Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) candidate Tajinder Singh Tiwana secured a resounding victory in Ward 47, Malad West, with a massive margin of 13,858 votes.
During the campaign for Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation elections, BJP leader K. Annamalai actively campaigned in several areas including those with Tamil population. He had described Mumbai as an “international city” while campaigning. The remark sparked criticism from Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) chief Raj Thackeray, who reportedly mocked Annamalai with a “rasmalai” jibe.
Tiwana, who serves as the President of Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha’s Mumbai unit, emerged victorious.
As a counter to Rasmalai jibe, the BJP has doubled down by sharing pictures of the sweet, along with memes and videos mocking Raj Thackeray for his comment.
His win is part of BJP’s strong showing in the Malad West area, where the party also secured victories in nearby wards, including Ward 35 (Yogesh Varma) where Annamalai campaigned. The broader BMC elections saw the BJP-led Mahayuti alliance (including Shiv Sena under Eknath Shinde) perform robustly across Mumbai’s 227 wards
No disputes, recounts, or formal challenges to Tiwana’s victory in Ward 47 have been reported as of January 17, 2026.
The BMC elections occurred on January 15, 2026, with results declared on January 16, covering 227 wards. BJP emerged as the single largest party with 89 seats, securing a simple majority alongside its ally Shiv Sena (29 seats), totaling 118 seats for the Maha Yuti alliance.
Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.
In the run-up to the Tamil Nadu Assembly elections later this year, the ruling DMK government under Chief Minister M.K. Stalin distributed a ₹3,000 cash Pongal gift to over 2.22 crore rice ration card holders, along with traditional hampers including rice, sugar, sugarcane, dhotis, and sarees. The scheme, announced in early January and rolled out through fair price shops, cost the exchequer approximately ₹6,900 crore for the cash component alone, with additional expenses for the hampers pushing the total welfare outlay higher.
However, coinciding with the festive celebrations, Tamil Nadu State Marketing Corporation (TASMAC) outlets reported massive liquor sales. Official figures indicate that in just two days around the Pongal festival period, alcohol worth ₹518 crore was sold across the state’s 4,829 TASMAC shops. This marks a significant revenue spike, with reports noting that sales in those two days alone approached levels seen over four days in the previous year’s Pongal season (₹725 crore over four days).
Leaders from the AIADMK and PMK, have pointed out that while the state provides direct cash assistance to celebrate the harvest festival, a substantial portion of that money may indirectly flow back into government coffers through increased liquor consumption during the festivities.
AIADMK leaders have repeatedly accused the DMK of relying heavily on TASMAC revenues—often described as a key pillar of the state’s finances—to fund populist schemes.
BJP Tamil Nadu President Nainar Nagendran slammed the DMK government saying “It is a grim irony that under Chief Minister MK Stalin, who once released an emotional video declaring, “Let us create a liquor-free Tamil Nadu,” alcohol sales during Pongal alone crossed ₹518 crore.
Since the DMK assumed power, this TASMAC-first model of governance has turned every festival season into a revenue bonanza built on liquor sales. From Pongal to local celebrations, alcohol has become the state’s default cash cow — to the extent that one wonders whether any celebration is now complete without the stench of arrack.”
He said that it wouldn’t be surprising at all if reports emerge that the numbers on the rupee notes handed out for Pongal match exactly those collected at TASMAC.
“After beating the drum across the state promising ₹3000 for Pongal, the DMK government’s intelligence in collecting that money right back through TASMAC outlets brings to mind that classic wisecrack: “Idhuku paruthimoota Godown-liye irundhurkalame!” (a comical reference from a Tamil film).
உழவர் திருநாளன்று கூட உறுத்தாமல் ஊருக்கே ஊற்றிக் கொடுத்துள்ளது @arivalayam அரசு!
