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Dravidian Model Poster Boys Accused Of Being Sexual Predators

By
The Commune
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One of the most famous Dravidianist principles, as quoted by their leader K Veeramani citing their ideologue EV Ramasamy Naicker aka Periyar is ‘Enjoyment Without Responsibility’.

However, the Dravidianist men do not realise that enjoyment for them can be harassment for another.

In this post, we take a look at Dravidianist poster boys who have been propped up as intellectuals and leaders but turned out to sexual predators.

Vairamuthu

Known for his lyrics and ‘poetry’ in Tamil cinema, Vairamuthu was accused during the #MeToo movement in 2018 by at least 17 women led by playback singer Chinmayi Sripada who accused him of sexual harassment and assault. His alleged victims report he leveraged his position of absolute power over careers in the Tamil film industry. Chinmayi said she was blacklisted from Tamil voice-over work for speaking up with the industry’s tacit complicity. He denied everything. No FIR was filed. No investigation was ordered. The DMK ecosystem protected him in complete silence.

In 2021, he had penned a song that romanticizes pedophilia. The song is about a school-going girl in love with a grey-haired old ‘poet’ and was filmed with actor Anika Surendran who was 16 years old at that time.

Rajiv Gandhi

A few days ago, alleged chats of DMK leader Rajiv Gandhi were leaked on social media. These came to light after Junior Vikatan reported that one of the reasons for removing DMK leader Rajiv Gandhi from the post of Student Wing Secretary and reassigning him as Joint Secretary in the Propaganda Wing was allegations that he misbehaved with female party cadres.

The report stated that DMK leader Rajiv Gandhi has been sending inappropriate messages to some of the party’s female executives at night via Instagram and Facebook. “Despite their warnings, he did not stop. Following this, the female executives informed the higher-ups about the matter.“, the report said.

According to a report by News J Tamil, more than 35 women had complained of sexual harassment by DMK leader Rajiv Gandhi when he was the head of Student’s Wing.

 

Both Junior Vikatan and News J reported that the DMK was forced to act on Rajiv Gandhi and remove him from the post of Student’s Wing Secretary after complaints of sexual harassment. However, this move was seen as an eyewash as he was given another post in the DMK’s propaganda wing.

Leaked Instagram direct messages purportedly involving Rajiv Gandhi, engaging in suggestive and sexually charged conversations with what is alleged to be a female party cadre also did the rounds on social media. The screenshots show Rajiv Gandhi allegedly talking with a married female party executive about France being famous for French kiss and asking her a math question like “What is 23% of 300?” referring to ’69 position’ being ‘his favourite number and position’.

Rajiv Gandhi denied the screenshots doing the rounds as “fabricated” using “Fake Instagram Chat Generator”.

But many on social media vouch for the chat’s authenticity. A report by Minnambalam also notes that they’ve found the complaints against Rajiv Gandhi to be true.

“When we spoke to DMK student union executives regarding this, complaints were made to Stalin, Udhayanidhi, and Kanimozhi that some female executives in the student union were under stress. The party leadership investigated these shocking complaints and confirmed that they were true. Information also reached the DMK leadership that some people affected by Rajiv Gandhi are ready to speak openly in public.”, Minnambalam report said. 

Zakir Hussain

Zakir Hussain, a Bharatanatyam dancer who became famous for his entry ban at Srirangam temple (celebrated by the Dravidian left as a secularism cause), was appointed by the DMK government as Advisor to all 17 District Government Music Schools under the Arts and Culture Department.​

In February 2022, a woman instructor at the Karur District Government Music School filed a formal complaint stating that during an official inspection visit, Hussain called her alone into the Head Instructor’s office, closed the door, placed his hands on her shoulder and waist, and made inappropriate remarks. Her complaint stated: “I felt suicidal and depressed afterwards.” The Union of Tamil Nadu Arts and Culture Teachers noted complaints from multiple districts, not just Karur. The Tamil Nadu Arts and Culture Department confirmed receipt of the complaint. The DMK government that appointed him did not make any public statement on the outcome of the inquiry.

Mathur Sathya

On 15 March 2026, serious allegations of sexual misconduct started being levelled against Tamil Nadu-based activist affiliated with the Communist Party of India by several women.

In a press release, the CPI said that they received numerous complaints regarding Mathur Sathya’s behavior and also stated that a complaint has been filed with the Greater Chennai Police against him by the party’s Chennai district secretary SK. Siva.

“The State Executive Committee meeting held on March 14, 2026, carefully examined the complaints and decided to immediately remove him from all positions he held in the party and its affiliated organizations AIYF and ISCUF. Furthermore, the Communist Party of India and its affiliated mass organizations AIYF and ISCUF have expelled Mathur Sathya from primary membership due to the gravity of the complaints received against him and the prima facie evidence that emerged during the inquiry. A complaint has also been filed with the Greater Chennai Police to take action in favour of the victim women.“, the press release stated.

In a social media post, he justified his actions saying that he did it with “explicit consent”.

The same person was propped up as an intellectual by The News Minute and more recently by PEN.

Interestingly, there was a time when he even admonished people for ‘supporting sexual predators’.

‘Periyar’ Saravanan & Lulu Group

In 2022, in an explosive revelation, a woman named Yuma Jaharo, who identified herself as a ‘Periyarist’ dropped a bomb alleging that a massive sex scandal had been happening within their ideological and political circles at the behest of those who claim to be followers of EV Ramaswamy Naicker aka ‘Periyar’.

