Following the controversial woke caste conference conducted by IIT Delhi’s Humanities department, scrunity has increased on the institution even further.
This time, a paper published in 2023 is under focus. The paper in question is an academic paper authored by a faculty member associated with its humanities stream, which characterises Indian nationalism in Kashmir as “tyrannical” and interprets India’s presence in the region through metaphors of violence, domination, and coercion.
The paper, titled “Tyranny of Indian Nationalism and Resistance in Kashmir: Reading a Kashmiri Narrative with Iqbal and Freud,” was published online in March 2023 in the journal Psychoanalysis, Culture & Society, brought out by Springer Nature.
The paper was authored by Nazia Amin, who was affiliated with IIT Delhi’s Department of Humanities and Social Sciences at the time of publication and is currently listed as an Assistant Professor at BML Munjal University.
IIT Delhi’s Humanities Department is also promoting separatist viewpoints on Kashmir.
Its recent circulation on social media has triggered fresh debate on ideological bias within elite academic institutions and the responsibilities of publicly funded universities when engaging with issues of national sovereignty.
The author employs Freudian psychoanalytic frameworks, most notably the “primal horde” concept to depict the Indian state as a domineering “primal father” figure in Kashmir, allegedly demanding submission and identification from what the paper terms “non-consenting Kashmiri subjects.” Indian nationalism is described as an assimilative force that seeks to extract obedience through coercion, rather than as a constitutional or democratic framework.
Resistance in Kashmir is presented not merely as political opposition but as a psychological and existential rejection of Indian national identity. Drawing on the philosophy of Muhammad Iqbal, the paper frames Kashmiri resistance as an act of “disidentification,” suggesting that Kashmiri identity must remain separate from the Indian national imagination. While the paper briefly raises the possibility that resistance movements themselves may demand conformity, this reflection remains secondary to its sustained critique of Indian state authority.
What is being called out is the paper’s language and framing – it repeatedly deploys terms such as “tyranny,” “violent extraction,” and “mass assimilation,” portraying Indian nationalism as inherently oppressive. Such framing moves beyond scholarly critique into normative advocacy, especially given the absence of balancing perspectives grounded in constitutional law, democratic processes, or national security considerations.
The institutional context has further amplified the controversy. IIT Delhi, a premier institution funded by Indian taxpayers, has in recent years faced criticism over its humanities and social sciences ecosystem, which has increasingly hosted ideologically homogeneous discourse. That said, academic freedom does not negate the obligation to maintain balance and rigour, particularly on subjects as sensitive as Kashmir.
The paper’s resurfacing has also revived scrutiny of a broader pattern within IIT Delhi’s humanities department. Recent controversies include the hosting of the “Critical Philosophy of Caste and Race (CPCR3)” conference, which advanced activist narratives rooted in Western critical theory while offering limited engagement with Indian civilisational or constitutional traditions. The same intellectual environment that enabled CPCR3 also produces scholarship that views Indian nationalism primarily through lenses of oppression and exclusion.
Another major point of contention is the paper’s selective engagement with the Kashmir conflict. It offers minimal discussion of Pakistan-sponsored terrorism, the ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Pandits, or decades of insurgent violence, instead framing resistance largely as an organic and morally necessary response to Indian nationalism. This omission results in a partial narrative that overlooks geopolitical realities.
The use of Freudian allegories and Iqbal’s philosophical writings to interpret contemporary political conflict has also drawn criticism. While interdisciplinary approaches are common in the humanities, reducing complex constitutional and democratic relationships to psychoanalytic symbolism risks oversimplification. Iqbal’s contested ideological legacy, particularly his influence on the intellectual foundations of Pakistan is another reason the paper’s interpretive choices have raised concern.
At a public meeting held in Coimbatore, DMK spokesperson Sivaji Krishnamurthy, who is well-known for his crass and abusive remarks at any person or politician outside the DMK, ‘responded’ to criticism from Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam (TVK) chief, actor Vijay, who had alleged that women were not safe in Tamil Nadu.
Sivaji Krishnamurthy was speaking at the Mozhippor Thiyagigal (Language Martyrs) Veeravanakka Naal public meeting in Coimbatore, where he outlined various welfare initiatives of the Tamil Nadu government and responded to criticism levelled by Vijay in recent speeches.
