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Bulls Wait, Politics Takes Centre Stage: Udhayanidhi Stalin’s Late Arrival Delays Palamedu Jallikattu

Bulls Wait, Politics Takes Centre Stage: Udhayanidhi Stalin's Late Arrival Delays Palamedu Jallikattu

The annual Palamedu Jallikattu witnessed strong resentment from bull owners and participants on Friday, 16 January 2026, after the event was delayed by nearly three hours, allegedly to accommodate the arrival of Tamil Nadu Deputy Chief Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin.

Though Palamedu Jallikattu traditionally begins between 6 AM and 7 AM, bulls were released only around 10.30 AM, triggering widespread criticism from participants who had arrived at the venue in the early hours of the morning with their animals.

The competition was officially inaugurated at 9.30 am by the Deputy Chief Minister, who flagged off the event.

“Jallikattu Was Delayed Because He Came Late”

Bull owners from several districts said the delay severely disrupted the event and reduced the chances for hundreds of bulls to participate.

“We came from Thoothukudi and reached here by 4 am,” one bull owner said. “Every year, Palamedu Jallikattu starts by 6 or 7 in the morning. Today, it started only at 10 am because the Deputy Chief Minister came late. Because of that, everything got delayed.”

Another participant said tokens had been issued for nearly 1,000 bulls, but many would be forced to return without entering the arena.

“There are about 1,000 bulls here. All of them must be released. But now it is impossible,” he said. “Half the bulls have come from places like Karur and Salem. How will all of them run before evening?”

Concerns Over Time Limit and Unreleased Bulls

Participants pointed out that Jallikattu is not permitted to continue beyond 6 pm, making it unlikely that all registered bulls would get an opportunity.

“It will be difficult even to cross 5 pm,” a bull owner said. “Manjuvirattu itself will finish by 4 pm. There are still 600 to 700 bulls waiting. Many outside bulls will not be released at all.”

Bull owners also complained about inadequate arrangements for animals forced to wait for hours in the sun.

“There is no proper food or water. The bulls are standing there since morning,” a participant said. “Police are chasing and beating people at the holding area, but the bulls are not being allowed inside the arena.”

Politics Accused of Interfering With Tradition

Several participants criticised what they described as political interference in a traditional sport.

“For one full year, people wait only for Jallikattu,” a participant said. “This is not a decorative show. Bulls and players are not props that can be made to wait because a politician arrives late.”

“Jallikattu should remain a traditional sport. Politics should not be forced into this,” another bull owner said, adding that the delay had caused financial losses for those who had travelled long distances with rented vehicles and livestock.

“If the Deputy Chief Minister had come earlier, the event would have moved quickly,” he said. “Because he came late, everyone is suffering.”

 

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Despite the criticism, the competition continued with multiple rounds held through the day. Officials said several participants were injured during the event, though the primary concern raised by bull owners remained the delayed start and the likelihood that hundreds of bulls would be sent back without participating.

The Palamedu Jallikattu is one of the most prominent events of the Pongal season and draws participants and spectators from across Tamil Nadu and beyond.

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UGC Notifies ‘Promotion Of Equity’ Rules, But Here’s Why They Are Dystopian

UGC Notifies ‘Promotion Of Equity’ Rules, But Here's Why They Are Dystopian

The University Grants Commission has notified the UGC (Promotion of Equity in Higher Education Institutions) Regulations, 2026, triggering sharp criticism that the framework risks chilling campus life and undermining institutional autonomy.

The regulations, published in the Gazette of India on 13 January 2026, are binding on all universities and colleges across the country and replace the 2012 anti-discrimination regulations. They were issued following directions from the Supreme Court to update the regulatory framework in the aftermath of cases such as Rohith Vemula and Payal Tadvi. While the stated objective is to prevent caste and other forms of discrimination in higher education institutions (HEIs), it is noteworthy that the methods adopted are vague, intrusive, and disproportionate.

Key Provisions of the Regulations

Under the new framework, every HEI is required to establish an Equal Opportunity Centre (EOC) and an Equity Committee with representation from Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, women, and persons with disabilities. Institutions must also constitute mobile “Equity Squads” tasked with maintaining vigilance against discrimination and reporting to the EOC.