Thamizhachi Author who is also known as France Thamizhachi gave a series of interviews to various Tamil YouTube channels where she mentioned about the rampant sex scandal and harassment meted out to several women by some of the Periyarist and Dravidianist groups. This gang of Periyarists indulged in creating a sex racket called the ‘Lulu group’.

According to Thamizhachi, a lady named ‘Lulu’ was inducting and inciting ‘sexually unsatisfied’ women (mostly married) to have illicit relationships with other men. They were also forced to send their private pictures in the form of “challenges”.

The main person accused of sexually exploiting the women according to Thamizhachi is ‘Periyar’ Saravanan. ‘Periyar’ Saravanan gets close with the women members of the group and asks them to share pictures of their navel, breasts and so on. Thamizhachi who was already aware of ‘Periyar’ Saravanan’s activities wanted to expose him and started to get close with him. He had allegedly asked Thamizhachi too to indulge in such sexual talks. She had allegedly gathered her evidence against ‘Periyar’ Saravanan’s activities during that time.

Amid the allegations, attention increasingly turned to the role of prominent Dravidian ideologue Suba Veerapandian (Suba Vee). According to activist France Thamizhachi, Suba Vee, who currently serves as Chairperson of the Tamil Nadu government’s Social Justice Monitoring Committee and holds positions in educational bodies, is alleged to have remained silent despite being aware of serious complaints involving exploitation of women. Thamizhachi further stated that there were attempts to “clear” or suppress evidence, with Suba Vee said to be directly or indirectly involved in protecting individuals accused in the case. Notably, Suba Vee has previously taken strong public positions on issues of social justice and women’s rights, including defending figures accused of misconduct. His alleged inaction in this case raises questions about selective activism and credibility within sections of the Dravidian ideological ecosystem.

Now it is not just these celebrities who are involved in such activities. We have a whole bunch of DMK functionaries, those who hold important positions in the party involved in sexual harassment of women.

DMK Youth Wing Functionary Deivaseyal

In May 2025, a 21-year-old college student from Arakkonam accused DMK youth wing functionary Deivaseyal of deception, abuse, and coercion under the pretext of marriage. According to her complaint, Deivaseyal, despite already being married, allegedly lured her into a relationship and conducted a second marriage with her. She claimed that he later began pressuring her into sexual activities involving influential politicians, effectively attempting to groom her for exploitation.

When she resisted, he allegedly subjected her to repeated physical abuse, harassment, and threats, including intimidation against her family. The survivor stated that he assaulted her, damaged her belongings, and continued to stalk and attack her even after she left him. She also alleged that he introduced her to other men and pressured her to engage with them.

The woman further claimed that the sustained abuse drove her to attempt suicide, while Deivaseyal allegedly continued to threaten her with impunity, claiming political protection.

DMK Councillor Who Harassed Flight Attendant

In March 2026, a DMK councillor from Tiruvallur, Prabhakaran, along with his associate Thiagu, was arrested for allegedly sexually harassing a 25-year-old IndiGo air hostess on a Chennai–Delhi flight. According to the complaint, both men, reportedly under the influence of alcohol, behaved inappropriately during boarding. They allegedly addressed the crew member disrespectfully, questioned her personal details, teased her, and slapped her on the back of her thigh while she was performing her duties. The incident was reported to police the same day. After failing to cooperate initially, the duo was arrested and booked under charges related to sexual harassment and outraging modesty.

DMK Functionary & Hockey Coach Harasses Schoolgirls

In August 2020, DMK functionary Shankar, a hockey coach at the Chettinad Women’s Hockey Club, was arrested for sexually harassing two schoolgirls under his training. The sisters from Madurai complained that Shankar repeatedly called them to rooms, harassed them, and threatened to kill them if they spoke out. Based on a complaint from their parents, police arrested Shankar and his assistant Kannan under the POCSO Act. He was the DMK Student Wing Organizer of Sakkottai west.

DMK Man & Anna University Sexual Assault Accused Gnanasekaran

DMK functionary Gnanasekaran, was accused of being a serial sexual offender. He allegedly molested two additional individuals: a temporary female worker in the food department at Anna University and the daughter of a Tehsildar, who has not yet filed a complaint. This is in addition to the primary Anna University sexual harassment case for which he was arrested.

It is further alleged that his arrest was delayed due to interference from his close associate, DMK Circle Secretary Shanmugam. Shanmugam reportedly came to the police station, threatened the officers, and took Gnanasekaran away during an inquiry, with the arrest only occurring the next day due to public protests. Both men are claimed to have worked under a notorious rowdy named ‘Gym’ Ezhumalai and are involved in illicit activities. Additionally, it is alleged that Gnanasekaran’s wife secured a temporary professor position at Anna University through the intervention of a DMK minister, pointing to a high-level cover-up to protect the accused.

DMK Functionary Assaults Woman For 6 Months

In November 2025, DMK Union Secretary Thiruvakkarai Baskaran went absconding after being accused of a horrific six-month-long sexual assault and blackmail. The 35-year-old victim, a married woman with a son, sought his help for construction materials. Baskaran allegedly exploited the situation, sexually assaulting her and recording the act. He then used the video to repeatedly blackmail and threaten her, forcing her to comply with his demands. The victim stated he ruined her life, and a case has been filed at the Kottakuppam All Women Police Station.