“போதையில்லா தமிழகத்தை உருவாக்குவோம்” என உருகி உருகி காணொளி வெளியிட்ட முதல்வர் திரு. @mkstalin அவர்களின் ஆட்சியில், பொங்கல் பண்டிகையையொட்டி தமிழகத்தில் சுமார் ரூ. 518 கோடிக்கும் அதிகமாக மது விற்பனை… pic.twitter.com/2JRYtnQ7AA
The AIADMK’s Information Technology Wing State President Kovai Sathyan has alleged that priests were given training to campaign in favour of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam.
Speaking to the media, Sathyan stated that the Tamil Nadu Minorities Commission had been influenced to take positions favourable to the DMK. He alleged that the Commission’s Chairman Joe Arun was a member of the Loyola College governing body and a close associate of Deputy Chief Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin, resulting in institutional bias.
According to Sathyan, priests from various churches were invited to Chennai a few months ago and provided with a two-day training programme. He alleged that the training focused on using church networks to campaign for the DMK. He further stated that Loyola College and certain missionary organisations were working under pressure from Joe Arun to support the ruling party.
Sathyan also raised concerns over Loyola College’s ongoing centenary fundraising initiative, which aims to collect ₹100 crore to mark 100 years of the institution. He alleged that funds had been received from several countries without proper auditing and called for a detailed investigation into the matter.
The AIADMK leader said a thorough inquiry into these allegations was necessary.
All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) General Secretary and Leader of the Opposition Edappadi K. Palaniswami (EPS) today unveiled the party’s initial set of key election promises for the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections
Speaking at a public event and through party channels, EPS announced a series of welfare-oriented schemes aimed at women, rural households, and the general public, drawing inspiration from popular initiatives while expanding on them. These represent the first phase of commitments ahead of the full manifesto, which is being finalized following statewide consultations by the party’s manifesto committee.The key promises released today include:
Kulavilakku Thittam (Family Assistance Scheme): ₹2,000 per month to be provided directly to the bank accounts of women heading families covered under ration cards, targeting financial empowerment and support for households.
Free Bus Travel For Men Too: Extension of the free bus travel scheme to include men, in addition to women, for urban and inter-city public transport.
Amma Illam Thittam: Construction of concrete (cement) houses for rural homeless individuals and families, focusing on housing security for the underprivileged.
Extension Of Rural Employment Guarantee: Based on the new rural employment guarantee act law – Viksit Bharat G RAM G – introduced by the Modi government, EPS has promised an increase in the number of workdays from 100 days to 150 days in Tamil Nadu.
Amma Two-Wheeler Scheme: Provision of two-wheelers to 5 lakh women with a subsidy of ₹25,000 each, aimed at enhancing mobility and independence.
These announcements come as the AIADMK ramps up its campaign machinery for the polls expected in April-May 2026. EPS emphasized that the promises build on the party’s legacy of people-centric governance
The party has been actively preparing, with a manifesto committee conducting public inputs across districts earlier this month. EPS has repeatedly expressed confidence in the AIADMK-led alliance securing a strong mandate, predicting a return to power to address issues like law and order, economic hardships, and welfare delivery.
Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.
AR Rahman, the ‘celebrated music composer’, an Oscar winner, has been in the news for all the wrong reasons for the past couple of years.
The disastrous Marakkuma Nenjam concert, the rumours of divorce with his wife, playing second fiddle to the Dravidianist regime in Tamil Nadu – these are the news that Rahman was associated with in the recent past.
Unable to command attention through music anymore, he has now resurfaced via a long-winded interview with BBC Asian Network, to peddle Muslim victimhood in India narrative. Across nearly 90 minutes, Rahman abandons introspection in favour of insinuation, repeatedly hinting at bias, “communal” forces, and power shifts – all while carefully avoiding specifics.
What emerges is not a misunderstood genius, but a man desperate to stay relevant, playing the familiar victim card and wrapping professional stagnation in ideological and identity politics language. The interview does not revive Rahman’s legacy; it only exposes how far he has drifted from the music that once spoke for itself.
