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Christutva Politics: Tamil Nadu Priests And Pastors Turn Churches Into DMK’s Campaign Vehicle

DMK’s Biggest Lie? While Accusing BJP, Its Backers Turn Churches Into Campaign Offices

Three days before Tamil Nadu goes to the polls on 23 April 2026, a damning question hangs over the Dravidian political establishment: If DMK has spent years accusing the BJP of weaponising religion, why are Tamil Nadu’s Catholic bishops handing out anti-BJP vote pamphlets inside churches during Sunday Mass?

The answer, documented in black and white or rather, in stark red print exposes a political hypocrisy that the state’s ruling party can no longer paper over.

The Pamphlet That Said It All

The Tamil Nadu Bishops’ Council (TNBC), along with the Christian Livelihood Movement Tamil Nadu, the United Christian Federation, and Kanyakumari district representatives, circulated pamphlets explicitly targeting the BJP-AIADMK alliance and urging parishioners to vote for the DMK-led Secular Progressive Alliance. The pamphlets, distributed during Sunday prayers at churches across Tamil Nadu, were published under the banner of organisations including Tamil Nadu Ayar Peravai, Krisdhavar Vaazhvurimai Iyakkam, and Krisdhavar Jakiya Peravai, Kanyakumari District.

The document pulls no punches. On the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance, the pamphlet catalogues a litany of attacks: “There’s nothing wrong with singing Vande Mataram. But viewing the land of India as Durga, Lakshmi, or Saraswati and worshipping it may be a belief within Hinduism. That, however, cannot be imposed on people of other religions.” – essentially accusing the BJP of imposing Hindu religious practices on non-Hindus. It charges the BJP with renaming Gandhi’s 100-day employment scheme after Hindu deity Ram, of attacking Christian worship sites, and of enabling RSS-affiliated organisations to receive foreign funds while denying the same to Christian and Muslim bodies.

Among the key lines highlighted:

The pamphlet claims that “in the upcoming 2026 elections, we must decisively defeat forces that threaten minorities and democratic values.”

It further alleges that “policies and actions linked to the BJP have created fear among minorities, weakened federalism, and undermined social harmony.”

In contrast, it suggests support for parties aligned with what it describes as “secular and inclusive governance,” widely interpreted as a reference to the DMK-led alliance.

The document also lists policy criticisms, including language on education, centralisation, NEET, and alleged discrimination against minorities, framing these as reasons for electoral choice.

The pamphlet then explicitly demands votes against this alliance, stating that parties must be evaluated based on their policies and actions toward minorities – a directive issued not from a political party office but from church pulpits.

The Blowback: Christian Community Turns on TNBC

The reaction from within the Christian community itself was swift and damning. Office-bearers of the Tamil Thesiya Christian Iyakam demanded a formal explanation from the TNBC, condemning the council’s decision to turn sacred spaces into campaign venues. Senior priests, including Rev. Fr. Selvaraj, publicly denounced the endorsement, calling it an “embarrassment” to the church.

The backlash grew into a full-scale revolt. Facing mounting internal dissent, legal complaints over the alleged misuse of foreign funds, and public outrage at the naked politicisation of Sunday services, the TNBC was compelled to withdraw its earlier endorsement of the DMK alliance in what political observers are calling a major last-minute setback for the ruling coalition.

DMK’s “Secularism” Exposed

The pamphlet’s own contents deliver the most devastating indictment of DMK’s political positioning. For years, DMK and its ideological ecosystem that also includes TVK leader, a very Christian Joseph Vijay’s nascent party, have relentlessly accused BJP of “bringing religion into politics.” Yet the very groups backing the DMK openly frame their political argument in religious terms. The pamphlet opens by invoking the Biblical verse Luke 2:25 – “Render unto Caesar what is Caesar’s, and unto God what is God’s”, while proceeding to do precisely the opposite.

The document explicitly calls on Christian voters to vote against BJP using the framework of secularism, invoking it as a theological and political obligation in the same breath. On the ruling DMK government’s record, the pamphlet praises welfare schemes but concedes, “we do not have zero complaints against the DMK government”. It lists unfulfilled promises to minority-run educational institutions and unresolved demands from Christian minority bodies. Yet despite these admissions, the conclusion is unambiguous: vote DMK.

Who Is Really Mixing Faith and Politics?