All students, faculty members, and staff are mandated to furnish an undertaking at the time of admission, appointment, or renewal, declaring that they will promote equity and refrain from discrimination. The regulations further require institutions to conduct pre-session orientation meetings involving wardens, parents, district administration, and police, and to maintain equity helplines, awareness campaigns, and counselling mechanisms.

The UGC has also vested itself with sweeping enforcement powers. In cases of non-compliance, institutions may be barred from UGC schemes, prohibited from offering degree, open and distance learning (ODL), or online programmes, and even removed from recognition under Sections 2(f) and 12B of the UGC Act.

Vague Definitions & Scope

Opposition to the regulations has focused on the definitions of “discrimination” and “equity” contained in the gazette. Discrimination is defined to include explicit as well as implicit acts on grounds such as religion, caste, gender, race, disability, or place of birth. The inclusion of “implicit” discrimination renders the term subjective and open-ended, allowing intent to be inferred without clear evidentiary standards.

Image Source: Meh Harshil on X

Similarly, “equity” is defined as a “level playing field” for all stakeholders with respect to entitlements and opportunities. One wonders how such a concept would be operationalised, warning that the language borrows heavily from ideological frameworks without laying down objective criteria or safeguards.

Image Source: Meh Harshil on X
Compelled Speech and Surveillance

Clause 7(a), which mandates undertakings from all campus stakeholders to promote equity, has drawn particular criticism. Equity is a contested political concept and that compelling individuals to affirm adherence amounts to ideological compliance rather than behavioural regulation, raising concerns over freedom of thought and expression.

The provisions mandating Equity Squads and designated “Equity Ambassadors” in every department have been described as creating a culture of constant monitoring and peer reporting. Campuses could turn into zones of suspicion, with no clear due-process safeguards outlined for how complaints or reports by these bodies would be assessed.

Image Source: Meh Harshil on X

Another contentious clause requires Equal Opportunity Centres to coordinate with civil society organisations, local media, district administration, police, and non-governmental organisations.

Image Source: Meh Harshil on X

This opens the door for external political actors and law-enforcement agencies to enter academic spaces, eroding the principle of universities as self-regulating knowledge institutions.

The penalty structure under the regulations is also problematic

Image Source: Meh Harshil on X

Even procedural non-compliance could invite severe sanctions, with no graded or proportional penalty mechanism specified. Such powers could be exercised selectively, threatening the very survival of institutions rather than correcting specific lapses.

While the Supreme Court had asked the UGC to strengthen anti-discrimination safeguards, the court did not mandate the expansive definitions, compulsory undertakings, or enforcement mechanisms now introduced. It is argued that the ministry could have drafted a narrower, rights-based framework instead of one centred on compliance and control.

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‘Tamilaga’ Vettri Kazhagam Head Joseph Vijay Celebrated Christmas But Not Pongal, Is His Religion Stopping Him?

On 22 December 2025, actor-turned-politician Vijay hosted the “Samathuva Christmas” (Equality Christmas) for his followers and party cadre – a highly publicised event just before the Christmas festival. He was seen sharing the stage with Christian religious heads, preachers, pastors, and celebrating the festival with children and adults alike.

Less than a month later, it is time for Pongal festival, but apart from wishing his followers for the festival and spreading the Christian missionary and Dravidianist agenda that projects Pongal as the Tamil New Year – a lie that has no truth to it, he did not even celebrate the festival with his followers or the TVK cadre.

For a leader who claims to stand for Tamil identity, the way he treated these two festivals says a lot about the important he gives for Tamil Hindu culture and what really matters to him.

Christmas vs Pongal

As mentioned above, Vijay happily fronted TVK’s “Samathuva” Christmas events in Mamallapuram, greeting crowds, cutting cakes and posing for carefully curated social‑media visuals that framed him as an inclusive, modern leader.

The same Vijay then told the CBI he needed to return to Tamil Nadu for Pongal programmes, leading the agency to postpone its second round of Karur‑stampede questioning from immediately after his first appearance to 19 January 2026. ​

His Pongal content was limited to greetings, with no comparable public engagement.