DMK Cadre Sexually Harassed Widow

In October 2023, DMK member Prabhu from Dindigul is accused of sexually harassing a vulnerable widow who sought his help. Saroja, a daily-wage worker and mother of a disabled son, contacted Prabhu for assistance due to his party affiliation. Instead of helping, he misused her number to send explicit videos and audio messages and subjected her to indecent video calls. When she blocked him, he threatened to use his political influence to harm her and kill her children if she did not comply with his demands. A complaint has been filed at the Odanchathiram police station.

 

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Bengal’s Long Slide: From Intellectual Capital To Economic Decline

By
Dr Prosenjit Nath
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Bengal’s Long Slide: From Intellectual Capital To Economic Decline

A personal memory of Kolkata’s shutdown culture reveals a deeper civilisational crisis and a narrowing window for revival.

Bengal holds a special place in my heart. It was in Kolkata that I began my professional journey, full of hope and expectation. Yet one of my earliest memories from March-April 2003 remains etched in my mind not for its personal inconvenience, but for what it revealed about the deeper malaise gripping Bengal’s political culture.

The Left Front government had approved a modest 10 per cent hike in bus fares, translating to a mere 25-paise increase. In a surreal display of political theatre, the same Left parties called a strike against their own government. The city came to a grinding halt. Shops were shuttered, transport vanished, and fear of violence kept people indoors. I walked to my office one of the few who did but found no breakfast, no lunch, and only managed a cup of tea late in the evening.

What stayed with me was not hunger. It was the absurdity. A megacity paralysed over 25 paise. And more importantly, the silent suffering of daily wage earners who lost a day’s income not because of market forces or natural calamities, but because politics demanded paralysis.

This memory encapsulates Bengal’s tragedy. A land that once stood at the forefront of India’s intellectual, cultural, and economic awakening gradually succumbed to a political culture that normalised disruption, stagnation, and ideological rigidity.

There was a time when Bengal was synonymous with excellence. The region led what historians call the Bengal Renaissance a period that reshaped India’s intellectual and cultural trajectory. Figures like Swami Vivekananda inspired global spiritual awakening. Rabindranath Tagore redefined literature and became Asia’s first Nobel laureate. Subhas Chandra Bose embodied militant patriotism. Scientists such as Jagadish Chandra Bose, Satyendra Nath Bose, and Prafulla Chandra Ray laid the foundations of modern science. Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay gave India “Vande Mataram,” a song that stirred a civilisation.

Few regions in world history have produced such a concentration of brilliance in such a short span. Bengal was not just India’s intellectual capital it was among the world’s most vibrant centres of thought.

And yet, the trajectory since then has been one of decline.

The seeds of this decline were sown during colonial rule. The Partition of Bengal fractured society along communal lines, while political violence became normalised as a tool of mobilisation. These were not temporary distortions they became embedded in Bengal’s political DNA.

Independence should have healed these wounds. Instead, post-independence politics deepened them. The Indian National Congress, which governed Bengal in the early decades, failed to dismantle these toxic legacies. Instead, it absorbed elements shaped by pre-partition communal politics, blurring moral lines and institutionalising opportunism.

The real structural decline, however, unfolded under the long rule of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front. From 1977 to 2011, Bengal witnessed one of the longest uninterrupted democratic regimes in the world. What could have been an era of consolidation became one of erosion.

The rise of the Naxalite movement originating in Naxalbari symbolised this shift. Instead of channelling youth into innovation and enterprise, generations were drawn into ideological extremism and violence.

Economically, the consequences were devastating. In the 1950s and early 1960s, West Bengal was among India’s most industrialised regions, and Kolkata stood tall as one of Asia’s premier commercial hubs. But by the 1990s and early 2000s, industrial stagnation had become entrenched.

The numbers tell the story starkly. West Bengal made for 10.5% of the country’s GDP in 1961. By 1977, at the advent of Left rule, this had reduced to 8.8%. By 2011, at the end of Left rule, it had further declined to 6.7%. In 2026, after 15 years of rule by the All India Trinamool Congress, it stands at a mere 5.6%.

Nearly all economic statistics show the same calamity. In terms of per capita income, Bengal was ranked 10th among Indian states in 1977. By 2011, it had slipped to 18th, and by 2026, it stands at 27th.

Industrial output as a share of national output has collapsed from 27% in 1951 to 11% in 1977, to about 5% in 2011, and to a mere 3–3.5 per cent in 2026.

The fiscal picture is equally grim. The debt-to-GDP ratio has risen from roughly 20% in 1977 (around Rs 6,000 crore) to nearly 39% in 2026 (approximately Rs 7.9 lakh crore).

These are not just numbers. They represent lost decades, lost opportunities, and a steady erosion of Bengal’s economic foundations.

Parallel to economic decline was the persistence and amplification of identity politics. The legacy of Direct Action Day and Partition-era mobilisation was never fully dismantled. Instead, successive regimes cultivated vote banks, prioritising electoral arithmetic over governance.

This created a predictable outcome: when economic opportunities shrink and governance weakens, informal power structures rise. Local strongmen, political intermediaries, and patronage networks begin to dominate. Merit is replaced by proximity to power.

When the All India Trinamool Congress, led by Mamata Banerjee, came to power in 2011, there was hope for change. Instead, much of the underlying ecosystem persisted. The instruments of control street power, patronage, and identity mobilisation remained intact.