The pamphlet’s section on Dravidian ideology is particularly revealing. It traces the political genealogy of Dravidianism back to its Christian intellectual roots – acknowledging that it was Christian scholars who propagated Dravidian ideology before Periyar. The document records that as early as 1816, Robert Caldwell identified Tamil as independent from Sanskrit; that Periyar’s Self-Respect Movement of 1925 was itself built on ideas first circulated by Christian reformers; and that figures like Vallalar, Ayya Vaikundar, and Manonmaniam Sundarampillai advanced Dravidian thought within a framework that the church now openly claims as its own political legacy.

This is not coincidence – it is a coordinated ideological project.

The political alignment was explicit, institutionalised, and coordinated. DMK’s loudest accusation against BJP, that saffron politics weaponises religion, now stands reflected back at the party in the form of red-ink pamphlets handed out at Sunday Mass.

The irony is complete. The party that built its identity on secularism enters polling day on 23 April 2026, with its most visible endorsement coming not from trade unions or farmers’ bodies, but from bishops who quoted scripture to justify their ballot choice and then retracted when the cameras turned.

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Christutva Politics: “Secular” TVK’s Joseph Vijay Kneels And Crawls At Trichy Church To Appease Christian Voters

In a calculated and somewhat theatrical display of faith just days before the Tamil Nadu Assembly elections on April 23, 2026, Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) founder C. Joseph Vijay visited St. Antony’s Church on Wireless Road in Trichy and was captured kneeling deeply before offering prayers — with footage showing him moving forward on his knees in a gesture of intense supplication.

The video, which quickly went viral, has drawn sharp criticism as a blatant attempt to woo the Christian votebank in Trichy East, the constituency where the actor-turned-politician is contesting.

Vijay, who officially filed his nomination as C. Joseph Vijay, made the church his first stop during his Trichy campaign itinerary. The optics of the “secular” leader — who positions TVK as a champion of social justice and inclusivity — crawling on his knees inside a church have raised eyebrows, with many viewing it as desperate minority appeasement rather than genuine personal devotion. Trichy East has a substantial Christian population.

While Vijay’s party claims to stand for “true secularism,” his decision to contest from Trichy East and Perambur — both constituencies with notable Christian influence — alongside prominently using his full Christian name “Joseph Vijay” on nomination papers, suggests a targeted strategy to siphon minority votes traditionally loyal to the DMK-led alliance.

DMK leaders, including Trichy East MLA Inigo Irudayaraj (a Christian evangelist with deep church connections), have slammed the move as a “photo-op.” They question why Vijay has suddenly amplified his Christian identity during elections while remaining largely silent on attacks against Christians in BJP-ruled states. “Why did he suddenly become Joseph Vijay now? Wasn’t he just Vijay all these years?” Irudayaraj reportedly asked, accusing TVK of acting as a soft disruptor that could indirectly benefit other forces by splitting the secular vote.This comes at a time when the Christian community is already witnessing internal turmoil. The Tamil Nadu Bishops’ Council (TNBC) reportedly withdrew its earlier support for the DMK alliance amid public backlash and a formal Election Commission complaint over politically charged pamphlets distributed in churches.

Christians, along with Muslims, form nearly 15% of Tamil Nadu’s electorate and have historically backed Dravidian parties emphasizing secularism.

Vijay’s entry has complicated this equation. His personal Christian background and energetic outreach — including large crowds at events where supporters wave placards featuring Jesus alongside him — are clearly aimed at fracturing this traditional base. However, many within the community remain sceptical, viewing the Trichy church episode as Vijay doing Christhutva politics.

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Tamil Nadu Bishop’s Council Withdraws Its Support For DMK Alliance, Are Catholic Going The Joseph Vijay Way?

In a major setback for the DMK-led Secular Progressive Alliance just days before the Tamil Nadu Assembly elections on April 23, 2026, the Tamil Nadu Bishops’ Council (TNBC), a Catholic body has withdrawn its earlier endorsement of the alliance, according to strong claims from opposition leaders and widespread social media reports. The move comes amid intense public backlash, internal Christian community dissent, and fresh legal complaints highlighting the politicisation of religious institutions and alleged misuse of foreign funds.

The office-bearers of the Tamil Thesiya Christian Iyakam demanded an explanation from the TNBC over distribution of pamphlets among parish members soliciting votes for the DMK alliance.

The TNBC and associated Christian forums had earlier extended explicit support to the DMK alliance, praising its secular stance, welfare schemes, and opposition to the delimitation bill and proposed FCRA amendments. Senior church representatives, including a delegation led by Archbishop Dr. George Anthonysamy, had met Chief Minister M.K. Stalin to express gratitude and discuss issues such as exemptions for minority-aided schools, extension of welfare benefits, political reservation for Dalit Christians, and MBC status for Christian Vanniyars.