He said, “This party believes that if women rise, the nation will rise. That’s why we frame our schemes. In India, if 100 women are working, 45 of them are from Tamil Nadu. There are 29 states and nine Union Territories – put all of them together. If out of 100 working women, 45 are from Tamil Nadu, then he asks there is no safety, no h*air, where is it not safe for women? I’m asking you, Vijay. Hey, have we done anything to Trisha? Isn’t she safe? But I cannot give the level of safety you give her. We have 1 police for 50 people, sir. You sit with one leg over the other, head resting on their lap, flying in private jets.”
He further questioned why Vijay did not raise such issues when he was questioned in Delhi in connection with alleged tax evasion and asked where Vijay was when people were affected during floods and the COVID-19 pandemic.
In his address, Sivaji Krishnamurthy sought to project the welfare initiatives of Chief Minister MK Stalin as evidence of the DMK government’s governance record. He claimed that the monthly ₹1,000 education assistance scheme for students was introduced after students questioned why financial assistance was being provided only to mothers and not to them. According to him, the Chief Minister responded by announcing a scheme that now provides ₹1,000 per month to students as educational assistance.
He went on to list schemes such as the breakfast programme, Innuyir Kappom medical outreach, and Thozhi hostels as measures aimed at women’s welfare and empowerment. However, he did not provide any data on outcomes or independent assessments of these schemes, relying instead on broad assertions.
The DMK government has once again found itself at the centre of controversy over its administration of temples under the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Department, following allegations of political propaganda at the Palani Murugan temple. The government has been reportedly commercialising temple worship through darshan and prasadam charges and now they seem to have a found a novel way to misuse religion for political messaging.
The latest controversy emerged after a devotee stated that a book sold at the Palani Murugan temple, that reportedly details the history of the deity and the temple, contained photographs of senior political leaders instead of purely religious content, raising questions about the role of the HR&CE Department in regulating temple literature.
According to the devotee who visited the Palani Murugan temple, the book was purchased during a recent visit for special darshan. The devotee said he had gone to the temple along with friends and was given a book at a temple office, which staff described as detailing the history of Lord Murugan of Palani. The book was sold for ₹2,700.
However, upon examining the contents, the devotee alleged that the book did not contain only religious or historical material related to the deity. He claimed that instead of the history of the deity and temple, the book carried photographs of the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin, Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Minister PK Sekarbabu and the Deputy Chief Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin who called for eradicating Sanatana Dharma.
The devotee alleged that the inclusion of photographs of political leaders in a book presented as a religious text amounted to political propaganda within a temple setting. He said this had hurt the sentiments of Hindu devotees and accused the ruling Dravidian model government of allowing political messaging in religious spaces.
He further alleged that leaders who publicly profess disbelief in God had their photographs printed specifically in a book related to Lord Murugan, which he described as deeply objectionable. Calling for a wider response, he urged Hindu devotees to condemn the incident and express their opposition to what he described as the politicisation of temple literature.
It is noteworthy that Deputy Chief Minister of TN and DMK scion Udhayanidhi Stalin made a speech on 2 September 2023 at a conference titled Sanathan Abolition Conference, organised by the Tamil Nadu Progressive Writers Artists Association where he said, “… only a few things can be resisted. Some have to be eliminated. In that sense, even Sanathan must be eliminated. We cannot resist mosquito, dengue, coronavirus. They must be eliminated. In that sense, even Sanathana must be eliminated…”
On 20 January 2026, the Madras High Court held that the Tamil phrase “Sanathana Ozhippu” translates to “abolish” and that its ordinary meaning implies the elimination of an existing belief system and its followers. Observing that abolishing Sanathana Dharma would necessarily mean that “the people following Sanathana Dharma should not be there,” the Court concluded that the phrase amounts to “genocide or culturicide.” It ruled that questioning such a speech could not constitute hate speech.
Referring to earlier writ proceedings, the Court noted that the minister’s remarks “spew hate against a particular community, the Hindus and constitutes dis/misinformation.” Rejecting the State’s argument of instigation, the Court termed it “absurd” and held that the minister’s speech, viewed in historical and political context, “would clearly indicate it is totally against 80% Hindus, which come within the mischief of hate speech,” thus ruling that Udhayanidhi Stalin amounts to hate speech.
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The Communist Party of India (Marxist) in Kerala expelled a senior leader from its Kannur stronghold after he publicly alleged large-scale misappropriation of party funds, triggering an internal crisis for the party ahead of the Assembly elections.
