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Cash Distribution Reportedly By DMK Candidate Senthil Balaji In Coimbatore

Cash Distribution Reportedly By DMK Candidate Senthil Balaji In Coimbatore

A clash broke out between cadres of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam in the Ramanathapuram area of Coimbatore late on Sunday night (19 April 2026), following allegations of cash distribution to voters, as reported in Times of India.

According to initial reports, the confrontation occurred at the 80 Feet Road junction when AIADMK members intercepted a car suspected to be involved in distributing money. Party workers searched the vehicle and allegedly found several voter identity cards, which led to a heated verbal exchange between cadres of the two parties. The situation escalated rapidly as a crowd gathered at the spot. The vehicle was subsequently vandalised, with its windshield shattered during the altercation.

AIADMK supporters also allegedly surrounded and assaulted a few DMK functionaries who arrived at the scene. The tension intensified further when Amman K Arjunan reached the location, accompanied by members of the Bharatiya Janata Party led by district president Ramesh Kumar. Soon after, Senthamil Selvan also arrived, resulting in renewed sloganeering and heightened tensions between rival groups.

Police officials, including Deputy Commissioner G Karthikeyan and personnel from the Ramanathapuram police station, rushed to the scene upon receiving information. When officers attempted to secure the vehicle and rescue its occupants, AIADMK and BJP cadres staged a road blockade demanding immediate action against DMK members over the alleged electoral malpractice. Police later held peace talks and dispersed the crowd.

On Monday, 20 April 2026, both parties lodged formal complaints with the Ramanathapuram police regarding the incident.

Subsequently, Amman K Arjunan met Coimbatore District Collector and District Election Officer Pavankumar G Giriyappanavar and submitted a petition raising concerns over the incident. In the petition, Arjunan alleged that individuals from Karur had entered the constituency to distribute cash to voters and claimed that they were operating with the backing of DMK leader V Senthil Balaji.

The AIADMK candidate further expressed apprehension about potential law and order issues on polling day, stating that there was a likelihood of booth capturing and large-scale irregularities in the Coimbatore South constituency. The petition urged the administration to deploy paramilitary forces at all polling booths to ensure a free and fair election.

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Damage To Rani Mangammal Statue At Madurai Meenakshi Temple Located In PTR’s Constituency And Trustee Board Led by His Mother

Damage To Rani Mangammal Statue At Madurai Meenakshi Temple Located In PTR's Constituency And Trustee Board Led by His Mother

A complaint has been raised regarding damage to a historical sculpture of Rani Mangammal located at the Nagara Mandapam in front of the sanctum at the Meenakshi Amman Temple.

A complaint has been raised regarding damage to a historical sculpture of Rani Mangammal located at the Nagara Mandapam in front of the sanctum at the Meenakshi Amman Temple.The statue of the 17th-century queen-regent, who governed the Madurai kingdom following the deaths of her husband Chokkanatha Nayak and her son Rangakrishna Muthuveerappa Nayak, has reportedly been subjected to damage during recent maintenance or handling by workers. The nature of the damage has been described as insensitive to the cultural and historical significance of the figure.

Rani Mangammal had assumed the responsibility of administering the Madurai kingdom after the demise of her husband and son, serving as regent until her grandson Vijayaranga Chokkanatha came of age.

Visuals of the damaged sculpture were shared on social media, drawing concern and criticism from several quarters.

An activist and devout Hindu, Ramakrishnan stated that he has formally taken up the matter with temple authorities, urging immediate restoration and better preservation measures. In parallel, a representation has also been sent via email to the temple administration, seeking protection of the statue and accountability for the reported mishandling.

This is the condition of the temple that is under the ‘watch’ of incumbent Madurai Central DMK MLA PTR Palanivel Thiagarajan who was also a Minister in the DMK govt.

In addition to this, his mother Rukmani Palanivel Rajan serves as the Chairperson of the temple’s board of trustees. Before that, she had served as a trustee of the Meenakshi Amman Temple between 2006 and 2011.

Under his watch as Madurai Central MLA, and with his mother heading the temple board, a priceless 17th-century sculpture of Rani Mangammal has been damaged through sheer negligence. All his chest-thumping claims of efficiency and cultural pride stand exposed as empty rhetoric. A leader who cannot protect the living legacy of Tamil Nadu’s own queen-regent has no right to lecture others on administration. PTR stands unfit for the responsibility he so eagerly claims.