The withdrawal follows days of mounting pressure. Earlier this week, the TNBC and associated Christian forums had extended explicit support to the DMK alliance, praising its secular stance and welfare schemes while meeting Chief Minister M.K. Stalin. However, the decision triggered immediate criticism from within the community, with groups like the Tamil Thesiya Christian Iyakam questioning whether a formal resolution was even passed at the April 11 meeting.

Christian voters, concentrated in key districts like Thoothukudi, Tirunelveli, Chennai, Trichy East, have voted en-bloc to the DMK. The reported withdrawal could weaken the DMK alliance’s minority consolidation efforts with Joseph Vijay’s party TVK, a Catholic himself, is contesting.

Vijay, who identifies as Joseph Vijay and is a Christian, has actively courted the community, with reports of large crowds at his events, including women carrying placards featuring both Jesus and Vijay. Christians and Muslims, who together form nearly 15% of the electorate and traditionally backed the DMK-led alliance in 2021, are now seen as a contested bloc in the four-cornered contest.

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Fearmongering 100%, Solution 0% – PTR Wants Freeze On Delimitation To Continue, Offers No Proper Solution

ptr madurai palanivel thiagarajan

In a televised interview with Rajdeep Sardesai on the proposed delimitation bill, senior DMK leader PTR Palanivel Thiagarajan (PTR) delivered one of the most rhetorically aggressive attacks yet on the central government’s move. But strip away the volume and you are left with a pattern: exaggerated doomsday language, open distrust of national institutions, and a deliberate sharpening of north–south fault lines.

From Policy Disagreement to “New India” and a “Slap” at the Union

PTR does not confine himself to specific objections about the text of the bill. He repeatedly elevates a legislative proposal into a civilisational rupture:

“As far as I am concerned as a citizen of India, this is beyond the pale to the extent that this is a new India today after the introduction of this bill and it was a different India before the introduction of this bill.”

“This has been the greatest insult and the greatest slap to the notion of a union of states, federal society that was envisioned by the constitutional fathers…”

“…it is going to breach the trust that had been built over 70–75 years.”

A bill that has not even completed parliamentary scrutiny is described as “the greatest insult” to the Union since Independence and as having already “transformed” India into a different country. That is not sober constitutional critique; it is political theatre designed to maximise grievance.

Invoking Anti‑Hindi Agitations as a Template for Consequences

Asked about Chief Minister M.K. Stalin’s warning that the “price” for ignoring Tamil Nadu’s voice would be “heavy,” PTR explicitly cites the violent anti‑Hindi agitations as the reference point: “He is explicitly saying look what happened to Tamil Nadu to the union to India when you try to impose Hindi on us once in the 60s… you see what resulted it was complete breakdown of the social structure and order… this is something that we are not going to take lying down.”

Instead of distancing himself from the spectre of past unrest, PTR holds it up as “evidence of what it means in practice.” That is not a call for democratic negotiation; it is a reminder that attempts at central policy change in the south can end in “complete breakdown of social structure and order.” The undertone is clear: push this bill and be prepared for serious social strife.

“Balkanisation” as a “100%” Legitimate Fear

When Sardesai puts to him the accusation that talk of a north–south split is fearmongering, PTR embraces the most extreme framing:

Question: “Are those consequences that you fear that India will get Balkanized, north–south divide? Is that fearmongering or do you believe that is a genuine fear that this bill has raised?”

PTR: “100%. No, no, no. I 100% agree…”

A state minister saying on national television that he “100%” agrees with the idea that India risks “Balkanisation” over a bill still being debated is extraordinary. He does not present it as a danger to be averted, but as a legitimate outcome that the bill has already set in motion: “We are already in a different India today than we were 2 days ago… it is a wound to the integrity… a stain on the fabric of the unity in India already.” This is textbook escalation – normal policy disagreement recast as an existential north–south fracture.

Legislatures as “Rubber Stamps”, Rule of Law “No Longer Exists”

PTR’s contempt is not limited to the bill or the current government. He generalises it to Parliament and state legislatures themselves:

“First at this point the legislatures are mere rubber stamps for the executive anyway.”

“What is the point of a legislature when bills such as this can get passed on 24 hours, 48 hours? How does it matter how many legislators you have?”

“We don’t live in a country which follows the rule of law or the procedure code of the parliament or the legislatures anymore. Let’s be clear.”

These are sweeping indictments of the constitutional order, not targeted criticisms of one party’s behaviour. A sitting minister declaring that India no longer follows “the rule of law” and that legislatures are pointless “rubber stamps” erodes public trust in every democratic institution including the very Assembly in which he sits. It is difficult to miss the contradiction: he demands more debate and process from institutions he simultaneously describes as useless and lawless.