The Kannur district committee of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) on Monday, 26 January 2026, expelled V Kunhikrishnan, a district committee member and a party functionary for over five decades, citing indiscipline and actions that allegedly brought disrepute to the party.
Kunhikrishnan had levelled allegations of financial misappropriation amounting to ₹46 lakh against T I Madhusoodanan, the CPI(M) legislator from Payyannur. The allegations related to funds raised for multiple purposes, including support for the family of slain party activist C V Dhanarajan, construction of the Payyannur area committee office, and election-related expenses. Dhanarajan, a CPI(M) worker, was hacked to death in 2016 in an incident the party attributes to BJP-RSS workers.
The controversy has caused significant embarrassment for the CPI(M), particularly as it emerged from Kannur, widely regarded as the party’s citadel in Kerala, and at a time when Assembly elections are approaching.
Announcing the disciplinary action, CPI(M) Kannur district secretary K K Ragesh said the party had already conducted an internal inquiry into the funds in question and concluded that no money had been lost. However, he acknowledged procedural lapses, including the temporary diversion of funds collected for specific purposes and the disappearance of some receipt books used during fund collection. He said appropriate action had been taken against the party office secretary responsible for maintaining accounts.
Ragesh declined to make the party’s financial accounts public, stating that such disclosure was against the party’s organisational line.
Kunhikrishnan, however, maintained that funds collected from various contributors were not properly accounted for and alleged that misappropriation had taken place through inflated land purchase prices and the inclusion of bogus expenses. He pointed out that Madhusoodanan was serving as the Payyannur area secretary of the party during the period when the alleged irregularities occurred.
He further stated that he had repeatedly raised the issue with the party leadership and submitted what he described as documentary evidence, but his complaints were ignored. He is now preparing a book that he claims will expose internal functioning and issues within the CPI(M). Despite instructions from the party leadership to refrain from publishing the book, Kunhikrishnan has refused to back down.
Signs of internal discontent surfaced in Kannur following his expulsion, with posters supporting Kunhikrishnan appearing in CPI(M) strongholds even as senior party leaders publicly criticised him. The situation escalated further after CPI(M) workers allegedly attacked Congress and BJP activists who staged protests against the party in the wake of the revelations. CPI(M) workers also held a protest in front of Kunhikrishnan’s residence.
The Madras High Court on Tuesday, 27 January 2026, set aside an order passed by a single judge directing the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) to grant a U/A certificate to actor Vijay’s film Jana Nayagan.
A Division Bench comprising Chief Justice Manindra Mohan Shrivastava and Justice G Arul Murugan remanded the matter back to the single judge for fresh consideration, holding that the principles of natural justice had not been followed. The Bench directed the single judge to decide the matter afresh after granting an opportunity to the CBFC to file its response. The court also granted liberty to the film’s producer, KVN Productions, to amend the writ petition.
The court observed that the allegations raised in the complaint against the film were of a serious nature, which had prompted the CBFC Chairperson to send the film for review. In view of the seriousness of the allegations, the Division Bench held that the single judge ought to have provided the CBFC with an opportunity to defend its decision. The court further noted that the single judge should not have examined the merits of the case in the absence of any specific prayer challenging the Chairperson’s order.
Accordingly, the Division Bench directed the producers to amend their prayer before the writ court and specifically challenge the Chairperson’s decision to refer the film to the Revising Committee. The Bench reiterated that the single judge “ought not to have gone into the merits of the decision without granting sufficient opportunity to the CBFC.”
The court had reserved orders on 20 January 2026 after hearing submissions from both the CBFC and the film’s producer at length.
Jana Nayagan, which is slated to be Vijay’s final film before his formal entry into politics, became embroiled in litigation following a delay by the CBFC in issuing its certification. KVN Productions had approached the High Court challenging the delay.
Before the single judge, the production house argued that although it had been informed by the CBFC that the film would be granted a “UA” certificate subject to certain incisions or modifications, the certificate had not been issued even after such changes were carried out. The producers also questioned the CBFC Chairperson’s decision to send the film to the Revising Committee after initially indicating that the film would be certified.