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‘How Can A Driver’s Son Become MLA, Overnight?’ Radical Leftist DMK Stooge Prakash Raj’s Questions TVK Vijay’s Candidate Selection, Faces Backlash For His Elitist Attitude

'How Can A Driver's Son Become MLA, Overnight?' DMK Supporter Prakash Raj Questions TVK Vijay's Candidate Selection, Exposes Class Bias

Radical leftist and DMK supporter Prakash Raj has once again found himself in a foot-in-mouth situation for the remarks he made recently.

Speaking to DMK mouthpiece Sun News in an interview with its Editor-in-Chief M. Gunasekaran, he spoke about how he things the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam is a ‘Cinema model’

He said, “Vijay has made his entry now. That is a cinema model. I am not saying Vijay should not come. But what I am asking may be a little uncomfortable for his fans. My question is this: you are an actor. How many years of training and effort did it take for you to reach this place? You have influence. You have a huge following among the people. How are you using it? I am asking that question. You cannot say I should not ask it. He is my friend. I am also an actor. They have accepted me as a villain, they have accepted me with affection too. But I have never used that popularity for politics. Never. You may think I am using my popularity too. But what I mean is this: if you dance, maybe you have trained for years. Vijay in his first or second film is different from Vijay the superstar today. That difference is 25 years. For 25 years, you keep learning acting, learning skills, even learning things like horse-riding, and growing. Can you suddenly become Chief Minister just because of that? What confidence can you give me? That is what I am asking. What confidence are you giving me? In this cinema model, over the past ten years, whether it was Thoothukudi or any other issue, when something happened, when a language issue came up, when our state’s rights were affected, did you speak? You say, ‘I am leaving everything and coming.’ To me that sounds like a statement, not a commitment. Why does it feel like that? If Gandhi had said he was leaving everything, I can believe it. Because he did leave everything. He suffered. He was beaten. He stood firm. History still remembers that. So many leaders gave up everything, were beaten, went to jail, stood in opposition, fought, and that is why this country has developed this far. So how can I suddenly believe this? His fans may not understand this, but what I am asking is not out of hatred or opposition toward him. Why would I have any personal anger against Vijay? If he wins an Oscar tomorrow, there will be no one happier than me. That is different. That affection is different. That is not the affection or trust one gives to a political leader. That is affection from entertainment, from a field of leisure.”

He added, “When you are an actor, people spend money, stand in line, put up cut-outs, stay day and night, gather fan clubs, even ignore their parents sometimes, and offer that kind of love. Isn’t that true? So when you use that love, how do you give me confidence? You immediately announcing yourself as the next Chief Minister – isn’t that what is happening? To me, that looks like arrogance. Also, you are my friend, we are from the same field, I too am an actor, and that is all fine. But when it comes to handing over a state, shouldn’t we think for at least two minutes? I may whistle with my fingers in my throat for an actor I like. But how can I hand over a country or a state? Whoever it is, that question must be asked. This is the people’s question. As a citizen, this is my question. I have nothing else here.”

He continued, “You say, ‘I am giving up everything and coming.’ What exactly are you giving up? Should I believe that or is it just a statement? What are you leaving behind? Before coming, what have you done? Suppose suddenly you say, ‘I am a very good man, I have left everything, and now I am going to teach science.’ Won’t people ask whether you have the degree for that? They will ask whether you know mathematics, whether you know science. You cannot fool children like that. You may be a good man. Fine.”

Now comes the remarks which exposes the Dravidianist mindset of Prakash Raj. He said, “But what training have you done for this? Without spending ten years in opposition or in some form of public life, you want power immediately. Then when power comes, who are the people you are going to field in every constituency? What kind of story is this? Isn’t this like the story of the elephant putting a garland? There are princes who become kings or queens by birth. But if you say your driver’s son will become an MLA, or someone else will become one – who is he? Until the previous day, even he himself may not have known he would get a seat. The next moment, he wears a shawl and becomes an MLA? Will he know that constituency? Will he be someone the people trust? Just because your cut-out is there and they see your face, will they vote for anyone you put up? Is that how it works?”