The result is a state caught in a vicious cycle: economic stagnation fuels political patronage, and patronage entrenches stagnation.

Contrast this with developments in states like Gujarat under Narendra Modi, Uttar Pradesh under Yogi Adityanath, and Assam under Himanta Biswa Sarma where governance reforms, law and order, and infrastructure development have driven economic revival.

Bengal today stands at a similar inflection point.

The stakes are not merely electoral they are civilisational. Will Bengal reclaim its historic role as a hub of ideas and enterprise, or will it continue down a path of decline?

For the Bengali bhadralok, this moment demands introspection. The cost of decades of ideological complacency is now visible in declining incomes, migration of talent, and diminished national relevance.

The geopolitical environment adds urgency. Developments in Bangladesh including rising instability have direct implications for Bengal’s future.

History does not offer endless chances. Bengal once led India’s awakening. Today, it must decide whether it wishes to rediscover that role.

The memory of a shutdown over 25 paise is more than an anecdote it is a warning. A warning of how low expectations can fall when political culture loses its way.

Bengal stands at a crossroads. One path leads to renewal. The other to irreversible decline.

The choice is now.

Dr. Prosenjit Nath is a techie, political analyst, and author.

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Dhurandhar 2 Review: Double The Dhamaka, Double The Meltdown; Aditya Dhar Goes Into Beast Mode Unleashing Hell Upon Pakistan And Its Simps

By
S Kaushik
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“Your duty is to uphold Dharma. Never to claim the reward. Let not the promise of victory guide you. The battlefield summons, be relentless in action.” — Bhagavad Gita (2.47)

Let me just say this right at the beginning – Dhurandhar 2 operates on such a high-octane, testosterone-charged frequency that the energy in the theatre is unreal. It’s the kind of film where the intensity is so palpable that it doesn’t matter who you are – you feel it. The tone, the aggression, the conviction… everything is dialled up to a level where the film doesn’t just play out on screen, it spills into the audience.

And that opening line from the Gita? It doesn’t just set the tone – it defines the entire journey that follows.

A Film That Knows Exactly What It’s Doing

From the very first act, it becomes evident that Aditya Dhar is in complete control of his narrative. This isn’t a film trying to navigate safe ground or appease different sections of the audience. It’s deliberate, pointed, and fully aware of the reactions it’s going to trigger.

There’s a certain sharpness in how the story unfolds this time. Dhar isn’t interested in ambiguity—he’s interested in clarity, impact, and follow-through. And that’s what gives Dhurandhar 2 its edge over the first part. It feels more assured, more aggressive, and far more gripping in the way it commits to its themes.

You realise that Aditya Dhar isn’t interested in playing safe anymore.

In fact, the film plays out like a direct, ruthless response to a certain section of critics and commentators—people like Anupama Chopra and Sucharita Tyagi, and the broader “Aman Ki Asha” ecosystem—especially in that moment when the protagonist’s full force is unleashed in a brutal, no-holds-barred sequence, with Aari Aari blaring in the background and that line hitting you square in the face: “Ladies and Gentlemen, you’re still not ready for this!”

He goes all in—taking Pakistan to the cleaners and tearing into its ecosystem with zero restraint, presenting its characters in a raw, unvarnished light while boldly highlighting the deep-seated hostility that Islamist forces direct at Hindus and Sikhs, with Arjun Rampal delivering dialogues that make your blood boil, your fists clench, and leave you simmering with anger as the scene unfolds.

This film is going to be a difficult watch for them. It’s going to trigger meltdown so bad that they might start having seizures in the theatre. They’ll need to talk to therapists for the rest of their lives to cope. Or they might just end up like Bade Sahab in the film.

Detailing That Feels Almost Too Real

One of the biggest strengths of the film is its insane attention to detail. Dhar doesn’t treat real-world references as mere add-ons; he builds them into the very fabric of the narrative.

These aren’t surface-level insertions. They carry weight, and more importantly, they make you think. By the time the film progresses, you’re not just following a story—you’re connecting it to real events and decisions in a way that feels unsettlingly immersive.

The casting department genuinely deserves applause here.

The actors portraying figures resembling a gangster-politician who was gunned down in full public display and a Pakistani politician are so convincingly chosen that you momentarily forget you’re watching actors. There’s a certain eeriness to how real they feel on screen, and that adds tremendously to the film’s authenticity.

For the sake of not giving away spoiler, I just want to say that there are going to be epic euphoric moments in the theatre.

Performance-wise, the film is tighter than Part 1. There’s a sense that every actor understands the weight of the narrative and plays into it with full conviction.

And then come the dialogues.

Some of them don’t just land—they linger long after the scene is over.

“Jab se ye chaaiwala Hindustan mein aaya hai, hamare logon ke andhar aur kauf bad gaya hai”

(Ever since this chaiwala (tea seller) came to power in India, fear has increased even more among our people)

Moments like these create a visible shift in the theatre. You can feel people reacting—not loudly, but collectively.

Echo Shots And Easter Eggs

For those who’ve followed Part 1, there’s a lot to appreciate here. Dhar has packed the film with subtle callbacks and narrative echoes that don’t immediately stand out but pay off beautifully later.

It’s the kind of writing that rewards attention without demanding it.