The CBFC, however, informed the single judge that the decision to refer the film to the Revising Committee was taken after receiving a complaint from one of the members of the Examining Committee, alleging that his objections had not been considered. It was submitted that the complaint disclosed that certain scenes in the film could hurt religious sentiments and also portrayed the armed forces incorrectly.
On 9 January 2026, the single judge ruled in favour of the production house and directed the CBFC to certify the film forthwith. The court held that the Chairperson’s decision to send the film for review after informing the producers that it would be certified was without jurisdiction. The single judge also criticised the entertainment of complaints from members of the Examining Committee after they had already given their recommendations.
Following the single judge’s order, an urgent mention was made before the Chief Justice’s Bench on the same day. The Division Bench stayed the single judge’s order and made strong remarks against the producers for “creating an urgency” and exerting pressure on the judicial system.
On January 20, the Division Bench continued hearing the appeal. The CBFC, represented by Additional Solicitor General ARL Sundaresan, advanced two principal arguments. First, that the Board had not been granted sufficient time to file a counter affidavit, and second, that the communication dated January 6 referring the film for review by the Revising Committee had not been challenged by the producers.
Appearing for the production house, Senior Advocate Satish Parasaran and Senior Advocate Pradeep Rai contended that the Examining Committee had unanimously decided to certify the film and could not have subsequently revisited that decision. It was also argued that the Chairperson’s order referring the film for review was never shared with the producers, and that only an intimation regarding the same had been received.
Senior Advocate Satish Parasaran further submitted that the complaint placed before the Chairperson sought deletion of scenes that had already been removed pursuant to the suggestions of the Examining Committee. He argued that the CBFC was now seeking to reintroduce deleted scenes only to remove them again, describing the exercise as an empty formality.
Senior Advocates Satish Parasaran and Pradeep Rai, along with Advocate Vijayan Subramaniam, appeared for the production house, while the CBFC was represented by ASG ARL Sundaresan.
A DMK functionary abused PM Modi during a speech given at a meeting in Erode.
It is alleged that he said the abuse by slip of tongue and requested all media people to cut out the said word. He also apologised, while laughing, for using the word. However, it is not clear what he said since the videos available on the internet have muted the abuse.
In the clipping, he is seen saying, “Modi is a very clever fellow. That man has now said some new thing about ganja. He is saying ****, ganja, and so on are coming from Tamil Nadu… sorry, by mistake, forgive me. For that wretched sinner, the capital of drugs is entirely Gujarat only. Cut it out, – all the drugs are being imported only from Gujarat. From there it is distributed everywhere, and you say it is Tamil Nadu?”
This is not the first time a DMK member has abused PM Modi.
In April 2023, DMK MP A Raja called PM Modi a ‘fraud‘.
In March 2024, DMK minister Anita Radhakrishnan called PM Modi a “m***** f*****” with DMK MP Kanimozhi on stage.
In June 2024, DMK functionary, who is known to abuse every person living or dead, left, right and centre, Sivaji Krishnamurthy abused PM Modi saying “ada g*mala dei”.
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The clash between the Congress and the DMK in Tamil Nadu is hitting newer highs by the day as we head closer to the 2026 Assembly elections in the state.
We have seen several instances where Congress leaders of TN have spoken up against the DMK.
In the latest context, controversy was stirred when Madurai City DMK District Secretary and Madurai North MLA G Thalapathi, speaking at a public meeting held in Madurai said, “Among our Congress friends, there are a few people. I will even name them myself: there is Manickam Tagore, there is Jothimani. They have become an MP, so now they are not bothered whether any new people can become MP. So, they say, ‘I want a share in this, I want a share in that.’ All this, the leadership has understood. Hereafter, they should not be given a seat; we should not allow them to be given a seat. If not, our people will take care of the work needed for that. Why am I saying this? With our feelings, if we (DMK) are not there, there is no INDIA alliance at all. If the leader is standing tall in Delhi today, there is only one reason for that: the honourable elder brother Stalin. Second, Mamata Banerjee, and Akhilesh Yadav. Only the three of us have been the main pillars protecting this INDIA alliance. But if things go well for Congress and they go and talk like that there, it will go wrong. They have only 3,000 or 4,000 votes. They have no cadre. They are a party that does not have people even to form a ward or booth committee. If such a party is talking to this extent today, it makes my heart feel very pained.”