He added, “What I am saying is: the people must feel a responsibility. What is our future? In today’s situation, do you have the qualification to fight for state rights? Have you raised your voice? You can give statements now. But if someone merely says, ‘I am a good man,’ does that make it happen? What I am asking for is consistency. For 25 years he has consistently remained a big actor. But that consistency is in cinema, not in politics. It feels like someone sitting inside a palace and asking an assistant whether it is raining outside. How should that create trust in me? Don’t take this as though I am simply opposing him out of difficulty or dislike. That is not it.”

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When Pa Ranjith Said, ‘Untouchability Related Incidents Continue To Happen Under DMK’

When Pa Ranjith Said, 'Untouchability Related Incidents Continue To Happen Under DMK'

Anti-incumbency is so high in Tamil Nadu that people who were buttressing and simping for the DMK are now speaking up against it and its ‘Dravidian Model’ of social justice.

Recently, director Pa Ranjith who has been voicing out for Dalit rights spoke up in support of slain BSP leader Armstrong’s wife Porkodi for the upcoming Tamil Nadu elections.

A video clipping of Ranjith speaking to reporters in August 2025 started recirculating on social media recently. In the video, he seemed to say that caste related atrocities have risen under the DMK government.

Responding to a reporter who asked about the Vengaivayal incident where human excreta was mixed in the overhead water tank and no proper action has been taken so far, Ranjith said, “Incidents like Vengaivayal keep reminding us that, even if governments change, caste oppression and untouchability do not disappear in Tamil Nadu. The DMK government, which claims to care about social justice, should quickly submit a detailed report and take comprehensive action on this issue. I want to state that clearly through this. Because this is continuing as a pattern. If you ask whether caste untouchability problems have reduced after the DMK government came to power, from Keelur in Tiruvannamalai to the Vengaivayal issue, many such incidents have continued to happen. Problems like access to cremation pathways are also continuing. I believe the DMK government and the Tamil Nadu government have a responsibility to pay much more serious attention to these issues. They have accelerated certain institutions, like the commission that handles untouchability-related issues, and those bodies are doing some work. But if you ask whether that work has eradicated caste oppression and suppression in Tamil society, there is clearly a major setback. I think they must understand this setback properly and act more effectively.”

The reporter then pointed out to the two-tumbler system reportedly still prevalent in teashops in the state, Ranjith responded by saying, “That is exactly what I am saying – these problems are continuing. It cannot be denied. The government must understand this properly. The government must acknowledge that atrocities related to untouchability are taking place here and should present it in the form of a report. This practice still exists in Tamil Nadu. They must admit that this practice exists and that they are going to take steps to eliminate it.”

He also added that he would like to place this as a demand to the government.

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Nine FIRs, Four Years, Zero Action: Inside TCS Nashik’s Harassment Scandal

Hindu Gods Mocked, Namaz Forced, Beef Force-Fed How A Muslim Grooming Gang At A Famous IT Firm Targeted Hindu Female Colleagues

On 16 April 2026, approximately 50 Tata Consultancy Services employees arrived at the company’s Nashik office in sweltering heat, visibly anxious amid mounting reports that the unit was shutting down. A dozen police officers guarded the gates of Ashoka Business Enclave, and private security personnel screened every visitor entering the compound. Outside, a protest led by Devyani Pharande, a BJP MLA from Nashik (Central), drew a large gathering of women raising slogans against the company.

What had brought one of India’s largest IT companies to this moment was not a boardroom scandal or a financial fraud – it was a pattern of alleged sexual harassment, workplace misconduct, and religious intimidation inside a 5,000 square-foot BPO unit employing roughly 170 people across two shifts, run for a large banking client.

Nine FIRs, Eight Accused

As reported in Moneycontrol, the crisis began with a single complaint filed on March 25 by a 23-year-old woman at the Deolali Camp police station in Nashik. The FIR named Danish Sheikh, Tausif Attar, and Nida Khan, alleging rape, sexual harassment, and religious coercion between 2022 and 2026. Eight more FIRs were subsequently registered at Mumbai Naka police station by early April.