Less Work Because ‘Communal Environment’
AR Rahman claims less work is coming his way for the past 8 years. He says, “You know people who are not creative have the power now to decide things and this might have been a communal thing also but not in my face but I’ve hear you know like Chinese whispers that this happened and they they booked you and the other company the music company went and funded the movie and got their five composers and I said ‘Oh that’s great! Rest for me I can chill out with my family.'”
He also said, “Any person who has realized religion will never talk about divisive stuff because I think beyond religion is where the real truth is, right, these are just parts where those who are near the destination will never argue and they would find it foolish to even try anything negative.”
Chhaava – A Divisive Film
The interviewer asks him about Chhaava, says AR Rahman was ‘very proud of its soundtrack’. He goes on to say, “It is divisive. I think it cashed in on divisiveness and but I think the core of it is to show the bravery, because the director, I told him like why do you need me for this, he said we need only you for this, so I think had a very and it is a enjoyable finish but definitely I think people are smarter than that whatever do you think people are going to get influenced by movies? They have something called internal conscience which knows what the truth is and what manipulation is.”
Here’s how the music of Chaava really was – deplorable. If Aurangzeb tortured and killed Shambhu Raje in real life, it was “legendary music composer” AR Rahman who killed the film and the majestic hero in reel. AR Rahman was the biggest misfit in the film,and he destroyed what could have been an epic that would have remained in public memory for a long time.
Chhaava: How AR Rahman Reduced A Maratha Epic To Sonic Ruins
Rahman’s music for Chhaava was a shockingly below-average and out-of-tune soundtrack for a period film that deserved so much more. Rahman’s work here isn’t just disappointing; it’s downright pathetic, and it single-handedly kills the soul of what could have been a powerful historical epic.
For a film rooted in the life of Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj, Chhaava demanded music steeped in Marathi ethos, historical weight, and warrior fury. What it received from AR Rahman was the exact opposite, a soundtrack so culturally misplaced that it actively sabotages the film.
There is virtually no Marathi soul in the music. Instead of grounding the score in regional rhythm or folk intensity, Rahman delivers a confused jumble of Arabic motifs, Middle Eastern flourishes, electronic clutter, and ambient fillers that feel ripped from a modern lounge playlist. The result is jarring, distracting, and utterly alien to a 17th-century Maratha setting. One wonders if Rahman was composing for Sambhaji Maharaj or Aurangzeb.
“Aaya Re Toofan,” meant to be a battle anthem, collapses into a lifeless exercise. Rahman singing it himself is baffling, especially when voices like Sukhwinder Singh exist for precisely this kind of raw power. Compared to “Malhari,” the track is anemic and instantly forgettable. “Jaane Tu,” placed in a moment of devotion and longing, sounds like a discarded rom-com song, emotionally hollow and historically absurd. A rap track in a Maratha epic only underlines how disconnected the composer was from the film’s soul.
The background score fares no better. It perks up for Mughal scenes, sinks during Maratha suffering, and remains silent where rage and grief were essential. This was stark negligence.
Composers like Ajay-Atul could have elevated Chhaava into something timeless. Rahman instead delivered lazy, tone-deaf music that disrespects history and memory. For a composer of his stature, this failure is not just disappointing; it is shameful.
Cliche For Muslim Characters, None For Hindus
In the subsequent part of the interview, the interviewer says, “My problem with a film like that is that when every time a negative act is taking place on screen and the character is chanting subhan allah mashallah alhamdulillah…”, Rahman butts in and says, “That’s such a cliche no? I’m just saying I’m not I have great respect for people. People are that foolish to get influenced by false information.”
What Rahman’s comments expose is a staggering double standard. When Islamic invocations on screen are paired with villainy, he instantly spots a “cliché” and feels compelled to correct it, but when a film about a Maratha king who was tortured to death for refusing conversion is dismissed as “divisive,” suddenly concern for sentiment vanishes.