“வார்டுகளில் பூத் கமிட்டி போட ஆள் இல்லாத கட்சி காங்கிரஸ்”
Reacting to this, Congress MP Manickam Tagore wrote on his official X handle saying, “This time, I will place a demand before our beloved leader Kharge that a Congress candidate should contest from the Madurai North constituency. To protect self-respect, some people need to be taught a lesson. The days when ally parties would remain silent in the face of arrogance of power are over.”
இந்த முறை மதுரை வடக்கு தொகுதியில் காங்கிரஸ் வேட்பாளர் நிற்க வேண்டும் என்று அன்புதலைவர் கார்கே அவர்களிடம் கோரிக்கை வைப்பேன்.
தன்மான காக்க சிலருக்கு பாடம் புகட்ட வேண்டும். அதிகார தீமிருடன் இருந்தால் தோழமை கட்சிகள அமைதியாக இருக்கும் காலம் முடிந்துவிட்டநு. https://t.co/0BuHlQ1bPH
— Manickam Tagore .B🇮🇳மாணிக்கம் தாகூர்.ப (@manickamtagore) January 26, 2026
Karur Congress MP Jothimani also reacted to the statements made and wrote on her official X handle saying, “DMK MLA Mr. G Thalapathi should not unnecessarily drag me into a confrontation. You are in Madurai; I am in Karur. What necessity do you have to speak about me? Who should contest on behalf of the Congress party will be decided by our leader Rahul Gandhi. No one has sought your advice on that matter. Likewise, we will not remain silent spectators while the Congress party is continuously insulted in public in this manner. Despite facing severe constraints in ground-level functioning, we are accommodating this situation in the interest of alliance ethics and out of respect for our elder brother, the Chief Minister. That is why we are maintaining restraint and silence. Out of regard for the dignity of the alliance, even the problems I personally face have been raised only in appropriate forums so far. You are senior to me in both age and experience. It would be good if you also uphold the same dignity. Conduct your politics without putting the Chief Minister, who is responsibly acting as the leader of the INDIA alliance in Tamil Nadu, in an embarrassing position. That would be beneficial for everyone.”
திமுக சட்டமன்ற உறுப்பினர் திரு. கோ.தளபதி அவர்கள் தேவையில்லாமல் என்னை வம்புக்கு இழுக்கக்கூடாது. நீங்கள் மதுரையில் இருக்கிறீர்கள் நான் கரூரில் இருக்கிறேன். என்னைப் பற்றிப் பேச வேண்டிய அவசியம் உங்களுக்கு என்ன இருக்கிறது?
காங்கிரஸ் கட்சியில் யார் போட்டியிட வேண்டும் என்பதை
எமது…
A few hours outside Bengaluru, on a once-barren patch of land in Doddaballapur, an unusual school day begins with birdsong and the smell of wet red earth. What was dry and barren land just a few years ago is now a terrain of young forests, vegetable gardens, and mud-brick classrooms where children run barefoot, their plates filled with warm, nourishing food grown a few meters away.
This place is Freedom Land, the soul campus of The Healing Circle Trust and Creative School, a homegrown answer to years of the Macaulayite model of education, quietly raising a generation rooted in Indic civilizational values and Indian soil, not in borrowed disdain for their own culture.
Beyond Macaulay: Education That Does Not Alienate Children From Their Roots
For nearly two centuries, the dominant template of Indian schooling has been what Macaulay wanted: to create brown sepoys who think and feel like pale imitations of their colonial masters. The cost of this has been visible everywhere; children who grow up fluent in English but estranged from the land beneath their feet, ashamed of their traditions, and trapped in a marks-and-job race that leaves their inner life stunted.
The Healing Circle Trust, founded in 2010 by Jayashree Ashok and B Ashok after leaving corporate careers in Seattle, offers a very different visualisation of what a school can be. Inspired by the integral education philosophy of Sri Aurobindo and The Mother, Creative School in North Bangalore and Freedom Land in Doddaballapur treats each child as a whole being – physical, emotional, intellectual, social, and spiritual, whose education must deepen, not erase, their connection to self, community, and dharma.
Here, meditation, yoga, seva, and silence are as natural a part of school life as mathematics and science; the aim is not to mass-produce clerks, but to nurture conscious human beings who can serve Bharat and the world from a place of inner clarity.