Blanket Distrust of Constitutional Offices

PTR goes further and attacks the impartiality of specific presiding officers:

“I can’t believe that the Speaker and the Chairman/Vice Chairman of the Rajya Sabha rejected the impeachment motion without even considering it when it was signed by the right number of MPs.”

“I don’t believe and trust this government to do or this parliament [to] do anything.”

These are not narrowly framed legal criticisms; they allege that constitutional office‑holders flouted procedure and that Parliament as a whole cannot be trusted. No evidence is offered on air, no nuance is attempted. Once again, the message to viewers is stark: the system is rigged, the rules are not followed, and nothing that comes out of Delhi can be taken at face value.

A One‑Sided “Union of States”

PTR insists that the bill is a “slap” on the “union of states” and repeatedly claims southern states are being “punished” for implementing family planning and contributing to national growth. Yet when asked to consider any formula that might reconcile population and performance  such as a 50-50 mix of population and GSDP suggested by Telangana’s CM – he falls back to a single demand: extend the freeze for another 25–30 years.

He calls this a “clean and elegant solution” because “any other solution is going to be much more complicated than that,” and openly downplays the problem of unequal citizen representation: “I think it is not such a big deal if there is a disproportional representation by the number of citizens per MLA or MP.”

In other words, he is comfortable with one citizen’s vote in a southern constituency being worth significantly more than a citizen’s vote in a high‑growth northern state while simultaneously accusing the Centre of punishing the south. The rhetoric of “union of states” is thus selectively deployed: parity for the south, but permanent structural under‑representation for large northern electorates.

Everything Is a “Dictatorship”

Any move by the government that PTR dislikes is quickly labelled authoritarian:

“This is a complete dictatorial, you know, my way or the highway approach.”

On the CEC appointment law: “This dictatorial tendency is not make believe… It has been seen in practice.”

On the current bill: “Here we have a deeply flawed bill that doesn’t commit anything at all. It says that we will decide to do whatever we do whenever we do and you cannot challenge it in court.”

The word “dictatorial” appears as a catch‑all descriptor, lumping together very different issues: appointment laws, special sessions of Parliament, delimitation clauses. Used this loosely, “dictatorship” stops being a meaningful warning and becomes a partisan slogan – one that cheapens the term and makes it harder to distinguish genuine authoritarian excess from ordinary legislative hardball.

North–South Politics as a Campaign Strategy

Crucially, all of this is happening just a few days prior to the elections in Tamil Nadu. PTR claims outrage at the timing of the bill – “Two days’ notice, in the middle of state elections… it couldn’t be more grotesquely wrong” but then leans fully into exactly the emotive Tamil‑versus‑Delhi narrative he accuses the Centre of enabling. “Black day,” “every house will fly a black flag,” “self‑respecting Tamil,” “heavy price” – the vocabulary is carefully chosen to inflame sentiment in one region against the Union government as such, not just against a specific policy.

Last but not the least, PTR does not fail to boast about his credentials, his experience outside of India, even in this 18 minute interview while pooh-poohing on Rajdeep Sardesai every now and then.

PTR could have made a narrow, technocratic case against the delimitation bill: lack of detail, need for consultation, potential distortions in seat allocation. Instead, he chose maximalist language: dictatorship, rubber‑stamp legislatures, dead rule of law, Balkanisation, and a “new India” wounded at its very core while not forgetting to blow his own trumpet and belittling the person sitting across him. For a sitting minister in a key southern state, that is not just opposition. It is a deliberate strategy to deepen distrust between regions and between citizens and their own democratic institutions.

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Premalatha, The Hamza Inside DMK Camp

Back to back statements by DMDK head Premalatha makes one wonder whether she is truly an ally of the DMK or is she a ‘Hamza Ali Mazhari’ sent to the I.N.D.I Alliance camp to decimate them.

Let us examine the ‘evidence’ for this one by one.

“Sexual Violence, Drug Culture Everywhere, Only One Charge Against Stalin Govt, Nothing Else”

A few days ago, addressing a public gathering especially for women, Premalatha said that across Tamil Nadu there was only one major allegation being raised against “Anna,” referring to Chief Minister M.K. Stalin. She made the remarks in a women-centric meeting, stating that incidents of sexual violence and the prevalence of drug culture were being reported widely across the state.

She said, “Our father Mahatma Gandhi said that true independence is the day when a woman can walk alone even at midnight without fear. Today, similarly across Tamil Nadu, there is only one single allegation against Anna (Stalin). And I am saying this right here at this women’s gathering, wherever you look, there is sexual violence and drug culture. Other than this, what else can be said against this government? Nothing else can be said against this government.”