Having invoked Pongal to secure that breathing space, his failure to be visibly present in a comparable way for the festival – at a time when even the Prime Minister chose to be seen at a Pongal celebration in Delhi with Tamil film celebrities – naturally invites scrutiny.

It may be normal for the CBI to postpone questioning. But if Pongal is given as the reason, people will expect the leader to visibly take part in Pongal celebrations.

A Party For Tamils Or Just Optics?

TVK, as espoused by Vijay, is supposedly being built on a plank of Tamil identity, linguistic pride and a promise of “different” politics. For such a formation, Pongal is not just another holiday; it is a political stage as important as any public rally.

When the Prime Minister is seen presiding over Pongal festivities in the capital, the absence of the self‑declared “future CM” from any equivalent cultural engagement is revealing.

Or is his religious beliefs preventing him from celebrating since Pongal is a Tamil Hindu festival dedicated to worshipping the Sun God?

Netizens pointing out that Vijay could find time and comfort to celebrate Christmas, but not Pongal after specifically citing it to the CBI, are not nit‑picking; they are calling out what appears, at best, as casual planning and, at worst, as religious fundamentalism.

Vijay has given his critics all the ammunition they need – that he will do anything to escape responsibility and celebrate what suits him as a Christian.

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Sabarimala Hundi Looted From Within: Two Temple Staff Caught Smuggling Cash Hidden In Mouths

Sabarimala Hundi Looted From Within: Two Temple Staff Caught Smuggling Cash Hidden In Mouths

Just as the news of the gold theft in Sabarimala dies down, the temple is back in the news. This time, after a Devaswom Vigilance team arrested two temporary employees of the Sabarimala Lord Ayyappa Temple in connection with an alleged theft from the temple hundi, raising serious concerns over internal security and monitoring at one of Kerala’s most sacred shrines.

The accused have been identified as Sunil G Nair (51) and Gopakumar MG (51), both natives of Alappuzha district. They were taken into custody on Wednesday and later remanded to judicial custody.

The theft came to light during a routine vigilance inspection conducted on Tuesday, 13 January 2026, around 1 PM at the Sabarimala sannidhanam. Officials intercepted the two men as they were leaving after completing their duty at the hundi collection point. During the inspection, vigilance officers noticed suspicious behaviour and discovered that the accused were attempting to smuggle out currency notes by concealing them inside their mouths.

Following this, a detailed search was conducted, leading to the recovery of both Indian and foreign currency from their possession. According to Sannidhanam Sub-Inspector Vishnu V, the discovery of currency hidden in their mouths prompted a deeper probe, which revealed a far larger cache.

From Sunil G Nair, officials recovered a €20 note, a Canadian $5 note, and a UAE 50-dirham note during the initial interception. A subsequent search of his accommodation yielded a significant haul, including fifty ₹500 notes, multiple euro-denominated notes (€10, €20, and €50), Myanmar kyat notes, UAE 100-dirham notes, and Omani currency.

From Gopakumar MG, vigilance officials initially recovered Malaysian ringgit notes and a ₹500 note. A search of his bag later led to the seizure of 27 ₹500 notes, additional Indian currency in smaller denominations, Singapore $50 notes, Myanmar kyat notes, UAE dirham notes, a Malaysian ringgit note, and a gold-coloured locket weighing approximately two grams.

After completing the seizures and documentation, the Travancore Devaswom Vigilance officials handed over both accused and the recovered materials to the Sannidhanam police. The duo was produced before the court and remanded to judicial custody.

Source: OnManorama

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Make-up Artist & Distortionist Ruchika Sharma Claims Mariamma = Christian Mary, Repeats Missionary-Era Lie On A National Stage

Make-up Artist & Distortionist Ruchika Sharma Claims Mariamma = Christian Mary, Repeats Missionary-Era Lie On A National Stage

Self-described “historian” Ruchika Sharma, who is often seen applying makeup on her YouTube videos while ‘explaining history’, has triggered sharp criticism during her appearance at The Debate 2026, organised by the Calcutta Debating Circle, after making sweeping and historically untenable claims about Hindu traditions while arguing for the motion “Hinduism Needs Protection From Hindutva.”

