Langkawi. The trip only came to light when pictures of him vacationing surfaced on social media, triggering sharp criticism. BJP IT cell head Amit Malviya posted on X, “Rahul Gandhi has slipped away yet again this time on a clandestine vacation in Langkawi, Malaysia. Looks like the heat and dust of Bihar’s politics were too much for the Congress Yuvraj, who had to rush off for a break. Or is it another one of those secret meetings that no one is supposed to know about?”

The trip became even more controversial due to Langkawi’s association with Islamic preacher Zakir Naik, who fled India and took Malaysian citizenship. Speculation swirled online about whether Gandhi’s visit involved any meeting with Naik or his associates, though the Congress party has offered no clarity.

Regardless of the truth, the optics were damaging. For many observers, this episode symbolized Rahul Gandhi’s tendency to treat political campaigns like assignments, something to be completed before jetting off for leisure or undisclosed meetings abroad.

This is not the first time Gandhi has chosen to leave the country at a crucial political moment.

  1. In October 2023, just ahead of assembly elections in several states, he quietly left for Uzbekistan. The trip remained secret until he was spotted returning at Delhi airport, and even then, he refused to disclose its purpose. Such behavior is hardly new.
  2. In December 2021, following a humiliating Congress defeat in five state assembly elections, Gandhi flew to Italy. His absence delayed campaign activities in Punjab, inadvertently paving the way for the Aam Aadmi Party’s rise.
  3. In December 2020, on the very day Congress celebrated its 136th foundation day, he left for another personal trip to Italy.
  4. Similarly, in October 2019, just two weeks before crucial elections in Haryana and Maharashtra, he flew to Bangkok without explanation.

This recurring pattern has earned him a reputation for disappearing during crises. Even within the Congress, there is unease about his habit of vanishing at decisive moments, leaving the party leaderless and directionless.

Adding to the suspicion are questions about the people Gandhi meets during his foreign travels. During his 2023 visit to the US, he met Sunita Vishwanath, co-founder of Hindus for Human Rights (HfHR), an organization accused of being an Islamist-linked advocacy group that regularly maligns India on global platforms.

Such associations raise eyebrows, especially when viewed alongside his history of criticizing India’s internal policies while abroad. For instance, he has repeatedly used foreign platforms to attack the Indian government, even appealing to international actors to intervene in what he calls a “crisis of democracy” in India.

Moreover, his repeated violations of security protocols during foreign trips prompted the government to withdraw his SPG (Special Protection Group) cover. Defense Minister Rajnath Singh himself raised this issue in Parliament, underlining the potential risks involved.

With the Bihar elections approaching, Rahul Gandhi’s South American tour looks like yet another example of misplaced priorities. Bihar represents a crucial battleground for the Congress and its allies, yet its top leader is thousands of miles away, addressing foreign audiences instead of connecting with local voters. This behavior signals more than just poor timing; it reflects a deeper problem. Leadership demands commitment, especially in times of political flux. By consistently leaving India during critical political moments, Gandhi undermines not only his personal credibility but also the morale of his party workers and allies.

Rahul Gandhi’s defenders may argue that foreign outreach is necessary for building India’s image abroad. However, without holding domestic ground, these tours risk looking like vanity projects. The optics are especially poor when set against a backdrop of repeated election losses and organizational decline.

As Bihar gears up for a high-stakes contest, the Congress should be consolidating its position on the ground. Instead, the leader’s absence reinforces the perception that the party lacks direction and seriousness. Until Rahul Gandhi proves otherwise through consistent, hands-on leadership, his foreign tours will continue to be seen as evidence of detachment from India’s political realities, a luxury no opposition leader can afford.

Dr. Prosenjit Nath is a techie, political analyst, and author.