 

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Here, instead of hiding the failures of the Stalin government, she has pointed out the exact reason for not voting for them.

“GST Being Repaid Respectfully, Same Tax Money Being Returned To Us”

In what comes across as discreetly injecting truth amidst other praises, Premalatha once again indicated that the money being given to women in Tamil Nadu is what the state receives as GST refund.

In the same address, she said, “In this massive gathering of women, I want to say this: the monthly assistance of ₹1,000 that was being given will now be increased to ₹2,000. This assurance has been given to all women. Even today, it is very difficult to provide a salary of ₹2,000 every month. But when the government gives ₹2,000 per month, thinking of every woman as a sister and a mother, it is not an ordinary matter, it is something truly significant. Some people say this is just returning taxpayers’ money. That is one argument. But I do not disagree. India and especially Tamil Nadu still has many people living below the poverty line. When developed and powerful countries like the United States and the United Kingdom provide such welfare benefits and assistance, why should Tamil Nadu not do the same? Similarly, we are paying GST today, and the rightful share is being returned to us with dignity. That is why women are saying that the tax they pay is being respectfully returned to them and that our leader Stalin is giving ₹2,000 every month as a rightful entitlement. This is indeed a great initiative.”

“Will Light Deepam At Thirupparankundram”

Speaking at Thirupparankundram canvassing for DMK candidate Krithika Thangapandi, she said, “They are only talking about lighting the lamp (Deepam) at Thiruparankundram, but today, nobody is speaking about what needs to be done to improve the quality of life of the people of this constituency. That is why, only when the people here are doing well will the constituency be doing well. Therefore, with the grace of Lord Murugan, the lamp (Deepam) will certainly be lit, and the lives of the people living here will also be uplifted. Not only that, Krithika Thangapandian will light a lamp in the lives of these people, will bring light (Oli) into their lives – this I say at this moment.”

Looking at all these together, it definitely feels as if Premalatha is canvassing for the NDA rather than the DMK, or is it due to a force of habit?

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Lenskart Founder Peyush Bansal’s Wife Nidhi Mittal, A Kejri Fan, Deactivates Her X Account After Old Posts Targeting Hindu Orgs And PM Modi Goes Viral

The X (formerly Twitter) account of Nidhi Mittal Bansal, wife of Lenskart founder and CEO Peyush Bansal and Chairperson of the Lenskart Foundation, has been deactivated following the resurfacing of her old tweets from 2013–2015 that targeted Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the BJP, and certain Hindu organisations.

According to OpIndia, The account, previously @nidhimittal13
, became inaccessible within hours as screenshots of the posts went viral on social media, sparking widespread backlash. According to reports, the tweets showed Nidhi Mittal Bansal expressing support for the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) during Delhi elections, using hashtags such as #vote4mufflerman and #DelhiDecides.

They included sharp criticism of the BJP, the Hindu Mahasabha, and other Hindu groups, along with disparaging references to the party and at least one allusive remark insulting Lord Ram.

Credits: OpIndia

The timing of the deactivation has drawn significant attention, coming just days after Lenskart faced intense public scrutiny over an alleged internal “Staff Uniform and Grooming Guide” dated February 2, 2026. The 23-page document reportedly restricted visible Hindu religious symbols for employees — such as bindi, tilak, and kalava (sacred thread) — while explicitly permitting hijab (in black) and turban under specified conditions. It also suggested that sindoor, if worn, should be applied sparingly.

Peyush Bansal initially described the viral document as “inaccurate” and not reflective of current company policy. However, a Community Note on X highlighted that it bore a February 2026 date and official branding. In a follow-up post on April 15, Bansal acknowledged it as a real but “outdated internal training document,” admitted the restrictive language “should never have been written,” and claimed the offending line was removed on February 17. He apologised for the confusion and stated unequivocally: “Lenskart does not and will never restrict any form of respectful religious expression. This includes bindi, tilak, or any such symbols of faith.” Despite the clarification, some employees and users have claimed that similar restrictions continued in internal audits as recently as March 2026.

Netizens have connected the resurfaced tweets of Nidhi Mittal Bansal to the ongoing Lenskart controversy, suggesting a deeper cultural or ideological pattern within the company’s leadership. Multiple X posts shared screenshots of her old messages alongside the grooming policy debate, amplifying calls for accountability. Some users described the couple’s positions as reflective of an “anti-Hindu agenda,” while others questioned whether the account deactivation was a damage-control measure.