Freedom Land: Bhoomi As Living Classroom
When the team first stepped onto the 34-acre Freedom Land campus, much of the soil was eroded, water-scarce, and almost bare of trees, in a drought-prone area that had lost its green cover and seen water sources dry up. Instead of responding with more concrete and air-conditioning, they chose to allow the land to heal and let it become their first teacher.
Through the “1000 Together” initiative, thousands of students, parents, villagers, and volunteers have, over five years, planted more than 14,000-16,000 native, sacred, medicinal, and fruit-bearing trees on this once-barren soil. They have dug swales, bunds, soak pits, recharge wells and ponds that hold the monsoon and send it back gently into the aquifers, slowly restoring the local water table.
Today, only about 10% of the campus is built up; the rest is consciously left to forests, orchards and fields, making the land itself a living textbook in ecology, interdependence, and reverence for nature. Around 40% of the school’s vegetables and nearly all its leafy greens now come from its own organic farms, tended by farmers, teachers, children and local community working together, so that food is experienced as prasad from the earth, not as a packaged commodity.
Equal Desks, Equal Plates: Nearly 160 Children Learn Free
One of the quiet revolutions at Creative School and The Healing Circle is what happens at the dining room. Children across the programs, Creative School’s mainstream classes called Palash, the Parijatha Learning Centre for first generation learners, Chiguru bridge school for migrant children, and Moggu crèche, receive fresh, nutritious, home-cooked meals every day. The kitchen draws extensively from the campus’ organic farms: seasonal vegetables, leafy greens, and fruits which are turned into simple, wholesome and tasty dishes that balance taste with long-term health and give children steady energy to learn, play, and heal.
For many children from migrant and economically challenged families, this is the first time in their lives that a warm, balanced meal is a certainty and not a question. Teachers describe slow, noticeable changes in children’s energy, attention, and physical health over time, as their basic nutritional, hygienic, and emotional needs are consistently met. In that shared dining space there is no separate queue, no “cheaper” menu for those who cannot pay – Everyone eats the same food, at the same space, without labels or categories.
Within Creative School’s roughly 375 students, around 160 children from economically challenged families study entirely free of cost through the Support A Child and Parijatha Learning Centre programs. Everything that would normally shut them out of a “good” school, fees, books, clothing, boarding where needed, transport, medical care, counseling, and daily hot meals, is taken care of by the trust and its well-wishers.
Crucially, they are not placed in a cheaper, parallel track. The same teachers, the same Sacred Classroom pedagogy, the same emphasis on emotional intelligence and spiritual growth, and the same access to arts, sports, science labs, nature learning, and meditation are extended to Parijatha children as to Palash children (whose parents can afford fees). In classrooms and staff rooms, these children are not spoken of as charity beneficiaries but as equal members of the community, with the same right to sit for Cambridge or NIOS or State Board, to dream of university, and to shape their own futures.
Till grade 10, Parijatha runs some separate class groupings only to honour different learning levels and backgrounds and parent requests. However, the curriculum, expectations, and quality of care are kept on par with the rest of the school. From grade 11 onward, students from all backgrounds learn together, breaking the invisible wall between “sponsored” and “self-paying” and teaching everyone that intelligence and leadership are not decided by a fee receipt.
Among the many stories that caught our attention is that of a former driver’s son, fully supported through the free program, who went on to score straight As, topping his Cambridge exams and looking forward to stepping into a future in computer science engineering. For the team here, he is not held up as a token miracle but as proof of a simple conviction: when a child is surrounded by love, rigorous learning, and dignified support, “background” ceases to be destiny.
“Our Children, Always”: A School That Cares
For Jayashree and Ashok, the relationship with their students does not end with a board exam or a farewell ceremony; it is closer to how parents watch over their own children stepping into the world. Former students who have graduated and moved on to college or work are still welcomed warmly on a working day, when the children are at school. They are welcomed with tasty food, and the younger ones can see what is possible and the older ones remember where their roots lie.
Interactions are filled with the kind of care usually reserved for family: “Wear your helmet,” “Drive carefully”. In a system where most schools forget their alumni once the fee cycle ends, this quiet, continuous concern says something profound, that Creative School was never meant to be a service provider, but a second home where children, even as adults, are still held in a net of love and respect.
Parijatha, Chiguru And Moggu: Holding The Most Vulnerable
Within the campuses of Creative School, the Parijatha Learning Centre holds one of the trust’s most tender responsibilities: educating and empowering children from socio-economically challenged and rural families who are often first-generation learners.