One stereotype troubles him; the other is waved away with lofty platitudes about how “people are not that foolish.” In other words, Muslim portrayal must be handled with infinite sensitivity, while Hindu history asserting itself can be casually reduced to politics. What is repeatedly framed as sacred, civilisational memory for Hindus is treated as an inconvenience, even suspect; what touches Islamic representation is treated as delicate and deserving protection. That imbalance is not subtle, and it is not accidental. It suggests a worldview where one community’s sensitivities are non-negotiable clichés to be challenged, while another’s are inconveniences to be scolded into silence.
Calling audiences “not that foolish” is not reassurance – it is condescension, especially when the same courtesy is never extended to those who feel a historical and emotional stake in a figure like Sambhaji Maharaj.
Faith, Selective Sensitivity, And A Pattern That Can’t Be Ignored
For many longtime admirers of AR Rahman, the discomfort does not begin with interviews or recent controversies alone – it has existed quietly for years. Multiple anecdotes from within the Tamil film industry point to a pattern where Rahman’s personal religious beliefs appear to intrude into professional spaces, often at the expense of others’ faith.
Lyricist Piraisoodan has publicly recalled being asked to remove Hindu religious marks before entering Rahman’s home, a request he refused.
Veteran lyricist Vaali recorded an incident where Rahman objected to equating a mother with God in a song, forcing a lyric change even after filming was completed.
A screenshot from Vaali’s interview to Tamil magazine Vikatan where he records this incident. Source: www.pagadhu.blogspot.com
In another instance, Rahman reportedly distanced himself from composing an Ayyappa devotional song in Boys, while having no such hesitation in composing songs venerating Jesus in earlier films.
Individually, these incidents may be explained away. Taken together, they raise an uncomfortable question: why does religious sensitivity seem selective? Respect for one’s faith is legitimate but repeatedly pushing it onto collaborators, while showing openness to other religious themes, inevitably invites scrutiny.
For fans who once saw Rahman as a unifying cultural force beyond religion and politics, this perceived imbalance is deeply unsettling. It suggests not quiet faith, but a recurring tendency to draw lines where art once dissolved them – a shift that clashes sharply with the inclusive legacy that made Rahman a national icon in the first place.
Given this pattern and his firm belief as a Muslim in “La Ilaha Illallah Muhammadur Rasulullah”, it is only natural for Hindus to feel uneasy about whether a composer with such Islamist outlook can approach an epic like the Ramayan and the reverence it demands.
Rahman, You Are No Victim, Just Out of Tune
AR Rahman, the 59-year-old musician, is unwilling to confront the simple truth: new voices eventually replace old ones. That is exactly how he himself rose – by outpacing and outgrowing the composers before him. The wheel has turned again, and this time, he is on the other side of it.
Instead of acknowledging that audiences and filmmakers are moving on, he chooses to cloak professional stagnation in insinuations of bias. Dressing up a fading dominance as a consequence of “communal” forces is deflection. No artist, however celebrated, enjoys permanent supremacy. Decline is not persecution, it is inevitability.
To hint at discrimination rather than admit loss of relevance reflects bitterness, not bravery. It diminishes the very legacy he claims to defend and makes his grievances sound less like critique and more like sour resentment at being overtaken.
In the end, this is not about censorship, conspiracies, or communal pressure, it is about decline and denial. A.R. Rahman is not being sidelined; he is being outpaced. Audiences have moved on, tastes have changed, and his once-revolutionary sound now feels repetitive and dated. Instead of accepting that reality, he chooses to complain, insinuate bias, and lecture people on how they should respond to history and culture.
What makes this harder to ignore is that this selective sensitivity is not new. When Muslim portrayal needs care, he cries “cliché.” When Hindu history demands respect, he dismisses it as “divisive” and tells audiences they are “not that foolish.”
Legends earn respect by rising above excuses, not by playing victim when the spotlight shifts. Rahman’s problem today isn’t the industry or the times – it’s that the music no longer speaks, and no interview, however long, can tune that out.
Hydra is a political writer.
Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.