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Book Review: The Cholas By TS Krishnan – Where Pages Become Portals To Our Glorious Past

The famed author, Michael Crichton, once said, If you don’t know history, then you don’t know anything. You are leaf that doesn’t know it’s a part of the tree”.  History is limited to the versions captured in the school textbooks, the narrative of which is set by the powers that may be. More often than not, some of the illustrious eras of the past get relegated to occasional passing mentions and don’t get the justice of being represented for what they are.

The land which we inhabit currently has been walked over by some very illustrious kingdoms of the past, whose accounts we know nothing of. This type of disservice is corrected by some good authors, who, with some painstaking research and years of toil, come up with a book that paints a vivid picture of a kingdom gone by. The book, The Cholas, is one such effort that portrays the lives and times of one of the most famous kingdoms of the past.

TS Krishnan is a prolific writer, evident to all those following him on the social media platform, X. The contribution of the Cholas in terms of law, administration, and the architectural and engineering marvels in the form of the famed temples that have stood the test of time has been a topic of interest and research for a long time.

The movie, Ponniyin Selvan, has piqued or rather reinvigorated an interest in the famed dynasty of the southern part of India, and naturally, there were a lot of expectations. At the onset, it needs to be highlighted that this book is an excellent one, which is backed by some solid research and cross-references across a multitude of works across various texts.

The book captures the evolution of the Cholas in 3 segments of time. Starting with their origins from Surya (Surya Vamsha) to their mention in the famed Sugreeva’s map (Ramayana) and being part of the Mahabharata, the author captures the early reign of Cholas through references from various Tamil and Sri Lankan works.

The Sangam era is the next part of the book, which captures the times of the Cholas during the Sangam period, followed by a few centuries of the Kalabhra Interregnum. Finally, the golden age of Cholas from the 9th Century CE to the 13th Century CE is presented with very rich details. The author’s research is quite evident in the form of the references from Ramayana (Sugreeva’s map) and Mahabharata (Drona Parva), as well as the famous Sri Lankan text, Mahavamsha.

The book records the times of the Sangam era with very rich and intricate details, while the Kalabhra Interregnum is also represented with vivid details, including the spread of Jainism and Buddhism during that era in this region. The author is quite clear in the details of some of the kings, whose accounts are lost to the tides of time. For example, in the revival period, the fate of Kannaradevan is quite clearly highlighted as unknown.

The book is quite an eye-opener to modern readers who are unfamiliar with the rich history of the land. Cholas were devout Sanatanis with a sound grounding in the Vedic culture. This is captured in vivid detail throughout the book, starting from the Hemagarbha and Tulabhara of Parantaka Chola.

One of the key aspects of the book is the vibrant detailing of the titles adorned by many Chola rulers over time. Another interesting anecdote is the inscription related to Raja Raja Chola’s ascension to the throne, where the wordKarkatakais employed to denote the 4th month of the Hindu calendar (same as Adi in Tamil), as well as the wordUttarayana Sankranthi”. These instances demonstrate the knowledge and widespread usage of the common Sanskrit-based words in the inscriptions.

The author has captured manyMeikeerthis(true deeds) related to many Chola rulers of the modern era, which highlight the poetic elegance and exuberance of the citizens to sing the praises of their king. One of the interesting aspects captured in the book is the existence ofChalais”, which served as a prestigious training school for the leadership, reminiscent of the modern LBSNAA located in Mussoorie, Uttarakhand.

The author highlights the various administrative reforms, like the extensive land survey, the taxation, etc, undertaken by each of the rulers. There is a dedicated section at the end of the book that captures this information in equally rich detail. Perhaps, there could have been cross-references to avoid some repetition and perhaps better compartmentalisation of the content to provide a better reading experience. The meticulous documentation of these famed kings is definitely one of the highlights of their reign during those illustrious years.