Across the nine complaints, eight filed by women and one by a male employee, the key accused are: Danish Sheikh (named in two FIRs), Tausif Attar (six FIRs), Shafi Shaikh (four FIRs), Raza Memon (five FIRs), Shahrukh Qureshi (four FIRs), Asif Ansari (two FIRs), Nida Khan (one FIR), and Ashwini Chainani (one FIR). Most of the women targeted were aged between 23 and 25, came from economically weaker backgrounds, and were working in associate-level roles. Two complainants are in their mid-30s.

Nashik Police moved swiftly, constituting a Special Investigation Team (SIT) led by Assistant Police Commissioner (Crime) Sandeep Mitke. “After the first complaint, we sent a group of female police officers to get in touch with other women employees in the office to encourage them to come forward and file complaints. That led to nine FIRs getting registered,” Mitke told Moneycontrol.

What the FIRs Say: A Pattern of Intrusion

According to the FIRs accessed, a common thread of alleged harassment ran through multiple complaints – accused employees repeatedly asked women intrusive questions about their private lives, even after they had made clear they did not want to answer.

One complainant described how Shafi Shaikh had allegedly sat next to her on the pretext of helping with her work. “He deliberately tried to rub my feet with his feet. He also touched my chest with his hands on the pretext of using the keyboard. I understood his intention, and when I immediately moved my chair aside, he smiled at me and left from there,” she stated in her FIR, referring to an incident in December 2024.

Another complainant recounted how Tausif Attar approached her during lunchtime in February 2026 after she had suffered a miscarriage. “Tausif said, ‘I will give you the mobile number of a cleric in Ajmer. I assure you that after going to Ajmer, you will have a child. You should go there once.’ I found it embarrassing for him to talk about my personal life in this way, so I did not respond at the time. But he has repeatedly tried to discuss this subject even when I did not want to,” she said in her FIR.

A third complainant, who got married in 2025, described an incident on March 19, Gudi Padwa, when she had come to the office wearing a saree. “Shahrukh came and sat next to me, looked at me strangely and said, ‘Today you look different, let’s go out somewhere today?’ I felt uncomfortable listening to his words. I got up and left from there,” she stated. She had verbally raised concerns about Shahrukh and team leader Raza Memon with operations head Ashwini Chainani in February and March 2026. According to her FIR, Chainani told her: “Why do you want to get highlighted? Let it go.”

Other incidents cited in the FIRs include accused employees asking women whether they had physical relationships with their boyfriends, asking a married woman whether she was going on a honeymoon, making comments about a colleague’s Polycystic Ovarian Disease (PCOD), and telling another complainant to “work on her body and lose weight.”

The First Complainant: A Four-Year Arc

The case that triggered the cascade of FIRs involves the 23-year-old who filed her complaint on March 25. According to the FIR, she had known Danish Sheikh since January 2022 – he was a college senior, and they met as friends. In mid-2022, Danish allegedly tried to get physically intimate with her on the pretext of marriage; she resisted. After she graduated with a BCA degree that year, Danish suggested she apply to TCS, where he was already working. She was hired as an associate in 2023.

At the office, the complainant began spending time with Danish, Tausif, and Nida Khan at the canteen. The four shared a WhatsApp group where, according to the FIR, Tausif and Nida would discuss the differences between Hinduism and Islam and try to convince her that their religion was superior. Danish also allegedly made repeated remarks hurting her religious sentiments.

The allegations escalated in August 2024, when Danish took her on a bike ride to a resort on Trimbak Road in Nashik and allegedly forced her to have sex with him. Following this, Tausif allegedly began blackmailing her – threatening to tell her family about the relationship if she resisted his advances.

In February 2026, Danish’s wife reached out to the complainant directly, revealing that Danish was already married and had two children. When confronted, Danish said he had never intended to marry her. The FIR was registered on March 25.

The Male Complainant and Religious Coercion Allegations

While nationwide commentary quickly framed the case as one of forced religious conversion, eight of the nine FIRs cite instances of hurting religious sentiments – not forced conversion. The sole exception involves a 35-year-old male employee who describes himself as a rudraksh-wearing follower of Hindu saint Ramdas Swami.

According to his FIR, his team leader Tausif took him home during Ramzan Eid in 2023, made him wear a religious cap, and compelled him to recite namaz. A photograph was taken and posted in a WhatsApp group without his consent. The FIR alleges that Danish and Tausif repeatedly insulted Hindu gods and, in one instance, called Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj a “slave of Muslim religion.”