Nidhi Mittal Bansal, who has a background in media and marketing, has not issued any public statement following the deactivation. Peyush Bansal, best known as a judge on Shark Tank India and the driving force behind Lenskart’s growth into a major eyewear retailer, has also remained silent on his wife’s past posts.

Book Review: Śakti And Kṣātra By Geetha Ganapathy – When A Story Becomes A Spiritual Experience

Book Review: Śakti And Kṣātra By Geetha Ganapathy - When A Story Becomes A Spiritual Experience

This review is as much about the journey of the book, Śakti and Kṣātra, as the book itself. I always believe in a certain providence. Some books are found and some find you. This book was referred by a great friend (who is an accomplished author herself) and I couldn’t say no to the book. Once ordered, I waited patiently as the same took sometime to reach. Through some delays, it landed exactly on the day we celebrate Vishu (Solar New Year). The size of the book doesn’t justify the richness of the content embedded within.

Stories are a powerful medium to convey philosophies and thought schools. As the author also quoted about the stratagem of our ancestors in promulgating the wisdom of vedas through Puranas and Itihasas, this book adopts a similar path where the importance of Devi Sadhana is explained in a very simple and effective way through the story of 4 friends. I was reading this book during my drive to office and was moved at a certain stage when out of the blue Mahishasura Mardini started playing in my playlist. Was this a providence or happy coincidence or a different sign? I may never know.

Quite fittingly, the book opens up with the famous verse from Brhadarnyaka Upanishad ॐ पूर्णमदः पूर्णमिदं … One of the highlights of the book are the expertly placed monochrome pictures of certain places and events, completely in line with the flow of the story. As the reader travels along with the narratives of the 4 friends, they transform into a live audience through these beautiful illustrations. The story is the journey of 4 friends, 3 of whom are battling some of their own issues and the arrival of the 4th one i.e. Rama transforms their lives by bringing Devi into their lives.

I always wondered why the author decided on 4 friends, each of which with a different problems statement. As they transform through their personal evolution, I realised a hidden meaning with their stories. Murali signifies Artha i.e. a purpose in life. Sunil signifies Kama i.e. desire or goal in the form of a house and Balan ultimately transforms into a Devi Upasaka searching for Moksha or liberation. The common thread binding all these 3 and enabling them on their paths is Dharma, wonderfully signified by Rama.

One of the highlights of the book is the interspersed verses from various Puranas and Itihasas. There are many parallels between the Devi or Sakta worship and the principles taught in Srimad Bhagwad Gita. These variations enunciate the premise of Sanatana Dharma i.e. paths could be different, but the goal is always the same.

I really appreciate the simple, but beautiful storytelling by the author. The book is a timely reminder for the general population on why Spirituality is an integral and critical part of everyday life. I recommend this book very highly.

Gee Vee is an engineer and avid fan of itihasas, puranas and books.

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Did Lenskart’s Peyush Bansal Lie About Company’s “No Bindi/Tilak” Policy Being Outdated?

Hijab Allowed, Bindi Barred: Lenskart Policy Sparks Nationwide Outrage; Founder Peyush Bansal Claims 2026 Document ‘Outdated’

When Lenskart founder Peyush Bansal took to X on 15 April 2026 to call the viral grooming document “inaccurate” and “outdated,” he may have expected the controversy to die down.

Instead, it has intensified, with a ground report from an active Delhi store, a document dated the same month he claims to have “fixed” it, and now an activist claiming to possess video audit evidence of an employee being penalised for wearing a bindi as recently as 8 April 2026. The question is no longer whether the policy existed. The question is whether Bansal is telling the truth about when it stopped.

What the Document Says

The 23-page onboarding training document, pages of which have gone viral, contains the following explicit instructions for store-level employees:

  • Bindi, kalawa (sacred Hindu wrist thread), and clutchers are prohibited
  • Sindoor, if worn, must be applied in a very small amount and must not spread across the forehead
  • Hijab and turban are explicitly permitted, provided they are black in colour — the hijab should “moderately cover up to the chest”
  • Coloured gemstone rings are not permitted
Image Source: OpIndia
Image Source: OpIndia

The asymmetry is stark and documented. Hindu religious symbols are either banned outright or subjected to restrictive conditions. Islamic religious attire is not only permitted but accommodated with specific, detailed instructions on colour and style.

Bansal’s Explanation and Why It Does Not Hold

Bansal issued two statements. In the first, on 15 April 2026, he called the document “inaccurate” and said it “does not reflect our present guidelines.” The problem: the document in circulation is dated February 2026. This is not a years-old relic from a different corporate era. It is a document issued to employees eight weeks ago.