The event featured speakers opposing the motion, including Swapan Dasgupta, Sudhanshu Trivedi, Agnimitra Paul, and J Sai Deepak, while Sharma spoke in support of the motion alongside Mahua Moitra, Mani Shankar Aiyar, and Ashutosh. The discussion was moderated by Prasenjit K Basu and Mridula Mukherjee.

During her intervention, Sharma argued that Hinduism is inherently pluralistic and accused proponents of Hindutva of misunderstanding its historical formation. While citing texts such as Dabistan-i Mazahib and Kitab al-Hind, she claimed Hindu traditions evolved primarily through the assimilation of local cults and external influences, including Buddhism, Jainism, Sufism, and Christianity. She said, “Two travellers who come over here say, yes, the word is “Indu”. But everyone defines their territory by their own words. Starting from the 7th century, the term itself is pluralistic. A 16th‑century work – and before that Al‑Biruni. The 16th‑century work being Dabistan‑i Mazahib, and before that Al‑Biruni’s, of course, Kitab al‑Hind. Both of which say that Hinduism in itself, or the religion of the non‑Muslims of Hind, is in a sense pluralistic. It is not defined by a single framework. And this is my problem with the opposition. They do not know how Hinduism has been formed. It has been formed by the worship of the likes of the goddess Pampa. Pampa was a local cult deity, assimilated into the Shaiva fold as a form of Shakti. By the worship of Jagannath, again a local cult deity, assimilated into Vaishnavism. By the likes of the worship of Krishna, whose assimilation with a local cowherd deity called Gopal made him extremely popular. But it also included the worship of a very fantastic personality called Pir Baba Haji Ratan Nath – a Nathpanthi and a Sufi saint. His shrine is still there in Peshawar, dedicated to Shiv, outside his Pir Baba’s, mazar. He is the Haji Ratan Nath of the same Nathpanthis of which Adityanath, the Chief Minister of UP, boasts himself to be from. It is extremely sad that from there we have come to this. And it is absolutely interesting that Hinduism took from Mahayana Buddhism the art of temple‑making, the art of idol‑making. From Jainism, the concepts of Ashtadikpala, the eight guardian deities of the temple. William Sleeman in 1849, when he is going through Bahraich, says, “Hindus and Muslims revered the shrine of Syed Salar.” Neither of them required their religion to be changed. They could just worship whoever they wanted to worship.”

In the course of her remarks, Sharma made the assertion that “Mariamma was, of course, the Christian Mary,” presenting it as evidence of Hinduism’s absorptive character. She further stated that colonial definitions of Hinduism as “non-Muslim” and “non-Christian” were later adopted wholesale by Hindutva ideologues. She said, “Mariamma was, of course, the Christian Mary. Interestingly, all of this was rubbished when the British came into being. I am glad Mr Deepak said that Hindutva was born here because colonialism was born here. Yes, Hindutva takes a lot from colonialism – most of all, its definition of Hindus. When the English came here, they defined Hinduism negatively, not positively – not as how I am defining it, as a pluralist entity. They defined it as non‑Muslim, non‑Christian. And that is exactly how Hindutva also defines Hinduism.”

This specific claim has drawn strong backlash from scholars and historians familiar with Tamil religious history, who say it reflects a fundamental ignorance of linguistic, cultural, and historical evidence. The Tamil word “Mari” denotes rain, and Mariyamman is a rain and fertility goddess deeply rooted in Tamil folk-Shaiva traditions. Far from being derived from Christianity, Mariyamman worship predates colonial contact by centuries and is integrally linked in Tamil oral and temple traditions to Renuka Devi, the mother of Parashurama.

Major Mariyamman temples such as Samayapuram and Punnainallur are attested well before European missionary activity, with continuity traceable to the Chola period and earlier. Equating Mariyamman with Mary is a colonial-era projection that sought to reinterpret indigenous deities through a Christian lens, rather than an authentic reflection of Tamil religious development.

Historians have also criticised Sharma for making such claims without engaging with Tamil literary sources, epigraphy, temple histories, or ethnographic scholarship. They argue that presenting colonial misreadings as historical fact, while accusing others of ignorance, undermines serious academic discussion and reduces complex indigenous traditions to convenient ideological tropes.