The complainant also alleged in the FIR that Tausif and Danish had told him: “You tried taking medicine, yet your wife did not have a child, so send her to me.” He said the two had threatened to kill him following an argument. He alleged that their harassment intensified specifically because he refused to engage with their religious arguments or consider conversion.

Nashik Police Commissioner Sandeep Karnik confirmed that his team has written to the National Investigation Agency (NIA), the Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS), and the State Intelligence Department (SID) to examine whether any extremist organisations were linked to the accused.

Nida Khan, a telecaller and process associate based in Pune who faces allegations of hurting religious sentiments, is currently absconding. Nashik Police has dispatched three search teams to locate her. Her lawyers, Rahul Kasliwal and Baba Sayyed, filed an anticipatory bail plea at Nashik Sessions Court on Saturday.

The POSH Failure: Chainani, the Committee Member Who Didn’t Act

At the centre of the institutional failure is Ashwini Chainani, the delivery operations head based in TCS’s Pune office, who was responsible for overseeing the Nashik unit. Chainani has been a TCS employee for over 20 years, having led numerous projects and teams. She would visit the Nashik office once a month or as needed.

Critically, public prosecutor Kiran Bendbhar, who is representing eight of the nine complainants, told Moneycontrol that Chainani was a member of TCS’s Prevention of Sexual Harassment (POSH) committee. Yet, despite receiving verbal complaints from employees and written communications from senior manager Nitin Kapoor, she allegedly took no action.

SIT head Mitke confirmed that around 78 emails sent from Kapoor to Chainani, about the accused group’s work discipline, are now under police investigation. “Nitin Kapoor did write to Chainani regarding work disciplinary issues of the accused gang. They would come to the office late, and their work wasn’t up to the mark. They would even bully colleagues. But Chainani didn’t take any action,” Mitke said.

Back in 2022, when one complainant emailed Kapoor alleging that Shafi Shaikh had stared at her inappropriately, Kapoor’s response was to shift Shafi to another department – a move that kept him employed and ultimately, the complainants say, gave him continued access to female colleagues.

Bendbhar said the accused had continued their conduct unchecked for four years. “Women have been facing these issues from 2022 to 2026. To continue in their jobs, they were avoiding filing complaints. Many of them are from poorer families. But now that these cases are in the court, we expect more victims to come forward and file formal complaints,” he said.

Mitke echoed the assessment. “The victims were scared because none of the managers they had been verbally raising complaints with took any action,” he said.

Chainani’s lawyer, Advocate Mayur Deshpande, denied all allegations on her behalf. He told this reporter that she never received a complaint from the subordinate in question and maintained that the 78 emails under investigation were entirely “work related” and not directly linked to sexual harassment complaints.

Deshpande noted that Chainani had already been in the process of transitioning away from the project since September 2025, following disagreements with colleagues, and that March 2026 was meant to be her last month. “She was called for questioning by the SIT between March 29 and 31. She travelled to the Nashik office, recorded her statement and came back. Suddenly, her name came up in a FIR filed on April 2, and she was taken into police custody. The complainant could have mentioned this while the SIT was speaking to employees during their visit in March end. It’s shocking that she suddenly lodged a complaint,” Deshpande said.

Chainani has been moved to judicial custody until 28 April 2026. The SIT has also reserved the right to take her back into police custody for up to 10 days until 19 May 2026, as required for the investigation. The remaining accused continue to be in police custody.

A Company That Says It Didn’t Know

On 17 April 2026, TCS CEO and Managing Director K Krithivasan stated that the company had not received any formal complaints through its POSH or ethics channels over the past four years pertaining to the Nashik unit. “While detailed reviews are still underway, a preliminary review of the systems and records pertaining to the Nashik unit indicates that we have not received any complaints of the nature that are being alleged on either our ethics or POSH channels,” he said. TCS added that it holds itself to the “highest standards of employee welfare and institutional conduct.”

In response to detailed queries by this reporter, a TCS spokesperson said: “We wish to reiterate the statement issued concerning the matter on 17 April 2025. We are constrained on offering comments on specific queries as these are matters of present investigation.” The spokesperson also urged caution: “We will also request you to exercise caution and diligence in reporting on these matters rather than depending on hearsay as advised by the investigating authorities in their social media post.”