The architectural marvels of Brihadeeshwara (Rajarajeshwaram), Gangai Konda Cholapuram, Darasuram, and Tribhuvanam are brought out with such rich and vivid details. The author successfully transports the readers into the era of architectural and engineering excellence, along with the rich and deep cultural and religious impact of these rulers. For example, one learns about the first installation of Sarabha Murthy (a fierce form of Shiva) during Raja Raja II’s reign in Darasuram. These tiny, yet powerful details are clearly the highlights of this book.

One of the standout features of the book is the rich photographs of temples, murals, and bronze sculptures of that era. Spanning over 20 pages, these pictures give a rich insight into the deep impact of this famed kingdom of an era gone by. The page with pictures of Chola coins is equally rich and intriguing, with the inscriptions in Nagari, indicating the language of the Chola kings of that era.

Part II of the book, i.e., Glory and Governance of the Chola Era, is perhaps one of the best portions of the book, which in itself can become a booklet or an addendum to the school curriculum. The author brings out the various administrative, legal, and cultural reforms institutionalised by the Cholas across the reign of various rulers. These subsections are laden with rich details of the thought process of the kings in terms of centralised and localised administration of the various local bodies.

The division of the responsibility is quite an interesting read, considering the various conflicts being observed in modern society. This book, coupled with Dr R Nagasamy’s eternal bookStudies in Ancient Tamil Law and Society,would be a very good read for those interested in these aspects of life and history.

There are some aspects of the book that I felt could have been better. For example, the author uses the wordTamilakamquite extensively in the book while referring to other regions as Andhra, Karnataka, etc. If this book were written in Tamil, it would be quite understandable. However, when the book is written in English, it would be expected that the regions are treated equitably, i.e., quoted with their historical names or referred to through modern boundaries. This perceived partial treatment is upsetting.

There is an account of Banas who ruled some parts of modern Andhra, Karnataka, and northern Tamil Nadu. The author quotes that they used the wordMaveli,which is a Malayalam word. A reference to an inscription or copper plates for this could have been beneficial.

The author’s efforts at consolidating the information across various sources are quite commendable. However, this is laden with inherent challenges of collating related data. For example, if one considers the episode between Athi Rajendra and Kulottunga Chola (Pages 139, 141), there is some related information on both pages. I felt that the context of Page 139 was a rich foundation on which the additional details from Page 141 could have been added.

The author has highlighted many religious donations and activities undertaken by each of these famed rulers. In these sections, the author makes a distinction between Saivism, Vaishnavism, and Vedic rituals. This is quite appalling considering that all 3 paths are various forms of our own Sanatana Dharma. This kind of distinction can possibly fuel the fault lines that are being created in modern society. I wish that the author could have phrased these terms much better to avoid this kind of muddle.

Apart from these infractions, this book is very highly recommended to get a deeper insight into the times and lives of these illustrious royals of the past, The Cholas – A very highly recommended read.

Gee Vee is an engineer and avid fan of itihasas, puranas and books.

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Madurai Bench Of Madras High Court Quashes Case Against Former Idol Wing IG Pon Manickavel, Calls Charges “Baseless”

Fmr Idol Wing IG Ponn Manickavel's Anticipatory Bail Postponed. Varadharajan defends him. tamil nadu madurai bench

The Madurai bench of Madras High Court has officially dismissed the case filed against former Inspector General of Police Pon Manickavel, ruling that it was baseless and lacked sufficient evidence. The case, which had been initiated based on allegations by a known idol smuggling accused, DSP Kadher Basha, was deemed to have no legal standing.

During his tenure as Inspector General of the Idol Wing, Pon Manickavel was known for his relentless pursuit of idol smugglers and for exposing several high-profile cases involving the theft of ancient temple idols (murtis). It was during this time that a case was registered against DSP Kadher Basha for his alleged involvement in one such idol theft case.

In response, Basha filed a petition in the Madras High Court accusing Pon Manickavel of misconduct and requesting legal action against him. Acting on this petition, the court directed the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) to probe the matter. Following this directive, the CBI registered a case against Manickavel and submitted a chargesheet to the Madurai District Court.