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‘So What?’: DMK MP A Raja’s Answer To Stalin Govt’s Unfulfilled Promises

At an interactive meeting with youth in Tamil Nadu, DMK Member of Parliament A Raja was confronted with pointed questions over what participants described as the party’s “selective social justice” approach in handling protests by different sections of society.

During the interaction, a young man narrated what he described as an “imaginary story” to question the DMK government’s contrasting responses to protests by government employees and sanitation workers. Drawing a parallel with a landlord hosting a feast ahead of an election, he said that while government employees who protested were swiftly appeased with the restoration of the old pension scheme and an allocation of ₹13,000 crore, sanitation workers faced police action, arrests, and lathi charge when they protested.

Referring to the death of a sanitation worker during protests near the Cooum river, the questioner said that despite the loss of life, the government cited a “resource crunch” and did not address their demands. He pointed out that sanitation workers, largely Dalits and women, lacked strong unions or political backing, unlike government employees. Framing his question, he asked whether extending different approaches to different groups could truly be called social justice, or whether it amounted to “selective social justice”.

Responding to the criticism, A Raja said, “There has been a 20-year-long struggle by government employees to restore the pension that was earlier given to them.” He added that sanitation workers’ issues existed across sectors and could not be described as a single nationwide movement, while maintaining that he was not denying their problems.

“Work is being done for them; talks are ongoing. Good news can come at any time. Before that good news arrives, there is no need to label this as ‘selective social justice’,” Raja said. Emphasising the timeline, he stated, “After 20 years, we have solved this [pension] issue. For 20 years, even Jayalalithaa could not solve it, Edappadi Palaniswami could not solve it, even when Kalaignar was in power, it could not be solved.”

Addressing the sanitation workers’ protests, Raja said, “As you said, it has been only six months [since the sanitation workers’ protest]. After six months – tomorrow morning – see the newspaper, maybe you will see good news.” He added that even he did not believe the pension scheme would materialise until it finally did, arguing that patience was required.

Raja also attributed the state’s financial constraints to what he described as pressure from the Union government. “The financial crisis we are facing is one that no other government has been subjected to – the Union government and its ‘friendly’ governments have imposed this crisis on us,” he said, claiming that funds due to Tamil Nadu were being withheld.

When the host intervened, she reframed the audience’s question by pointing out that the DMK had promised in its 2021 election manifesto to resolve the pension issue, asking what happened to that commitment and whether actions taken now were linked to upcoming elections.

In reply, Raja said, “There is nothing wrong if a political party makes moves towards an election. The question is only whether we did what we promised or not.” Acknowledging delays, he said, “We could not do it; we could not. Now we have found a solution.” Explaining the contributory pension model, he admitted that it faced criticism but insisted a solution had finally been reached.

Responding to why the issue could not be resolved earlier, Raja said, “We admit it. So what? We did not have money in hand. So what? We had no money. Now money has come, so we have done it.” He likened the criticism to questioning why someone eats today and not yesterday.

When asked how the DMK would respond if similar questions were raised during the next election campaign, Raja concluded with the remark, “Only the child who cries gets the milk. There is nothing wrong in demanding any right and getting it by asking.”

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DMK Family-Owned Sun TV Network Moves Madras High Court To Ease Restrictions On Using Ilaiyaraaja’s Name, Voice, And Image

DMK Family-Owned Sun TV Network Moves Madras High Court To Ease Restrictions On Using Ilaiyaraaja’s Name, Voice, And Image

Sun TV Network Limited has moved the Madras High Court seeking modification of an interim injunction obtained by veteran composer Ilaiyaraaja in a John Doe suit filed to protect his personality rights. The matter came up before Justice Senthilkumar Ramamoorthy, who granted time until 21 January 2026 for the composer’s counsel, A. Saravanan, to obtain instructions on the modification applications filed by Sun TV Network and Chennai-based music label Music Masters Audio Video LLP.