TCS has since hired Deloitte and Trilegal as independent advisors to support an internal investigation being overseen by Aarthi Subramanian, President and Chief Operating Officer of TCS. An Oversight Committee has also been constituted, chaired by independent director Keki Mistry, to review findings and recommend further action.

The HR Gap Nobody Can Explain

One question that remains unanswered is: who was the HR head of the Nashik unit? Despite the scale of the investigation and the involvement of senior management, the identity and role of the Nashik facility’s HR leadership remain unclear. TCS has a common POSH committee for its Pune and Nashik offices, sources said – which raises further questions about how systemic failures persisted across both locations for years.

The Defence: An Affair Gone Wrong?

Advocate Rahul Kasliwal, who represents Nida Khan, Raza Memon, Tausif Attar, and Asif Ansari, argued that the remand reports by police do not indicate any forceful conversion. “TCS is a reputed company and hires people after thorough verifications. These victims and the accused are all well-educated and qualified. If this is a caste or religion issue, then I don’t think the victim would have taken three years to lodge a complaint. One of the accused had an affair with a girl. But just because they are from different religions, we can’t say the victim was forced to convert,” he said.

Kasliwal also argued that voluntary religious conversion, if it occurred, remains a legal right, and that opposing a religion does not amount to asking another person to convert. He contended that all allegations relate to individual conduct rather than to the company, and that the appropriateness of the behaviour depends on the relationship between parties and the intent behind each act. He also noted that the offences in question carry sentences of under seven years and, citing Supreme Court precedent, argued that they do not necessarily warrant immediate arrest.

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Ground Chatter Signals Congress Supporters Likely To Vote For Joseph Vijay’s TVK To Sabotage DMK

With Tamil Nadu heading to the polls on April 23, 2026, the once-stable Dravidian politics is witnessing a dramatic shift. The long-standing alliance between the Congress and DMK appears to be under severe strain, with reports and ground-level murmurs suggesting that a significant section of Congress workers and supporters are quietly shifting towards actor-turned-politician Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK). This internal drift, if true on a larger scale, could fragment DMK’s vote share in ways that ultimately benefit AIADMK leader Edappadi K. Palaniswami (EPS) and the NDA alliance.

Cracks In The Congress-DMK Partnership

The Congress-DMK alliance, has shown visible signs of fatigue. Despite being in alliance, both Rahul Gandhi and MK Stalin haven’t shared a single stage for the campaign.

Recent public incidents — including the much-discussed moment where Rahul Gandhi appeared to decline a shawl from DMK minister Mano Thangaraj — have only added fuel to speculation about deteriorating “chemistry” between the two parties.

Seat-sharing negotiations have been rocky, with Congress feeling sidelined in key discussions. Vijay himself has publicly claimed that the DMK has “bought” the Tamil Nadu Congress unit with money, while insisting that the “real Congress” cadres stand with TVK. Senior Congress leaders have downplayed such rifts, calling them routine bargaining tactics, but ground reports tell a different story. Disillusioned Congress workers, frustrated with limited seats and perceived disrespect from the DMK, are said to be looking elsewhere.

Congress Cadres Tilting Towards TVK?

Multiple accounts from party insiders and observers indicate that a notable chunk of Congress grassroots workers and even some local leaders are sympathetic to TVK. Earlier attempts at a Congress-TVK understanding reportedly failed due to high command decisions favoring the DMK alliance, leading to resentment.

Vijay has repeatedly highlighted this divide, arguing that while a section of the Congress leadership may have aligned with Stalin for power or resources, the ordinary worker and supporter identify more with TVK’s energetic, anti-establishment pitch. If even 10-15% of traditional Congress votes migrate to TVK, it could prove decisive in closely contested constituencies.

This is not mere speculation. Some Congress figures have openly acknowledged TVK as a “force to be reckoned with,” and past resignations or protests within the party were linked to the rejection of a potential tie-up with Vijay’s outfit.

Critically, analysts note that TVK’s appeal among younger voters and in urban/semi-urban areas could disproportionately cut into the DMK-Congress pool rather than the AIADMK base.

If the reported shift of Congress workers towards TVK materializes significantly on polling day, it could break the DMK’s hold and pave the way for an unexpected NDA resurgence under EPS.