Located in both North Bangalore and Freedom Land in Doddaballapur, Parijatha supports children through the Support A Child program with a vision to reach at least 250 children over the coming years. Here, children receive not just academic instruction but a full ecosystem of care: high-quality teaching, sports, arts, counselling and healthcare, nutritious meals, boarding where required, transportation, and immersive field trips that expand their sense of what is possible. Each child is treated as a whole being whose physical, mental, emotional, social, and spiritual needs must be met if real learning is to take root.
Chiguru, started on Diwali 2021 after a migrant construction worker asked for a school for their children, is a bridge programme for 3 to 13-year-olds who have spent their lives on construction sites and have never seen a classroom. They enter a space of songs, games, stories and gentle routines that slowly build foundation skills while affirming their joy and dignity. Moggu, begun soon after, is a crèche for the under-threes, tiny “buds” whose days are spent in safety, play, and loving care while their parents work nearby.
Chiguru began with three children; by the third day there were twenty-five, and the numbers have continued to grow as word spread among migrant families that there was finally a place where their children would be safe, fed, and cherished. Many teachers volunteer extra hours in Chiguru, surrounding these first-time learners with affection, structure, and songs, helping them feel that this, not the dust of the construction site, is their rightful childhood. From Chiguru, families who are ready have moved their children to the full Parijatha program. Committed parents of these children dream of seeing their children pass 10th grade. The school has even higher aspirations and hopes to enable education that will truly benefit the children and their families.
Meditation Temple, Seva And Inner Work: A Dharmic Ethos In Action
At the heart of Freedom Land stands the Oneness Meditation Temple, completed in 2023 and consecrated after a yatra to Mount Kailash. Inside, a large spatika lingam carved from crystal found in the Parvati River radiates a palpable stillness; where children and adults sit in meditation, work with breath, and encounter silence.
Around the main chamber are seven chakra chambers for deep healing.
The philosophical backbone here is the Upanishadic insight of Oneness, expressed through Sri Aurobindo’s commentaries on the Isha Upanishad that all beings arise from one source energy, that each soul has a unique journey, and that outer multiplicity must ultimately reconnect with inner unity. Adults and Children learn to honour their roles and differences while returning, through meditation and reflection, to the understanding that they and their classmates are expressions of one consciousness, not just competitors in an exam race.
Seva is embedded in the timetable. Older students take responsibility for mentoring younger ones, assisting in classrooms, helping in the kitchen or on the farm; service is not a one-day “social work” photo-op but a daily rhythm. Prayer, silence, asana, pranayama, bhajans and reflective circles create a cultural atmosphere where being spiritual is not an ideology to be argued, but a way of living with gratitude, discipline, and care.
Healing Body, Mind And Earth Together – From One Campus To Many Classrooms
The Healing Circle’s work does not stop at the school gate. Through initiatives like Arogya Jyothi, the trust offers free holistic healthcare: homeopathic consultations, medicines, meditation-based practices, and energy healing, to people from lower-income communities. Many who arrive with chronic pain and unspoken emotional burdens find, over time, not just symptom relief but the experience of being listened to with patience and respect.
On the ecological front, the “1000 Together” tree-planting movement and the Surya Kiran solar energy project work together to reduce the campus’s carbon footprint and demonstrate sustainable architecture and renewable energy in action. Solar panels already support significant parts of the campus’s daily load, and future phases are planned to power hostels, science labs, and kitchens, gradually moving the community toward greater energy independence.
Most significantly for the larger system, the methodologies born in this small campus are now shaping classrooms far beyond Doddaballapur. Through Prajña Vidya and The Sacred Classroom programs, Creative School’s team has trained hundreds of government, private and public school teachers across Karnataka and Odisha in teacher well-being, emotional literacy, and child-centred, activity-based learning. In Odisha, the School and Mass Education Department, with UNICEF’s support, invited them to deliver Sacred Classroom trainings for government teachers; in Karnataka, Samagra Shikshana Kendra and district programs have engaged them to work with teachers from over 180-200 government-run schools, including early childhood and KPS teachers. Many of these teachers reported that it was the first time their own inner life and dignity as educators had been honoured in a training space, not just their paperwork and targets.