The court also extended, until the next date of hearing, the interim injunction earlier granted on 21 November 2025, by Justice N. Senthilkumar. That order restrains all known and unknown entities and individuals from exploiting Ilaiyaraaja’s name, image, photographs, or voice for commercial or personal purposes without his consent.

Ilaiyaraaja had instituted the personality rights suit against a wide array of named platforms and broadcasters, including Amazon, Saavn Media, YouTube, Gaana, Apple Music, Five Star Audio, Sun TV Network, Music Masters, Star Vijay TV, Indian Record Manufacturing Limited, Zee Entertainment, Meta Platforms, Sony Music, and several unknown entities.

In an affidavit filed through counsel Rahul Balaji, Sun TV Network told the court that while the composer’s core claim was “not without any merit,” the blanket nature of the interim injunction was excessive and had a serious adverse impact on the network’s ability to commercially exploit copyrights it had lawfully acquired. The network contended that the injunction, if left unmodified, would prevent it from even creating legitimate compilations of songs composed by Ilaiyaraaja and from giving him due attribution, despite no specific allegation having been levelled against the network in the plaint.

Describing itself as one of Asia’s leading media and entertainment conglomerates, operating 37 television channels and 69 FM radio stations, Sun TV Network stated that it holds broadcast and communication rights over a vast catalogue of Ilaiyaraaja’s compositions. According to the affidavit, the network regularly broadcasts these songs across its television and radio platforms through curated programming such as theme nights and “Ilaiyaraaja Specials,” often scheduled around festivals, weekends, birthdays, or anniversaries of iconic films.

The network further submitted that it consistently provides clear on-air attribution to the composer, identifying him as the creator of the music through programme titles, on-screen graphics, and anchors’ introductions, thereby ensuring due recognition for his work. It argued that such practices advance, rather than infringe, the composer’s right to attribution.

Emphasising the cultural dimension of its broadcasts, Sun TV Network claimed that its platforms had helped expand the reach of Ilaiyaraaja’s music and popularise it among successive generations of the Tamil diaspora worldwide over the past three decades. “Sun TV’s practice of naming him in programme titles and on-air graphics fulfils and furthers the plaintiff’s right to attribution, rather than infringing it,” the affidavit stated.

On this basis, the network urged the High Court to suitably modify the interim injunction so that it does not impede the lawful exploitation of copyrights already acquired by the company. The matter is expected to be taken up again after the composer’s counsel responds to the modification plea.

Source: The Hindu

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“Same Community, Same Colony, They Themselves Could’ve Done It”: DMK MP A Raja On Vengaivayal Feces In Water Tank Incident

‘Same Community, Same Colony’: DMK MP A Raja Blames Vengaivayal Residents For Faeces In Water Tank Incident

At a public interaction, DMK Member of Parliament A Raja faced pointed questions from the audience over Chief Minister MK Stalin’s failure to visit Vengaivayal, the Tamil Nadu village where a Dalit settlement’s drinking water tank was contaminated with human waste.

A member of the audience asked Raja, “We ask the social justice question of why PM Modi did not visit Manipur. But our CM Stalin did not visit Vengaivayal, this is social injustice.”

Raja responded by questioning the comparison, asking, “Do you think the severity of Vengaivayal and Manipur issues are same?”

The audience member replied, “Everything is injustice.” When people began clapping in support of this remark, Raja interrupted, saying, “Wait, wait.”

Raja then elaborated on his position, saying, “Do we take the same tablet for blood cancer and headache? This is a good question. We exhausted all things scientifically.”

In what can be seen as a startling revelation, Raja said, “Two theories are there – whether they are same caste or different castes. We do not disagree that it was wrong. But do you know what happened in Manipur? In Manipur, they paraded a woman naked with military in broad daylight and gangraped by 15 people and you are justifying it in Parliament. Governor did not come out, you think all this was happening ordinarily. Sir don’t compare.”

Despite repeated questions on why the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister had not visited Vengaivayal, Raja defended the government’s handling of the case, saying, “What would have happened if he went? We are investigating under CBI, forensic, everything. That is a lone wolf attack. It was a human right violation by putting faeces in a tank.”

He added, “To find that one person we are working. We have kept everything open. We called the caste leaders, we called DPI, we called Viduthalai Chiruthaigal, sir, have we hidden anything?”