In the beginning, Hamza in Pakistan burns away his Jaskirat life. Later, Jaskirat in India burns away his Hamza life. Recall the “Hindu Bada Darpok Qaum Hai?” dialogue from the first part uttered by one of the terrorists to Ajit Doval look-alike Madhavan? In Part 2, the Madhavan character is in the middle of a Hindu ritual and gets a call and then the revenge is taken.

There are many such echo shots that reverbs throughout the film.

At nearly four hours, the film could have easily lost momentum. Surprisingly, it doesn’t.

It adopts a slow-burn structure, allowing the narrative to build gradually. There are minor inconsistencies in timeline transitions, but they don’t significantly disrupt the flow. For the most part, the film keeps you engaged, pulling you deeper into its world.

How Did 4 Hours Go?

The film could have easily lost momentum. Surprisingly, it doesn’t.

It adopts a slow-burn structure, allowing the narrative to build gradually. The film keeps you engaged, pulling you deeper into its world. And the interval block comes at an unexpected moment.

Tracks like “Aari Aari” and “Destiny (Mann Atkeya)” are not just good—they elevate entire sequences. There are stretches where the music takes over and does the heavy lifting emotionally, and it works beautifully.

It’s constructed with precision, building tension steadily and then delivering a payoff that leaves the theatre buzzing.

Just when you think the second half might ease off, it does the exact opposite—gathering momentum and getting better with every passing stretch, all the way to the end.

Balidan Paramo Dharma

At its core, Dhurandhar 2 echoes the spirit of “Balidan Paramo Dharma” – the ultimate duty is sacrifice. Beyond the spectacle and scale, the film stands as a quiet yet powerful ode to the countless unnamed operatives who live and operate deep within hostile territories, far from recognition or glory. These are the men who exist in the shadows, cut off from identity, family, and even history, so that the nation can breathe in safety.

Dhar doesn’t romanticise them excessively – he humanises their cost, their isolation, and their unwavering resolve, making you realise that the price of security is often paid by those whose stories are never told.

Towards the end, Jaskirat visits his home in Punjab to see his family. He doesn’t have any bags with him. But his journey so far is the baggage. He keeps look at his home and the road. Should he enter his home with this “heavy dirty baggage” of the past or should he continue with his journey? He breaks the fourth wall and looks deep into the viewer. A powerful scene indeed.

Dhurandhar 2 doesn’t try to be universally acceptable, and that is precisely what makes it stand out.

It is bold, it is intense, and it is unapologetic in its storytelling. More importantly, it is confident—confident enough to take a position and build an entire cinematic experience around it.

If Part 1 established the foundation, Part 2 feels like a statement. The deliberately provokes those who provoked us thus far.

Forget Anno Domini. In Indian cinema, it’s now AD and BD—After Dhurandhar and Before Dhurandhar.

S. Kaushik is a political writer.

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DMK Functionary Accused Of Sexually Harassing Class 6 Irular Girl In Chengalpattu; Police Yet To Register FIR

By
The Commune
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DMK Functionary Accused Of Sexually Harassing Class 6 Irular Girl In Chengalpattu; Police Yet To Register FIR

A sixth-standard girl from the Irular tribal community near Cheyyur in Chengalpattu district was allegedly sexually harassed by a local DMK unit functionary identified as Siva, according to a complaint filed at the All-Women Police Station in Melmaruvathur. The accused remains at large, with police yet to register a First Information Report (FIR) despite the complaint being received.

The incident is reported to have occurred on Wednesday when the girl, a minor, was on her way to school. Siva, who holds a position in the DMK’s local unit, allegedly intercepted her and sexually assaulted her. The girl subsequently disclosed the ordeal to her school headmaster, who promptly notified her family.

The case gained wider attention after a local social activist named Velu recorded a video statement from the girl and circulated it on social media. Rather than expediting action against the accused, police have launched an intensive search for Velu, who has since gone into hiding. Community members have condemned this prioritisation as an attempt to suppress the victim’s account. Members of the Irular Tribal Welfare Association in Kanchipuram have stepped in, taking the girl and her family to Kanchipuram for their safety.

As of the time of this report, no FIR has been registered under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act against the accused DMK functionary, despite mandatory FIR provisions under POCSO requiring immediate registration upon any such complaint involving a minor.

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“Only Muslim Brothers Come Inside”: Joseph Vijay’s TVK Iftar Party Entry Check Sparks Controversy

By
The Commune
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“What Is Your Name?”: TVK Iftar Entry Check Sparks Religious Bias Allegations

A video from Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam’s (TVK) Iftar dinner held on 18 March 2026, at the 4 Points Sheraton Hotel in Mamallapuram is going viral on social media, showing party functionaries explicitly blocking non-Muslims from entering the event and asking them to step aside raising serious questions about the party’s much-touted “secular” credentials.

The contradiction could not be more glaring or more damning.

Vijay Himself Went In. Why Couldn’t His Hindu Followers?

Here is the central question being raised is that Vijay – a Christian-born non-Muslim was the star of the evening, seated on the floor, breaking the fast, giving speeches, and being photographed for political mileage. He was allowed in. Cameras were allowed in.  In parts of the clip, individuals are also asked their names before being allowed entry, prompting claims online that names were being used as a proxy for identifying religion.

The volunteer’s words make this unambiguous. He did not say “only invited guests.” He did not say “your pass is not valid.” He said: “Only Muslim brothers come inside.” He then asked a person at the gate: “What is your name?” – a name-check that served as a religious filter. Muslim women were directed away to another gate.