The annual Palamedu Jallikattu witnessed strong resentment from bull owners and participants on Friday, 16 January 2026, after the event was delayed by nearly three hours, allegedly to accommodate the arrival of Tamil Nadu Deputy Chief Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin.
Though Palamedu Jallikattu traditionally begins between 6 AM and 7 AM, bulls were released only around 10.30 AM, triggering widespread criticism from participants who had arrived at the venue in the early hours of the morning with their animals.
The competition was officially inaugurated at 9.30 am by the Deputy Chief Minister, who flagged off the event.
“Jallikattu Was Delayed Because He Came Late”
Bull owners from several districts said the delay severely disrupted the event and reduced the chances for hundreds of bulls to participate.
“We came from Thoothukudi and reached here by 4 am,” one bull owner said. “Every year, Palamedu Jallikattu starts by 6 or 7 in the morning. Today, it started only at 10 am because the Deputy Chief Minister came late. Because of that, everything got delayed.”
Another participant said tokens had been issued for nearly 1,000 bulls, but many would be forced to return without entering the arena.
“There are about 1,000 bulls here. All of them must be released. But now it is impossible,” he said. “Half the bulls have come from places like Karur and Salem. How will all of them run before evening?”
Concerns Over Time Limit and Unreleased Bulls
Participants pointed out that Jallikattu is not permitted to continue beyond 6 pm, making it unlikely that all registered bulls would get an opportunity.
“It will be difficult even to cross 5 pm,” a bull owner said. “Manjuvirattu itself will finish by 4 pm. There are still 600 to 700 bulls waiting. Many outside bulls will not be released at all.”
Bull owners also complained about inadequate arrangements for animals forced to wait for hours in the sun.
“There is no proper food or water. The bulls are standing there since morning,” a participant said. “Police are chasing and beating people at the holding area, but the bulls are not being allowed inside the arena.”
Politics Accused of Interfering With Tradition
Several participants criticised what they described as political interference in a traditional sport.
“For one full year, people wait only for Jallikattu,” a participant said. “This is not a decorative show. Bulls and players are not props that can be made to wait because a politician arrives late.”
“Jallikattu should remain a traditional sport. Politics should not be forced into this,” another bull owner said, adding that the delay had caused financial losses for those who had travelled long distances with rented vehicles and livestock.
“If the Deputy Chief Minister had come earlier, the event would have moved quickly,” he said. “Because he came late, everyone is suffering.”
Despite the criticism, the competition continued with multiple rounds held through the day. Officials said several participants were injured during the event, though the primary concern raised by bull owners remained the delayed start and the likelihood that hundreds of bulls would be sent back without participating.
The Palamedu Jallikattu is one of the most prominent events of the Pongal season and draws participants and spectators from across Tamil Nadu and beyond.
Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.
The University Grants Commission has notified the UGC (Promotion of Equity in Higher Education Institutions) Regulations, 2026, triggering sharp criticism that the framework risks chilling campus life and undermining institutional autonomy.
The regulations, published in the Gazette of India on 13 January 2026, are binding on all universities and colleges across the country and replace the 2012 anti-discrimination regulations. They were issued following directions from the Supreme Court to update the regulatory framework in the aftermath of cases such as Rohith Vemula and Payal Tadvi. While the stated objective is to prevent caste and other forms of discrimination in higher education institutions (HEIs), it is noteworthy that the methods adopted are vague, intrusive, and disproportionate.
Key Provisions of the Regulations
Under the new framework, every HEI is required to establish an Equal Opportunity Centre (EOC) and an Equity Committee with representation from Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, women, and persons with disabilities. Institutions must also constitute mobile “Equity Squads” tasked with maintaining vigilance against discrimination and reporting to the EOC.
All students, faculty members, and staff are mandated to furnish an undertaking at the time of admission, appointment, or renewal, declaring that they will promote equity and refrain from discrimination. The regulations further require institutions to conduct pre-session orientation meetings involving wardens, parents, district administration, and police, and to maintain equity helplines, awareness campaigns, and counselling mechanisms.