DMK’s Mano Thangaraj Gets Royally Snubbed By Rahul Gandhi In Full Public View

A viral video from a recent public event shows Congress leader and Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi declining a traditional shawl offered by DMK leader and minister T. Mano Thangaraj, in full view of the audience and cameras. The moment, captured on stage, has been widely interpreted as a visible sign of underlying tensions within the Congress and DMK ahead of the Tamil Nadu Assembly elections.

In the clip circulating on social media, Mano Thangaraj, a senior DMK figure and former minister from Kanyakumari district, approaches Rahul Gandhi with a shawl — a common gesture of respect and welcome in South Indian political and cultural events. Instead of accepting it graciously, Rahul is seen stepping back or turning away without taking the offering.

The rift in the Congress-DMK partnership , but frictions have surfaced periodically — over seat-sharing expectations, campaign strategies, and perceived slights. Rahul Gandhi’s recent public remarks in the state have sometimes drawn mixed reactions, including translations or interpretations that raised eyebrows among alliance partners.

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Kannur Dental Student Death: SC/ST FIR Filed First, Loan App Harassment Revealed Later, 3 Arrested

Caste FIR Filed First, Loan App Arrests Later kannur dental student death case

The management of Anjarakkandy Dental College in Kannur has issued a detailed rebuttal to allegations of caste-based discrimination in the death of first-year BDS student Nithin Raj R L, stating that the sequence of events on 10 April 2026 was triggered not by institutional harassment but by a loan app crisis that unfolded in the principal’s office minutes before the student fell from the college building, as reported in OnManorama.

What Actually Happened on April 10

According to the Prestige Educational Trust, which manages the college, Nithin was called to the principal’s office following complaints from a faculty member who had been receiving incessant calls and messages from a loan recovery app, because her phone number had been listed as a reference contact for a loan taken by Nithin.

When questioned, Nithin first told the authorities the loan had been taken on behalf of a relative named Ashokan. He then contradicted himself, denying that he had provided the faculty member’s number as a reference. Attempts by the principal to reach Ashokan directly failed – his phone was switched off.

With the harassment of the faculty member continuing and no resolution in sight, she decided to approach the cyber cell. While a formal complaint was being drafted in the room, Nithin walked out. Shortly after, he was found critically injured near the medical college block, having fallen from the top of the building. He later succumbed to his injuries.

The entire chain of events, from being called to the office to the fall, unfolded within a single sitting, over a loan app complaint.

The Caste Case That Was Filed Anyway

Despite this sequence being documentable through CCTV footage and the statements of those present, police registered a case against two faculty members, Dr M K Ram and K T Sangeetha Nambiar, on charges of abetment of suicide and under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, based on allegations of caste- and colour-based harassment.

The speed with which the caste angle was adopted and formalised into an FIR before the loan app context was publicly established is now at the centre of the management’s rebuttal.

The Management’s Point-by-Point Denial

The Trust stated categorically that Nithin had raised no complaints, formally or informally, against any teacher, staff member, or the institution at any point during his time on campus. No family member and no classmate had brought any concern about caste discrimination to the institution either.

On the allegations against the specific faculty member named in the caste harassment claims, the management pointed to an audio clip suggesting that Nithin had previously confronted the teacher directly and had on his own decided to stop attending that class approximately one month before the April 10 incident. Student feedback about the same teacher, the Trust said, consistently indicated equal treatment across the board with no prior complaints through official channels over the years.

The management also disclosed that Nithin had faced personal difficulties earlier in the academic year, during which the institution had intervened – contacting his parents, recommending counselling, and facilitating his return to campus. His father had given written assurance that counselling would be arranged. Faculty members had stayed in touch with the student through this period.

The Evidence Handed Over

The Trust said all materials, CCTV footage covering the period from when Nithin was called to the office through to the moments before the incident, previous statements, academic records, and relevant documents, have been handed over to the police, with whom it states it is fully cooperating.

Meanwhile, the Chakkarakkal police have filed a separate case against the loan application ‘Insta Pay’, alleging that it imposed excessive interest rates and subjected Nithin to harassment. In connection with this case, three individuals from Uttar Pradesh have been taken into custody. The accused, identified as Rishikesh Tiwari (32), Prashant Khewal (28), and Jayaprakash (54), were reportedly managing operations for the loan app. They were apprehended by the Kannur City Cyber Crime police in Noida as part of a coordinated operation, officials said.