Rainwater harvesting, organic farming, tree planting, waste reduction, and mud-brick, well-ventilated buildings are not presented as special projects to the children; they are simply the way life is lived here. As students study, play, serve, and eat on this land, they absorb a deeper lesson: that healing oneself and healing the earth are part of the same sacred responsibility.
A Model For The Future
The Healing Circle Trust and Creative School rarely describe themselves in grand ideological terms, yet the model they are building is quietly radical: rigorous academics (Cambridge, State Board, NIOS), deep spiritual practice, ecological responsibility, and genuine social inclusion held together in one community. Over 2,000 teachers trained through Prajña Wisdom Centre and associated programs are already carrying elements of this approach, Sacred Classroom, Life & Living, The Joy of Teaching Series, into government schools, NGOs and independent private institutions.
In a country long shaped by someone else’s imagination of what education should be, this small campus in Doddaballapur is offering a different answer. Every native tree that takes root in Freedom Land, every plate of organic food served to a migrant worker’s child, every first-generation learner who walks into a Cambridge exam from a background of scarcity, and every moment of silence in the Oneness Temple is a quiet affirmation that India does not need to outsource its idea of schooling. It can grow its own, from its scriptures, its soil, and its living communities, and, in doing so, raise a generation that knows both who they are and whom they are here to serve.
The Election Commission of India on Thursday, 22 January 2026, allotted the ‘whistle’ symbol to actor-politician Vijay’s party, Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam, for the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly elections.
Following this, complaints alleged that TVK cadres were aggressively blowing whistles in crowded areas, obstructing buses and disrupting commuters, with elderly people and women particularly affected.
The Tamil word for the device whistle is called Madaku Oodhi (மடக்கு ஊதி) which rhymes with a Tamil vulgar slur Mada K**dhi, meaning “Foolish c*nt”.
Netizens are now roasting Joseph Vijay using the hashtag “Madaku_Oodhi” (#மடக்கு_ஊதி), “Madaku_Oodhiyar” (#மடக்கு_ஊதியார்), “Madaku_Oodhigal” (#மடக்கு_ஊதிகள்).
The AIADMK has launched a blistering attack on Joseph Vijay showing how he and his father SA Chandrasekhar fell at the feet of Jayalalithaa for the smooth release of his film.
Here are a few such memes going viral on the internet.
படம் வெளியாகனும்னு கால்கடுக்க நின்னு கால்ல விழுந்து கெஞ்சியது எல்லாம் மறந்து போய் விட்டதா @TVKVijayHQ
One of the projects taken up by the DMK government under the Smart City Mission through the Greater Chennai Corporation in 2021, the Villivakkam Lake eco-park, featuring a glass suspension bridge built nearly five years ago, continues to remain closed to the public due to incomplete works, unresolved encroachments, and delays by the contractor.
According to officials of the Greater Chennai Corporation (GCC), the eco-park has missed several deadlines since 2021. While restoration work was taken up about a year ago, more than 100 encroachments around the lake have not yet been cleared, particularly along the northern stretch bordering CTH Road. These pending clearances have prevented the planned expansion of the lake from 27.5 acres to 36 acres. The civic body has also not completed essential infrastructure such as perimeter walls, fencing, and public toilets.
The amusement park component of the project, assigned to Kalyan Constructions, has seen little progress, with play equipment yet to be installed. GCC officials stated that although some basic works like footpaths have been completed, the absence of amusement facilities has contributed to the prolonged closure of the eco-park.
The Anna Nagar zonal officer said that the project initially faced delays due to cases before the National Green Tribunal. After those issues were resolved, residents living in encroached areas reportedly approached the High Court last year and obtained a stay against demolition, leading to further delays of several months. He added that senior ministers had recently inspected the lake and asked the contractor to expedite restoration work before April.
Officials indicated that, despite the unresolved encroachment issue, the corporation is considering opening the restored 27.5-acre portion of the lake to the public in the interim. The glass suspension bridge, they said, has been structurally vetted by the civil engineering department of IIT Madras and found to be stable. The GCC is planning to regulate access to the bridge by allowing 20 to 25 people at a time, with an entry fee yet to be finalised.
Villivakkam Lake, which once spanned about 214 acres, has shrunk drastically to around 39 acres over the past three decades due to widespread encroachments. The civic body has stated that efforts are under way to reclaim more area, expand the lake further, and establish a tertiary pond along with a water treatment plant as part of the broader restoration plan.