Challenging the case, Pon Manickavel approached the Madurai High Court, requesting that the FIR and chargesheet filed against him be quashed. Justice G. Manjula, who presided over the case, ruled in his favor.

In her judgment, Justice Manjula stated that the CBI’s chargesheet lacked substantive evidence to support the allegations against Manickavel. She noted that neither the complaint nor the FIR contained any credible material to justify the legal proceedings, and that the charges appeared to be without merit.

The court further emphasized that allowing such unfounded accusations to proceed could set a dangerous precedent, potentially discouraging honest officers from carrying out their duties. It was observed that frivolous complaints could lead to public distrust in the investigative process and compromise the integrity of cases pursued by special investigative teams.

The judge concluded that, given the pending status of the original complaint against DSP Kadher Basha, it was unjustified to proceed with charges against Pon Manickavel. As a result, both the FIR and the case filed against him were quashed.

(With inputs from Hindu Tamil)

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The “I Love Muhammad” Campaign: A Deliberate Ploy To Stoke Communal Tensions In India?

The "I Love Muhammad" Campaign: A Deliberate Ploy To Stoke Communal Tensions In India?

India has in recent weeks been rocked by violence triggered by the so-called “I Love Muhammad” campaign, which, far from being a spontaneous show of religious devotion, has revealed itself to be a calculated attempt to create communal fissures across multiple states.

What began as a small poster in Kanpur has mushroomed into riots, arson, and stone-pelting in Gujarat, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, and beyond. The evidence shows that this is not an isolated flare-up of sentiment but a coordinated Islamist effort, politically backed by certain opposition parties, to destabilize Hindu-majority states and embarrass the Indian state on the global stage.

How It Started

The playbook was first exposed in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, on 4 September 2025. During Barawafat celebrations, an “I Love Muhammad” light board was installed not in a neutral space, but deliberately opposite the traditional route of a Hindu Ram Navami procession in Syed Nagar, an area with a long-established history of Hindu religious events. This was not an innocent act of faith; it was a calculated provocation, a “new tradition” imposed without any community consultation, designed to test and breach local sensitivities.

As police rightly intervened to maintain order, the instigators pivoted to a well-rehearsed second act: victimhood.
The very next day, unidentified Muslim youths attacked a Hindu locality in Rawatpur, damaging religious posters. Yet, when an FIR was filed for promoting communal hatred and vandalism, not for the slogan itself, a massive, coordinated disinformation campaign was launched

Gujarat Clashes: The Fault Line Explodes

The latest eruption came on 24 September 2025 in Bahiyal village, Gandhinagar district, Gujarat. A Hindu youth uploaded a WhatsApp status saying “I Love Mahadev” in response to the circulating “I Love Muhammad” trend. This ordinary expression of faith was enough to trigger violence. A Muslim mob vandalized his shop, attacked Garba celebrations, hurled stones, set vehicles on fire, and even damaged police jeeps. More than 200 were involved, 60 were arrested, and an entire village was thrown into panic.

The Spread of a Manufactured Campaign

The roots of this campaign lie in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, where on 4 September 2025, during the Barawafat procession, organizers installed a giant light board with “I Love Muhammad” written on it in Syed Nagar. This was not a traditional practice; it was a unilateral innovation placed directly in the path of the Ram Navami procession route. Police quickly removed and relocated the board, but the damage was done. The next day, Muslim youths vandalized Hindu religious posters, and on September 10, cases were filed under IPC Section 153A for promoting communal hatred.

Instead of respecting the law, Islamist groups reframed the incident as an “attack on Muslims” and flooded social media with the hashtag #ILoveMuhammad. AIMIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi, along with other leaders, amplified the narrative that Muslims were being criminalized simply for expressing love for their Prophet, deliberately concealing the violence that had taken place.