Bussy Anand is seen welcoming the Muslims with “Assalamu Alaikum,” as if he were a Muslim himself.

What TVK organised was a Muslims-only event with a non-Muslim celebrity headlining it for a photo opportunity.

Not the First Time

This is not TVK’s first Iftar controversy. In March 2025, Tamil Nadu Sunnath Jamaath filed a police complaint against Vijay, alleging that his first Iftar event at Chennai’s YMCA grounds was attended by gamblers and drinkers, which was deemed offensive to Muslim sentiments. That controversy led to All India Muslim Jamaat issuing a fatwa against Vijay.

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Isha Foundation Wins Interim Relief As Delhi High Court Orders Removal Of Defamatory Nakkheeran ‘Reports’

By
The Commune
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How Nakkheeran Gopal Is Peddling Fake News Against Isha Foundation

The Delhi High Court on Thursday, 19 March 2026, directed the removal of allegedly defamatory content published by Tamil magazine Nakkheeran against the Isha Foundation, granting interim relief to the organisation founded by Jaggi Vasudev.

As reported in Bar and Bench, Justice Subramonium Prasad passed the interim order in favour of the Isha Foundation and also dismissed an application filed by Nakkheeran under Order VII Rule 11 of the Code of Civil Procedure (CPC), which had sought rejection of the Foundation’s suit.

The Isha Foundation has approached the High Court seeking damages of ₹3 crore from Nakkheeran and its editor Gopal, alleging that the publication had carried defamatory material. Google LLC has also been impleaded as a party to the case, as the disputed content was accessible through Google search results and hosted on its platform YouTube.

In its plea, the Foundation contended that Nakkheeran had published a series of reports containing serious allegations, including claims of exploitation, brainwashing and illegal activities within the organisation. It argued that these reports suggested that individuals associated with the Foundation were being held against their will or coerced.

According to the Foundation, these articles were published despite a prior order of the Supreme Court closing proceedings in a habeas corpus petition filed by a father who had alleged that his two daughters had been “brainwashed” by the organisation.

The controversy traces back to proceedings before the Madras High Court, which had directed the Tamil Nadu government to furnish details of criminal cases registered against the Isha Foundation, following a petition by a man claiming that his daughters, aged 42 and 39, had been influenced to reside at the Isha Yoga Centre.

Subsequently, on 18 October 2024, a Supreme Court Bench comprising then Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud and Justices JB Pardiwala and Manoj Misra interacted with the two women and recorded their statements.

“We had spoken to both the ladies and recorded. Both of them said that they are living there on free will and we need to close the habeas corpus plea,” CJI Chandrachud said.

The Supreme Court accordingly closed the habeas corpus proceedings against the Isha Foundation, while clarifying that its order would not bar the police from pursuing any other investigation, if warranted.

Following these developments, the Isha Foundation moved the Delhi High Court alleging that Nakkheeran’s publications were defamatory and seeking legal remedies.

Senior Advocate Rajshekhar Rao, along with advocates Rohan Jaitley, Mehrunissa Anand Jaitley, Areeb, Dev Pratap Shahi, Varun Pratap Singh, Yogya Bhatia, Pushpaveni, and Simarjeet, appeared for the Isha Foundation.

Nakkheeran was represented by advocates VT Perumal, Dr Ram Sankar, K Vaijayanthi, Shaarumathi, Ashwin Sam and Nagender, while advocates Aditya Gupta, Rohith Venkatesan and Vani Kaushik appeared for Google.

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“I Believe In Respecting Court Orders, Unlike You People”: Justice GR Swaminathan Slams Madurai Authorities In Thirupparankundram Karthigai Deepam Contempt Case

By
The Commune
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justice gr swaminathan deepathoon thirupparankundram karthigai deepam

The Madras High Court on Wednesday, 18 March 2026, witnessed sharp exchanges during the hearing of contempt petitions related to the failure to light the Karthigai Deepam atop the Thirupparankundram hill in Madurai, despite earlier court directions.

As reported in Bar and Bench, Justice GR Swaminathan remarked that he believes in respecting court orders, unlike local authorities in Madurai, who had failed to implement judicial directives in the matter.

The observation came after counsel representing the State submitted that a Division Bench of the Court had, on Tuesday, stayed all contempt proceedings pending before Justice Swaminathan. However, counsel appearing for the temple devotees argued that the stay order was limited only to the 4 December 2025 order passed by the single judge.

Justice Swaminathan stated that he would rely strictly on the text of the interim stay order placed before him and questioned the State’s interpretation of its scope. “How do I know what prayer you have made there?” the judge asked, when the State referred to a Civil Miscellaneous Petition (CMP) challenging all contempt proceedings.

The State maintained that the interim stay extended to the contempt proceedings mentioned in the CMP, which was recorded in the Division Bench’s order. It further suggested that a clarification could be obtained from the Registry to avoid ambiguity.

Rejecting the suggestion, Justice Swaminathan said, “It is not my job. I will go by the interim order you have produced before me. Why should I (ask Registry for more clarifications)? Is it my job? It’s not my job. It is my duty to obey whatever the Division Bench has passed. I believe in showing respect to court orders, unlike you people.”