The UGC has also vested itself with sweeping enforcement powers. In cases of non-compliance, institutions may be barred from UGC schemes, prohibited from offering degree, open and distance learning (ODL), or online programmes, and even removed from recognition under Sections 2(f) and 12B of the UGC Act.
Vague Definitions & Scope
Opposition to the regulations has focused on the definitions of “discrimination” and “equity” contained in the gazette. Discrimination is defined to include explicit as well as implicit acts on grounds such as religion, caste, gender, race, disability, or place of birth. The inclusion of “implicit” discrimination renders the term subjective and open-ended, allowing intent to be inferred without clear evidentiary standards.
Image Source: Meh Harshil on X
Similarly, “equity” is defined as a “level playing field” for all stakeholders with respect to entitlements and opportunities. One wonders how such a concept would be operationalised, warning that the language borrows heavily from ideological frameworks without laying down objective criteria or safeguards.
Image Source: Meh Harshil on X
Compelled Speech and Surveillance
Clause 7(a), which mandates undertakings from all campus stakeholders to promote equity, has drawn particular criticism. Equity is a contested political concept and that compelling individuals to affirm adherence amounts to ideological compliance rather than behavioural regulation, raising concerns over freedom of thought and expression.
The provisions mandating Equity Squads and designated “Equity Ambassadors” in every department have been described as creating a culture of constant monitoring and peer reporting. Campuses could turn into zones of suspicion, with no clear due-process safeguards outlined for how complaints or reports by these bodies would be assessed.
Image Source: Meh Harshil on X
Another contentious clause requires Equal Opportunity Centres to coordinate with civil society organisations, local media, district administration, police, and non-governmental organisations.
Image Source: Meh Harshil on X
This opens the door for external political actors and law-enforcement agencies to enter academic spaces, eroding the principle of universities as self-regulating knowledge institutions.
The penalty structure under the regulations is also problematic
Image Source: Meh Harshil on X
Even procedural non-compliance could invite severe sanctions, with no graded or proportional penalty mechanism specified. Such powers could be exercised selectively, threatening the very survival of institutions rather than correcting specific lapses.
While the Supreme Court had asked the UGC to strengthen anti-discrimination safeguards, the court did not mandate the expansive definitions, compulsory undertakings, or enforcement mechanisms now introduced. It is argued that the ministry could have drafted a narrower, rights-based framework instead of one centred on compliance and control.
On 22 December 2025, actor-turned-politician Vijay hosted the “Samathuva Christmas” (Equality Christmas) for his followers and party cadre – a highly publicised event just before the Christmas festival. He was seen sharing the stage with Christian religious heads, preachers, pastors, and celebrating the festival with children and adults alike.
TVK chief Vijay hosts grand Christmas event in Mahabalipuram
Less than a month later, it is time for Pongal festival, but apart from wishing his followers for the festival and spreading the Christian missionary and Dravidianist agenda that projects Pongal as the Tamil New Year – a lie that has no truth to it, he did not even celebrate the festival with his followers or the TVK cadre.
For a leader who claims to stand for Tamil identity, the way he treated these two festivals says a lot about the important he gives for Tamil Hindu culture and what really matters to him.
Christmas vs Pongal
As mentioned above, Vijay happily fronted TVK’s “Samathuva” Christmas events in Mamallapuram, greeting crowds, cutting cakes and posing for carefully curated social‑media visuals that framed him as an inclusive, modern leader.
The same Vijay then told the CBI he needed to return to Tamil Nadu for Pongal programmes, leading the agency to postpone its second round of Karur‑stampede questioning from immediately after his first appearance to 19 January 2026.
His Pongal content was limited to greetings, with no comparable public engagement.
Having invoked Pongal to secure that breathing space, his failure to be visibly present in a comparable way for the festival – at a time when even the Prime Minister chose to be seen at a Pongal celebration in Delhi with Tamil film celebrities – naturally invites scrutiny.