From there, the unrest spread:

  • Kashipur, Uttarakhand: 500 Muslims, mobilized by Samajwadi Party leaders Nadeem Akhtar, Anis Gandhi, and Danish Chowdhury, took out an unauthorized procession. Police were attacked, chased, and beaten; vehicles vandalized; seven arrested.
  • Kaushambi, UP: Children were caught chanting “Sar Tan Se Juda,” the jihadist slogan calling for beheading, during an “I Love Muhammad” march. Video evidence showed minors brandishing placards and chanting hatred.
  • Bareilly, UP: Over 1,000 Muslims gathered near Islamia Ground. What began as a rally turned into stone-pelting, vandalism, and even gunfire. Police resorted to lathicharge and tear gas; 10 policemen were injured.
  • Nagpur, Maharashtra: Congress minority leader Vaseem Khan led demonstrations in Mominpura, openly politicizing the slogan.
  • Hyderabad, Telangana: AIMIM workers staged protests framing the FIRs as “anti-Muslim persecution.”

Political Linkages and Subversive Strategy

The controversy has exposed direct political involvement. In Kanpur, police arrested Zubair Ahmed Khan, a dismissed constable turned Samajwadi Party worker, for circulating a provocative audio clip after Friday prayers, designed to mobilize mobs. His photos with senior SP leaders quickly went viral, giving the agitation a clear partisan shade.

If we analyze the sequence of the protests, we can identify six deliberate steps in this Islamist playbook:

  1. Create an emotional slogan – “I Love Muhammad” – seemingly harmless but loaded with identity politics.
  2. Mobilize through WhatsApp/social media – ensure mobs assemble instantly after Friday prayers.
  3. Confront police – provoke action, record videos of clashes.
  4. Internationalize the narrative – feed visuals to Amnesty, Human Rights Watch, and hostile foreign think tanks.
  5. Frame Hindus as oppressors – through critical race theory-style interpretations that cast minorities as “blacks” and Hindus as “whites.”
  6. Globalize Hinduphobia – present India as “Islamophobic” to UN forums, US Congress, and Western academia.

This is a classic case of weaponized narrative warfare, with Islamist networks, opposition parties, and foreign powers in sync.

A Threat to Indian Social Fabric

At its core, this campaign undermines India’s pluralistic balance. Expressing love for the Prophet is not the issue; the danger lies in imposing new traditions in mixed localities, deliberately ignoring sensitivities, vandalizing rival religious symbols, and then playing the victim card.

By chanting “Sar Tan Se Juda,” assaulting police, and vandalizing Hindu shops, the campaign is not about devotion, it is about intimidation. The Islamists behind it are creating something like an “Islamic Gen Z” radicalization wave, inspired by unrest in Nepal, and seeking to transform street protests into a nationwide anti-Hindu, anti-India movement.

Why It Must Be Resisted

The “I Love Muhammad” movement is dangerous because:

  • It weaponizes faith as a political tool.
  • It imposes unilateral traditions that breed conflict.
  • It normalizes extremist slogans like “Sar Tan Se Juda.”
  • It seeks international intervention against India.
  • It aims to guilt-trip Hindus while concealing violence committed by mobs.

The fact that this campaign has been endorsed by Islamist leaders, amplified by opposition parties, and supported through orchestrated violence proves that it is not a devotional slogan but a deliberate strategy of destabilization.

Last Word

The “I Love Muhammad” campaign is dangerous precisely because it is not about love. It is a political and subversive tool, inspired by global Islamist playbooks, aimed at disrupting India’s religious harmony and also the country’s political stability. It deliberately provokes, then feigns victimhood, and finally unleashes violence when confronted.

To counter this, the state must act firmly against all violence and vandalism, regardless of the perpetrator. But more importantly, the public must see through this charade. If left unchecked, “I Love Muhammad” could become the seed of a larger Islamist insurgency. True devotion never destroys harmony, it builds it. The “I Love Muhammad” campaign, however, has brought only arson, bloodshed, and division.