The matter arises from a December 2025 ruling in which the Court held that a stone pillar on the Thirupparankundram hill is a Deepathoon belonging to the Arulmigu Subramania Swamy Temple. The Court had directed that the traditional Karthigai Deepam be restored at the site, clarifying that such observance would not affect the rights of the nearby Sikkandar Badhusha Dargah.

Despite the order, the Deepam was not lit during the festival, prompting devotees to initiate contempt proceedings against the authorities.

During the hearing, Justice Swaminathan also questioned the absence of senior police officials who had been directed to appear in person. “Where are the police officials? Answer that first… Does Inigo (Deputy Commissioner AG Inigo Divya) and Loganathan (Commissioner of Madurai City Police, J Loganathan) think too much of themselves? I gave exemption only to trustees and the Collector; I didn’t give it to the police. Why they are not present before me?” he asked.

Addressing Additional Advocate General J. Ravindran, the judge further said, “Don’t we have to decide this (AAG) Mr. Ravindran? Don’t be so defiant. Don’t show your defiance against me.”

The AAG responded, “It is not so milord. I don’t know why Lordship is taking it like that.”

When the State again sought time to approach the Registry for clarification on the scope of the stay, the judge reiterated his position, stating, “I know how to respect the Division Bench order… I don’t want to see their (police officers) faces hereafter. I will deal with them in the manner known to law.”

The Court subsequently adjourned all three contempt petitions.

In its interim observations, the Court noted that it had earlier granted an adjournment based on a request from senior counsel representing the temple management, who had sought time to consider a suggestion for symbolic compliance with the Court’s directive.

“Since a request for adjournment came from a highly respected senior counsel and ground was only to consider a suggestion from the court, I had no reason to reject the request, even though the petitioners’ counsel opposed the same vehemently,” the Court recorded.

However, Justice Swaminathan observed that appeals had been filed during this adjournment period. The Court acknowledged that the respondents had the right to pursue legal remedies but pointed out that an earlier Division Bench had already dismissed an appeal filed by the District Collector and the Commissioner of Police, while leaving it to the single judge to determine whether there was wilful disobedience.

“Taking advantage of two-week window, appeals were filed. Respondents have right to avail judicial remedies. However, the fact remains that challenging the earlier, direction, the District Collector and Commissioner of Police had filed appeal. Said appeal was dismissed by Division Bench (earlier), and Division Bench had specifically observed that it is for single judge to test if disobedience of December 4 order was wilful or not,” the order stated.

The matter has been posted for further hearing on 9 April 2026, a day after the Division Bench is scheduled to hear the appeals challenging Justice Swaminathan’s orders.

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After Steel Vessel ‘Gifts’, Video Of ‘Boost’ Bottles With TVK’s Arunraj’s Photo Meant For Voters Surface, While Vijay Calls Other Parties Corrupt

By
The Commune
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A few days ago, Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) came under scrutiny after a pre-election Flying Squad raid and viral videos raised concerns over alleged voter inducement, even as party chief Vijay has been critical of rivals on corruption.

During a raid in Varakoorampatti near Thiruchengode, officials seized around 250 steel vessels bearing stickers of Vijay and party functionary Arunraj. Acting on further inputs, searches were extended to multiple houses suspected of storing similar materials.

Authorities said the operation followed a complaint and an investigation is underway to determine if the items were meant for voter distribution in violation of election norms.

Adding to the controversy, video clips circulating on social media on Wednesday purportedly show bottles of the health drink Boost carrying stickers with Arunraj’s image. While the location of the video has not been independently verified, the visuals have intensified scrutiny over alleged distribution of goods linked to the party.

 

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The developments come against the backdrop of Vijay’s recent political messaging, in which he described the DMK as “theeyasakthi” (evil force), the AIADMK as “oozhalsakthi” (corrupt force), and positioned TVK as “thooyasakthi” (pure force).

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“Man Worships Invisible God, Destroys Visible Nature, Authorities Tried To Give Away God Himself”: Madras High Court Pulls Up DMK Govt, Cancels Sand Dune Allotment To School

By
The Commune
-
dmk madras high court ungaludan stalin

The Madras High Court quashed a DMK government order allotting ecologically sensitive sand dune land to a private school as alternate land after its original property was resumed for temple purposes, holding that the decision was illegal, unconscionable and contrary to the State’s environmental obligations.

Justice D. Bharatha Chakravarthy, allowing a writ petition filed by St. Joseph’s Matriculation Higher Secondary School in Cuddalore district, sharply criticised the government for attempting to assign sand dunes for development and invoked both environmental jurisprudence and spiritual imagery in doing so.

“When this land of the petitioner is taken back for the Temple purposes and instead Sand Dunes is given as alternate land, it is apt to quote Hubert Reeves who said – ‘Man is the most insane species. He worships an invisible God and destroys a visible Nature. Unaware that this Nature he’s destroying is this God he’s worshiping’,” the court said.

As reported in Verdictum, the judge added, “This case is a clear example. Without realising that these Sand Dunes are also the incarnation of Lord Sri Devanatha Swami, who protects its land and people, the authorities deemed it fit to allocate to the petitioner, for development. In their endeavour to protect the sentiments of the devotees of the Temple, they had attempted to give away God himself. Without considering the ecological importance of the sand dunes, the Government acted recklessly, in violation of the public trust doctrine imposed upon it.”