Raja continued to emphasise the distinction between the two cases, stating, “But Manipur is a much bigger issue. There the Governor is sitting in office, the police are there, yet nothing came out. Under armed protection they took her away. Are these two of the same?”

He further said, “What I am saying is this: in one case, so many people have died, there is a social conflagration, and the Prime Minister is sitting in Delhi watching it.”

Explaining why he believed the Chief Minister’s visit would not have altered the situation, Raja said, “Here, it is a barbaric act committed by one individual. For that barbarity, investigation is the only solution. The Chief Minister going there cannot say or do anything.”

He added, “If it is a death due to natural calamity, a big accident, a landslide, yes, the CM must go. But by sitting here in the Fort and giving proper directions, can we not find the culprit there? That is what is needed.”

Raja further argued that a visit could escalate tensions, stating, “Otherwise if he goes there, then groups will gather, two sides will clash, and I am asking: why should a whole community be dragged into it?” He concluded, “Each issue has its own remedy. So please do not compare. When you say ‘Manipur’, anger arises. I have not personally seen it.”

During the discussion, the host reframed the audience’s concern, pointing out that in Vengaivayal an entire community was affected, while Raja had repeatedly described it as an act by an individual. She also noted that Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi leader Thol. Thirumavalavan had called for a CBI inquiry to ensure a fair probe.

Responding, Raja said, “Refer it, get it done, until now, what have you been able to do? Have you at least been able to ask, ‘Who has done it, why is it being hidden?’”

He continued, “Let it be Thirumavalavan or any other caste leader, any big political leader – I see them as big political leaders – I am still fighting more for caste issues.”

Raja challenged critics to identify suspects, stating, “Let someone say one thing clearly. Name them. Say, ‘Raja did it’ – we will investigate Raja. Say, ‘Kamaraj did it’ – we will question him.”

He added, “Without naming even one person, how can an investigation start? Please tell me.”

Raja acknowledged the presence of multiple theories, saying, “Only then the problem arises – did they do it within their own community, in the same ‘colony’? That is one theory doing the rounds. But let it be open. We are not hiding it.”

When asked what could be done if the investigation yielded no results, Raja replied, “It is still open. Any day a solution may come.”

He cited unresolved cases across governments, stating, “Take the Ramajayam murder case. Jayalalithaa was the Chief Minister then. She could not solve it. We could not solve it when we were in power.”

Concluding his remarks, Raja said, “You cannot accuse the government alone. Regardless of which political entity is in power… somewhere the chain is missing.”

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Part-Time Special Teachers Protesting For Job Permanency Reportedly Arrested By DMK Govt On Pongal Day, PMK Leader Anbumani Condemns

Anbumani Ramadoss has condemned the arrest and detention of part-time special teachers, who have been staging a protest in Chennai for the past week, on Pongal day, demanding permanent employment and other long-pending benefits.

In a statement issued on Tuesday, Anbumani said police action against the teachers, who were protesting near the Directorate of School Education, was “reprehensible,” especially as they were detained in separate locations despite raising what he described as legitimate demands. Around 12,000 part-time special teachers have been protesting in Chennai since 8 January 2026, seeking regularisation of service and improved pay conditions.

He pointed out that the teachers were appointed over a decade ago with a monthly salary of ₹5,000 and have not been granted permanent status even after 13 years of service. During this period, he said, they have received only a marginal pay increase, which reflects the prolonged neglect of their demands. According to Anbumani, repeated appeals and protests by the teachers had failed to yield results, forcing them to intensify their agitation.

Criticising the handling of the issue by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam government, Anbumani said the School Education Minister had attempted to resolve the protest by offering a limited salary hike instead of addressing the core demand of permanent employment. When the teachers declined the offer and continued their protest, police action was taken against them, which he termed an act of repression.

Anbumani further recalled that the DMK had assured permanent employment for part-time teachers in its election manifesto and urged the government to honour that commitment. He also demanded that all disciplinary or retaliatory measures initiated against the protesting teachers be withdrawn immediately, stating that denying their demands amounted to a betrayal of the assurances given to them.