It may be normal for the CBI to postpone questioning. But if Pongal is given as the reason, people will expect the leader to visibly take part in Pongal celebrations.
A Party For Tamils Or Just Optics?
TVK, as espoused by Vijay, is supposedly being built on a plank of Tamil identity, linguistic pride and a promise of “different” politics. For such a formation, Pongal is not just another holiday; it is a political stage as important as any public rally.
When the Prime Minister is seen presiding over Pongal festivities in the capital, the absence of the self‑declared “future CM” from any equivalent cultural engagement is revealing.
Or is his religious beliefs preventing him from celebrating since Pongal is a Tamil Hindu festival dedicated to worshipping the Sun God?
Netizens pointing out that Vijay could find time and comfort to celebrate Christmas, but not Pongal after specifically citing it to the CBI, are not nit‑picking; they are calling out what appears, at best, as casual planning and, at worst, as religious fundamentalism.
Vijay has given his critics all the ammunition they need – that he will do anything to escape responsibility and celebrate what suits him as a Christian.
Subscribe to our channels on Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram and get the best stories of the day delivered to you personally.
Just as the news of the gold theft in Sabarimala dies down, the temple is back in the news. This time, after a Devaswom Vigilance team arrested two temporary employees of the Sabarimala Lord Ayyappa Temple in connection with an alleged theft from the temple hundi, raising serious concerns over internal security and monitoring at one of Kerala’s most sacred shrines.
The accused have been identified as Sunil G Nair (51) and Gopakumar MG (51), both natives of Alappuzha district. They were taken into custody on Wednesday and later remanded to judicial custody.
The theft came to light during a routine vigilance inspection conducted on Tuesday, 13 January 2026, around 1 PM at the Sabarimala sannidhanam. Officials intercepted the two men as they were leaving after completing their duty at the hundi collection point. During the inspection, vigilance officers noticed suspicious behaviour and discovered that the accused were attempting to smuggle out currency notes by concealing them inside their mouths.
Following this, a detailed search was conducted, leading to the recovery of both Indian and foreign currency from their possession. According to Sannidhanam Sub-Inspector Vishnu V, the discovery of currency hidden in their mouths prompted a deeper probe, which revealed a far larger cache.
From Sunil G Nair, officials recovered a €20 note, a Canadian $5 note, and a UAE 50-dirham note during the initial interception. A subsequent search of his accommodation yielded a significant haul, including fifty ₹500 notes, multiple euro-denominated notes (€10, €20, and €50), Myanmar kyat notes, UAE 100-dirham notes, and Omani currency.
From Gopakumar MG, vigilance officials initially recovered Malaysian ringgit notes and a ₹500 note. A search of his bag later led to the seizure of 27 ₹500 notes, additional Indian currency in smaller denominations, Singapore $50 notes, Myanmar kyat notes, UAE dirham notes, a Malaysian ringgit note, and a gold-coloured locket weighing approximately two grams.
After completing the seizures and documentation, the Travancore Devaswom Vigilance officials handed over both accused and the recovered materials to the Sannidhanam police. The duo was produced before the court and remanded to judicial custody.
Self-described “historian” Ruchika Sharma, who is often seen applying makeup on her YouTube videos while ‘explaining history’, has triggered sharp criticism during her appearance at The Debate 2026, organised by the Calcutta Debating Circle, after making sweeping and historically untenable claims about Hindu traditions while arguing for the motion “Hinduism Needs Protection From Hindutva.”
The event featured speakers opposing the motion, including Swapan Dasgupta, Sudhanshu Trivedi, Agnimitra Paul, and J Sai Deepak, while Sharma spoke in support of the motion alongside Mahua Moitra, Mani Shankar Aiyar, and Ashutosh. The discussion was moderated by Prasenjit K Basu and Mridula Mukherjee.