The case arose out of a long-running dispute involving land in Koothapakkam village, Cuddalore, purchased by the school in 1979 from the government through G.O. Ms. No. 404 of the Education Department. The school had been operating on 5.77 acres, but objections were later raised over 3.40 acres on the ground that the land had historically been used for the purposes of Arulmigu Devanatha Swami Temple and had been wrongly auctioned after being taken over by the government.

In earlier litigation challenging the resumption of the land, the school agreed, in the interest of communal harmony, to exchange the disputed property if suitable alternate land was allotted for the institution. Recording that position, the High Court had in 2019 directed the State to allot not less than 4½ acres either in Bhuvanagiri village or any other land in Cuddalore district situated near the town or village with easy access to the main road or abutting the road.

However, instead of allotting comparable land, the State issued G.O. Ms. No. 414 dated July 1, 2025, offering the school 4.5 acres in Survey No. 74/1 of Periyapattu village, Bhuvanagiri Taluk. The land was classified as government poramboke sand dune land, was about 34 km away from Cuddalore town, lacked proper road access and was valued at only ₹2.17 crore, whereas the resumed school land had been valued by the government at ₹8.14 crore. The school challenged the order as violative of the earlier court direction and unsuitable for educational purposes.

The court agreed with the school and held that even on the face of it, the government order was against larger public interest. It observed that sand dunes are natural buffers protecting land from storms, act as sand reservoirs, serve as habitats for flora and fauna, and form an eco-sensitive system of utmost importance.

Referring to the Supreme Court’s decisions in Intellectuals Forum, Tirupathi v. State of Andhra Pradesh and State of Telangana v. Mohammed Qasim, the court reiterated that such environmentally sensitive lands are held by the State in public trust and that ecosystems are not merely objects of protection but subjects with a right to survive and exist. It held that those principles had been completely disregarded in this case.

The court also found the State’s conduct inconsistent with the spirit of the earlier undertaking. It noted that when land worth about ₹8 crore in Cuddalore town was taken back from the school, the alternate land offered was worth only about ₹2 crore, located 34 km away and inaccessible, directly contradicting the purport of the earlier order requiring suitable land for running an educational institution.

During the proceedings, the government indicated that it was examining other possible parcels, including land in Thiruvanthipuram village and Arisi Periyankuppam village. The court noted that one of those alternatives was too small and of lower value, while another appeared agreeable to the school subject to verification of its classification and legal feasibility under revenue records.

Quashing G.O. Ms. No. 414, the court directed the petitioner school to approach the Cuddalore District Collector with a copy of the order. It ordered the Collector, in consultation with other authorities, to make sincere efforts to examine the feasibility of land in Survey No. 146/7 of Thiruvanthipuram village and, if feasible, allot an appropriate extent reflecting equal value to the school. If that land is not feasible, the authorities must identify any other suitable land in and around Cuddalore Corporation.

The court said the alternate land should preferably be inside or adjoining the town, not more than 10 to 12 kilometres away, and must have access suitable for establishing an educational institution. It further directed that identification of such land be completed within four weeks, followed by finalisation and a government decision within six weeks. If no suitable land can be identified within the time prescribed, the State must refund the value of the resumed land to the petitioner school.

Senior counsel Father Xavier Arulraj appeared for the petitioner school, while Additional Advocate General J. Ravindran appeared for the State.

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DMK Claims To Protect Tamil, But Thanjavur Tamil University Now On Brink Of Closure

By
The Commune
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DMK Claims To Protect Tamil, But Thanjavur Tamil University Now On Brink Of Closure

The DMK have time and again branded themselves as custodians of the Tamil language and have often denounced Hindi as a language that would ‘kill’ Tamil. But here is what is happening in Dravidian Model Tamil Nadu.

The Tamil University Protection Movement has raised concerns that Tamil University in Thanjavur is facing a serious risk of closure due to ongoing administrative and financial difficulties.

Addressing reporters, the movement’s coordinator Maniarasan stated that the university, established by former Chief Minister M.G. Ramachandran across 972 acres, was envisioned as a multidisciplinary research institution focusing on language, ethnicity, and anthropology. However, he reported that the institution is currently grappling with a prolonged administrative vacuum, with key positions such as Vice-Chancellor and Registrar remaining unfilled for several years.

As reported in Dinamalar, he further stated that several academic departments are being managed by individuals lacking the required qualifications, resulting in a slowdown of research activities. Units such as the Drama Department and the university’s publishing division, which previously functioned effectively, have witnessed a significant decline. The publishing wing has been shut down, and research output has reduced considerably.

According to the movement, the university’s library and publishing divisions, which earlier had designated staff including a director, deputy director, and assistant librarians, are now functioning without personnel. It also reported that the institution has not been procuring new books or journals.

The movement alleged that a substantial portion of the university’s original 972-acre land has been allocated for other government purposes, including offices for the Forest Department, Collector, and Superintendent of Police. It further noted that 55 acres have been earmarked for the establishment of a Chola Museum, leaving the university with significantly reduced land holdings.

The coordinator also stated that the university, which should fall under the Higher Education Department, is currently under the Tamil Development Department, leading to complications in funding allocation. He warned that these issues have pushed the institution toward a potential shutdown.

The movement has demanded the immediate appointment of a qualified Vice-Chancellor and Registrar, restoration of the university under the Higher Education Department, and the revival of academic recognitions such as the Rajarajan Award.

It also announced plans to submit formal demands to the government starting June and to organise continuous protests to press for corrective measures.

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