Source: Dinamalar

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“As A State, You Should Promote Educational Institutions, Consider Their Options Sympathetically”, Supreme Court Tells TN Govt, Stays SASTRA Eviction

"As A State, You Should Promote Educational Institutions, Consider Their Options Sympathetically", Supreme Court Tells TN Govt, Stays SASTRA Eviction

The Supreme Court on Thursday, 15 January 2026, stayed an order of the Madras High Court that had permitted the eviction of Shanmugha Arts, Science, Technology & Research Academy (SASTRA) from government land in Thanjavur, Tamil Nadu, observing that due consideration must be given to the fact that the land in question is being used for the cause of education.

A Bench comprising Justice Surya Kant, Justice Joymalya Bagchi, and Justice Vijay Bishnoi was hearing SASTRA’s challenge to the Madras High Court judgment which had dismissed the university’s plea against a government order rejecting its offer of alternate land for setting up a prison and a subsequent eviction notice issued by the Tahsildar, Thanjavur.

Senior advocates Mukul Rohatgi and C S Vaidyanathan, assisted by advocate Ronak Shankar Agarwal, appearing for SASTRA, argued that the university had made three separate offers of alternate land to the State to facilitate the proposed open-air prison project. They also submitted that the State had attempted to take possession of the land when the campus housed over 5,000 female students, raising serious safety concerns.

Appearing for the State of Tamil Nadu, senior advocate Rakesh Dwivedi contended that if SASTRA’s plea were accepted, it would set a precedent enabling every encroacher on public land to demand that the government accept alternate land instead of enforcing eviction.

Responding to this argument, the Chief Justice observed that the present case stood on a different footing. He noted that the land was being used for education and not for commercial activity. “Had it been a case of a factory or a commercial institution, we could have appreciated that you know – you have already made money out of an illegally encroached land. They (petitioners) are an (educational) institution,” the CJI remarked. He further added, “They are giving you three options; as a State, you should also promote educational institutions. How many States have been able to establish educational institutions?”

In light of these observations, the Court permitted the university to submit a fresh proposal to the State Government. Passing an interim order, the Bench directed maintenance of status quo on the subject land and recorded: “We therefore permit the petitioners to submit a fresh proposal to the State Government with respect to all three options. We expect the State of Tamil Nadu to consider the three options sympathetically and take an appropriate decision by ensuring that no … is caused to the public.”

The Court also indicated that a High-Powered Committee could be constituted to examine the proposals and clarified that, “pending such exercise, the institution shall be allowed to carry out its activities without any hindrances.”

Background of the Dispute

The controversy relates to 31.37 acres of government land in Thirumalaisamuthiram Village, Thanjavur district, which SASTRA is alleged to have encroached upon in 1985. The land had been allotted to the Prison Department for establishing an open-air jail, but the project could not be executed due to the university’s occupation.

Eviction proceedings were initiated under the Tamil Nadu Land Encroachment Act, 1905. A final notice was issued, and the university was given an opportunity to voluntarily remove the superstructures. SASTRA challenged the proceedings through multiple rounds of litigation, including writ petitions, statutory appeals before the Revenue Divisional Officer, review proceedings before the District Revenue Officer, and further appeals before the Special Commissioner and Commissioner of Land Administration, all of which ultimately went against the university.

In earlier writ proceedings, a direction was issued to assign the encroached land to the university, but the State succeeded in appeal, with the Revenue Department being directed to evict SASTRA. The university’s request to offer alternate land in lieu of the encroached area was rejected, and a special leave petition filed before the Supreme Court was dismissed with liberty to seek an appropriate remedy before the competent forum.

Acting on this liberty, SASTRA again approached the State with a representation for alternate land, which was rejected, leading to the issuance of the eviction notice challenged before the Madras High Court. A Division Bench of the High Court, comprising Justices SM Subramaniam and C Kumarappan, upheld the eviction, observing that the issue had been repeatedly litigated and that courts could not interfere with a policy decision of the government by reopening claims of encroachers.

The Supreme Court’s interim stay has now put the eviction on hold, pending reconsideration of SASTRA’s fresh proposals by the State Government.

Source: LiveLaw

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