On 16 April 2026, Bansal posted a follow-up adding what he called “more context”: “The document currently circulating is an outdated internal training document. It is not an HR policy. That said, it contained an incorrect line about bindi/tilak that should never have been written… When we discovered this on February 17, well before this became a public conversation, we immediately removed it.”

This statement raises more questions than it answers.

First: If Lenskart discovered the “incorrect line” on 17 February 2026 and “immediately removed it,” why does the document in circulation carry a February 2026 date? Was the correction made before or after distribution? If before, how did the uncorrected version reach employees? If after, which employees received which version?

Second: Bansal has not released the “corrected” document. There is no publicly verifiable evidence that a corrected version exists or was distributed. Asking the public to take his word for an internal fix, for a document that affects thousands of employees, is not transparency. It is a claim.

Third: A ground report by OpIndia from a Lenskart store in Delhi, conducted in April 2026, found that store employees are being actively governed by these exact rules. An employee, speaking anonymously, confirmed that staff who come to work wearing a kalawa or bindi are asked to leave for the day. Employees who insist on wearing a kalawa are instructed to hide it inside their sleeve so no customer or colleague can see it. This is not a policy that was “removed.” This is a policy that is operational right now.

When the ground reporter asked the employee how a kalawa makes someone unprofessional, the employee fell silent and could not answer.

The Video Audit Evidence

The controversy has now entered a new phase. Activist and writer Shefali Vaidya, one of the first to widely share the document, has claimed possession of what she describes as “irrefutable proof”: “I have irrefutable proof that Lenskart CEO Peyush Bansal is LYING when he says that the grooming code that says NO Bindi is ‘outdated’. I have proof of a video audit with the date 08/04/2026 where an employee was given a low rating for wearing a bindi. Will share in due course.”

8 April 2026. That is seven days before Bansal’s first public statement. If the video audit evidence is authentic, it places active enforcement of the bindi ban within the same week that Bansal was claiming the policy had already been corrected and was not in use.

Vaidya has also flagged potential regulatory and constitutional dimensions noting that as a publicly listed company, Lenskart is not a private enterprise answerable only to its founder. She has cited a potential Article 15 violation – the constitutional provision prohibiting discrimination on grounds of religion and indicated she is prepared to share the evidence with legal counsel.

The Broader Pattern

In Lenskart’s case, the policy distinction is not subtle. Hijab, a distinctly Islamic religious symbol, is not merely permitted. It is accommodated with precise, written instructions: black colour, chest coverage, prescribed styling. Bindi and kalawa, distinctly Hindu religious symbols, are banned. Sindoor is conditionally permitted, provided it is invisible enough not to be noticed.

A store employee whose only job is talking to customers and selling eyewear is being asked to hide a thread tied around her wrist during a religious ceremony. No one at Lenskart’s headquarters has been able to explain what safety concern a kalawa poses in a retail conversation.

Peyush Bansal claims he built Lenskart as a company for Bharat, by Indians, for Indians. The employees who sell his eyewear in cities and towns across this country carry their faith and culture to work every day. Whether they were allowed to do so openly, or forced to tuck it away, is a question that a press statement cannot answer. Only the documents, the audits, and the testimony of those employees can.

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Three Years On, Mumbai Court Frames Charges Against Armaan Iqbal In IIT-Bombay Student Darshan Solanki Suicide Case

darshan solanki armaan iqbal khatri iit bombay

Three years after IIT-Bombay student Darshan Solanki fell to his death from the seventh floor of his hostel on 12 February 2023, a Sessions Court in Mumbai has finally framed charges against the accused, his batchmate Armaan Iqbal, as reported in Times of India. The trial begins 27 April 2026. And as it does, it is worth examining how a case with a one-line suicide note, no eyewitnesses, and an internal inquiry that found no caste discrimination became one of India’s most prominent “Dalit student atrocity” narratives.

What the Evidence Actually Shows

The prosecution’s primary evidence is a handwritten note found in Solanki’s room that read: “Armaan has killed me”. There is no mention of caste. No mention of discrimination. No mention of religion. A one-line note naming one individual.

The SIT that investigated the case arrested Armaan Iqbal and filed a charge sheet under Section 306 IPC (abetment of suicide) and Section 506 IPC (criminal intimidation). Notably, the SIT itself did not invoke the SC/ST Atrocities Act in its original charge sheet, a significant omission given the public narrative that had already framed the death as a caste atrocity. It was the Sessions Court that added the SC/ST Act charge at the framing stage.