During her intervention, Sharma argued that Hinduism is inherently pluralistic and accused proponents of Hindutva of misunderstanding its historical formation. While citing texts such as Dabistan-i Mazahib and Kitab al-Hind, she claimed Hindu traditions evolved primarily through the assimilation of local cults and external influences, including Buddhism, Jainism, Sufism, and Christianity. She said, “Two travellers who come over here say, yes, the word is “Indu”. But everyone defines their territory by their own words. Starting from the 7th century, the term itself is pluralistic. A 16th‑century work – and before that Al‑Biruni. The 16th‑century work being Dabistan‑i Mazahib, and before that Al‑Biruni’s, of course, Kitab al‑Hind. Both of which say that Hinduism in itself, or the religion of the non‑Muslims of Hind, is in a sense pluralistic. It is not defined by a single framework. And this is my problem with the opposition. They do not know how Hinduism has been formed. It has been formed by the worship of the likes of the goddess Pampa. Pampa was a local cult deity, assimilated into the Shaiva fold as a form of Shakti. By the worship of Jagannath, again a local cult deity, assimilated into Vaishnavism. By the likes of the worship of Krishna, whose assimilation with a local cowherd deity called Gopal made him extremely popular. But it also included the worship of a very fantastic personality called Pir Baba Haji Ratan Nath – a Nathpanthi and a Sufi saint. His shrine is still there in Peshawar, dedicated to Shiv, outside his Pir Baba’s, mazar. He is the Haji Ratan Nath of the same Nathpanthis of which Adityanath, the Chief Minister of UP, boasts himself to be from. It is extremely sad that from there we have come to this. And it is absolutely interesting that Hinduism took from Mahayana Buddhism the art of temple‑making, the art of idol‑making. From Jainism, the concepts of Ashtadikpala, the eight guardian deities of the temple. William Sleeman in 1849, when he is going through Bahraich, says, “Hindus and Muslims revered the shrine of Syed Salar.” Neither of them required their religion to be changed. They could just worship whoever they wanted to worship.”
In the course of her remarks, Sharma made the assertion that “Mariamma was, of course, the Christian Mary,” presenting it as evidence of Hinduism’s absorptive character. She further stated that colonial definitions of Hinduism as “non-Muslim” and “non-Christian” were later adopted wholesale by Hindutva ideologues. She said, “Mariamma was, of course, the Christian Mary. Interestingly, all of this was rubbished when the British came into being. I am glad Mr Deepak said that Hindutva was born here because colonialism was born here. Yes, Hindutva takes a lot from colonialism – most of all, its definition of Hindus. When the English came here, they defined Hinduism negatively, not positively – not as how I am defining it, as a pluralist entity. They defined it as non‑Muslim, non‑Christian. And that is exactly how Hindutva also defines Hinduism.”
This specific claim has drawn strong backlash from scholars and historians familiar with Tamil religious history, who say it reflects a fundamental ignorance of linguistic, cultural, and historical evidence. The Tamil word “Mari” denotes rain, and Mariyamman is a rain and fertility goddess deeply rooted in Tamil folk-Shaiva traditions. Far from being derived from Christianity, Mariyamman worship predates colonial contact by centuries and is integrally linked in Tamil oral and temple traditions to Renuka Devi, the mother of Parashurama.
Major Mariyamman temples such as Samayapuram and Punnainallur are attested well before European missionary activity, with continuity traceable to the Chola period and earlier. Equating Mariyamman with Mary is a colonial-era projection that sought to reinterpret indigenous deities through a Christian lens, rather than an authentic reflection of Tamil religious development.
Historians have also criticised Sharma for making such claims without engaging with Tamil literary sources, epigraphy, temple histories, or ethnographic scholarship. They argue that presenting colonial misreadings as historical fact, while accusing others of ignorance, undermines serious academic discussion and reduces complex indigenous traditions to convenient ideological tropes.
“Mariyamma was Mary” — this claim is not just incorrect, it reflects a complete ignorance of Tamil history, linguistics, and religious continuity.
The word “Mari” in Tamil means rain. The deity worshipped for rain, fertility, and protection from epidemics is Mariyamman — Amman… https://t.co/dJhPUpNsEq