We must recognize that this is not a debate over religious freedom, but a deliberate and dangerous conspiracy to break India, one communal clash at a time. The stability of the nation depends on seeing this threat for what it is and rejecting its divisive agenda outright.

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RSS Branded As ‘Divisive Force’ By Vijay Steps In After Karur TVK Rally Stampede That Left 40 Dead & Several Injured; Relief Provided To Victims And Families

rss karur stampede

While Joseph Vijay, like any other secular Dravidian Stockist has often targeted RSS as ‘communal’ and ‘divisive force’, its Swayamsevaks plunged to offer help to those affected in the stampede caused by TVK rally.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in yet another instance has joined relief efforts in the aftermath of the tragic stampede in Karur, Tamil Nadu. They are assisting both the general public and the relatives of victims at the Karur Government Hospital, where emergency provisions like drinking water and food are being distributed to those affected.

On 27 September 2025, a devastating stampede occurred during a political rally organized by the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) party, led by actor-turned-part-time-politician Vijay. The incident, which took place in Velusamypuram on the Karur–Erode highway, resulted in at least 40 fatalities and around 100 injuries, with the death toll possibly rising further.

The tragic event unfolded at approximately 7:40 PM when Vijay’s convoy, delayed by nearly six hours, arrived at the venue. The crowd, initially estimated at around 4,000, had swelled dramatically, reaching nearly 27,000 people, including supporters and fans. Many attendees, including children and women, had waited for hours in the intense heat, some without food or water, hoping to catch a glimpse of the actor.

Supporters of TVK formed convoys around Vijay’s campaign vehicle, effectively blocking road access and contributing to traffic congestion. As the vehicle approached the venue, the crowd began pushing forward toward the stage barricades, leading to a deadly crush.

The stampede was triggered near a shed that housed a generator and a television broadcast van, where people became trapped and trampled. The absence of buffer zones and poor crowd management worsened the situation. Security personnel and volunteers struggled to control the crowd, and ambulances faced delays due to blocked roads. Volunteers eventually created human chains to help evacuate the injured. Several people fainted due to heat and pressure, and children were reported missing in the chaos.

During the turmoil, Vijay paused his address to provide water and appealed for help in locating missing children. Eyewitnesses and survivors blamed the disaster on inadequate planning, poor security presence, and a failure in crowd control measures.

Initial reports suggested about 10 deaths, but the number soon rose to 40, including 10 children, 17 women, and 13 men. Over 80 individuals were hospitalized with injuries ranging from fractures to suffocation. Hospitals in Karur and nearby districts received the injured.

In response, emergency services were swiftly mobilized. Around 44 doctors from Salem and Tiruchirappalli were dispatched to Karur, and helpline numbers were set up by the district administration to help families locate missing persons. Political leaders at both state and national levels expressed their condolences, and compensation packages were announced for the victims’ families.

The Tamil Nadu government appointed retired High Court judge Justice Aruna Jagadeesan to head a one-person commission of inquiry into the incident, aiming to uncover the causes and assign accountability.

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Kalviyil Sirantha Tamil Nadu: Teacher Of Govt-Aided School Arrested For Sexually Harassing 5 Girl Students

In a deeply troubling case, a school teacher at a government-aided school near Kulithalai in Karur district has been arrested under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act after five students accused him of sexual harassment.

The accused, identified as Shivakumar, worked as an intermediate-level teacher at the institution. According to reports, the victims alerted the authorities by contacting the Child Helpline (1098) to report the inappropriate behavior.

Following the complaint, Child Welfare Committee (CWC) officials visited the school and conducted a detailed inquiry, during which the students reportedly confirmed the allegations. Based on their statements, and with confirmation from the school head, a formal complaint was filed.

Acting on the complaint, local police swiftly arrested Shivakumar under relevant sections of the POCSO Act. Further investigation is underway.

(With Inputs From Polimer News)

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