The SIT investigation also found that Solanki and Iqbal had ‘patched up’ their differences before the incident. The conflict between them appeared to be personal, not systemic.

IIT Bombay’s Own Inquiry – No Caste Discrimination

IIT Bombay constituted an internal committee to examine whether institutional caste discrimination played a role. Its finding was unambiguous: no caste discrimination was involved. The committee pointed to academic stress and attendance issues as contributing factors.

This finding was immediately dismissed by activist groups and opposition politicians as a cover-up. That may or may not be true – internal institutional inquiries are not beyond reproach. But it is worth noting that the finding has never been formally contradicted by any independent judicial or regulatory body. The SIT’s own charge sheet, which ran to hundreds of pages, also did not establish systemic caste discrimination as the cause.

How the Narrative Was Built

Within days of Solanki’s death, the case was framed in national media as proof of endemic caste discrimination in IITs – a Dalit student driven to suicide by upper-caste peers. Protest marches were held. Parliamentary questions were raised. The family, understandably grief-stricken, was presented with a ready-made framework for their son’s death.

What received far less coverage: the accused is Arman Iqbal, a Muslim student. The conflict, per the SIT’s own investigation, was between two individuals – not a Dalit student and an upper-caste aggressor, which is the template the caste atrocity narrative requires. The SC/ST Act, designed to address systemic caste oppression by dominant-caste perpetrators, was being applied to an interpersonal conflict between a Dalit student and a Muslim student.

This does not mean Iqbal is innocent – that is for the trial to determine. It means the ideological scaffolding built around this case about ‘institutional Brahminical discrimination’, upper-caste hostility, the IIT as a site of caste violence does not fit the actual facts as established by the investigation.

The SC/ST Act charge is particularly significant legally. The Act’s provisions apply to offences committed on the grounds of caste identity – the prosecution will need to establish that Iqbal targeted Solanki because he was Dalit, not merely that Solanki was Dalit and Iqbal harmed him.

The Broader Pattern

The Darshan Solanki case is not unique in how it was handled. In recent years, a pattern has emerged in high-profile student death cases at premier institutions: the caste narrative is established in media before investigations conclude, activist framing precedes evidence, and any finding that complicates the narrative, like an internal inquiry finding no discrimination, is dismissed as institutional complicity.

This pattern does genuine damage to two things simultaneously. First, it damages the credibility of real caste discrimination cases, which are serious, documented, and widespread in Indian higher education. When a case that does not fit the template is force-fitted into it, and later unravels at trial, it hands ammunition to those who dismiss all such cases as politically motivated.

Second, it can deny justice to the actual victim. If Darshan Solanki’s death resulted from a personal conflict that escalated, as the SIT’s investigation suggests, then his family deserves justice on those terms, not a politically convenient narrative that may ultimately collapse in court.

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DMK Supporting Dravidianists Make Racist Comments Against TVK Vijay Over His Tanned Appearance

A TVK supporter handle shared a video clipping of Joseph Vijay at the manifesto release event captioning it as ‘What brother, you have tanned’.

This is pretty common for politicians especially in Tamil Nadu in the height of campaigning during the summer primarily during elections.

But the DMK supporters and other Dravidianists made a mockery of this sentiment and started making racist comments.

One handle on a Facebook group shared a darkened image of Vijay stating, “Rare African species!”

Then came comments from one of the most abusive handles – DMK supporter ‘Dr’ Aravind Raja who has made casteist slurs against Carnatic singer Sivasri Skandaprasad. He has also made several other derogatory remarks.

He shared a post with a darkened image of Vijay mockingly writing, “Poor brother is going to the field (ground) for us and tanned so much”.

He shared another post later in the day saying “Who is responsible for the tanning? The sun. Whose symbol is the sun? DMK symbol. So… as usual, the evil force DMK must be eradicated.”

It is noteworthy that it was the same DMK that derogated Kamarajar by making a cartoon portraying him as a black.

On 8 February 1957, in Murasoli magazine, Karunanidhi, serving as the chief editor at the time, published a controversial cartoon that depicted a derogatory portrayal. The cartoon featured a black woman undergoing makeup to resemble Kamaraj, with another figure representing Prime Minister Nehru as the makeup artist. The caption accompanying the cartoon read, “The true Tamilian is getting ready for vote hunting.” This portrayal aimed to ridicule Kamaraj for his deliberate decision not to marry. Karunanidhi ridiculed him by likening him to a woman dressed in a saree and wearing a nose pin. This has been widely condemned as one of the most disgraceful instances of mockery in political history, stemming from jealousy over Kamaraj’s effective governance.

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