The Trust also dismissed claims that the college is built on illegally acquired land, stating that no court or competent authority has made any such finding. It added that such reports were creating unwarranted anxiety among students, parents, and staff.

According to the management, the institution has been under significant scrutiny since the incident and said internal disagreements within Nithin’s family had prevented representatives from visiting his residence.

Urging caution, the Trust appealed to the public not to circulate what it described as baseless allegations, warning that doing so could lead to social discord.

The Pattern Worth Noting

Nithin Raj was a Dalit student from Uzhamalackal in Thiruvananthapuram. The moment his death became known, the caste discrimination narrative was activated, an FIR under the SC/ST Act was filed against two faculty members, and the story was framed and circulated accordingly – within a news cycle that did not wait for the basic facts of what happened in that office to be established.

What the management’s statement now places on record is that the proximate cause of the crisis was a loan app, a harassed faculty member, a contradictory account from the student, and a failed attempt to reach the person the loan was supposedly taken for. None of that is caste discrimination. Whether there were other, longer-running issues of harassment that contributed to Nithin’s state of mind is a matter for the police investigation to determine. But the rush to file an SC/ST Act case, before the loan app angle was publicly known, reflects a pattern in which the caste frame is applied first, and facts are filled in later.

The investigation is ongoing. The CCTV footage is with the police. The truth of what happened in that room, and in the weeks before it, will follow from evidence – not from the speed of the first allegation.

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DMK Ally RJD’s Tejashwi Yadav Demands Census-Based Delimitation – The Same Policy That Could Cost Tamil Nadu 10 Lok Sabha Seats

DMK Ally RJD's Tejashwi Yadav Demands Census-Based Delimitation - The Same Policy That Would Cost Tamil Nadu 10 Lok Sabha Seats

RJD leader and former Bihar Deputy Chief Minister Tejashwi Yadav arrived in Tamil Nadu to campaign for the DMK-led Secular Progressive Alliance, positioning himself as a voice for social justice and OBC rights. He left behind a political grenade.

What Tejashwi Said

Speaking to media in Tamil Nadu as he arrived to campaign for the DMK, Tejashwi Yadav made his caste census pitch directly to Tamil voters: “We want the census first. We want the caste census also. With the new census, with the new thing, if it will come, then it is better. Not the 2001 census. We want the 2025 census. And we want reservations also. So automatically, since 2011 to present 2025, the population has increased. That means OBC, SC, ST – their population must have increased.”

The argument is straightforward and has been the I.N.D.I. alliance’s standard caste census campaign line across the country: conduct a fresh census, enumerate OBC populations accurately, and expand reservations accordingly. In Hindi-belt states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, where RJD’s political base lies, this is a vote-winning proposition.

In Tamil Nadu, it is something else entirely.

Tamil Nadu currently holds 39 Lok Sabha seats. Under a delimitation exercise based on 2025 or 2026 census data, the state stands to lose approximately 10 seats, a catastrophic reduction in its national political weight, while Hindi-belt states with higher population growth would gain seats proportionally.

This is the core of what MK Stalin has been calling “anti-Tamil” and “north-south injustice.” It is the issue he has deployed to build his national opposition credentials. It is the issue for which his ally Udhayanidhi Stalin has held rallies. It is the issue that DMK has used to frame the entire BJP as an existential threat to Tamil Nadu’s political representation. They had a chance to get more seats but they let go of it by voting against the bill in Parliament.

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Video And Audio Evidence Reveal Peyush Bansal’s Lenskart Penalized Hindus For Wearing Bindi, Kumkum, Kalawa

Hijab Allowed, Bindi Barred: Lenskart Policy Sparks Nationwide Outrage; Founder Peyush Bansal Claims 2026 Document ‘Outdated’

Days after the Lenskart controversy regarding its biased style guide that was lenient towards Muslims and harsh on Hindus broke, video and audio evidence have surfaced that reveal how Lenskart had in reality penalized Hindus for wearing bindi, kalawa, and kumkum.

CEO Peyush Bansal, widely known as a Shark Tank India investor, publicly claimed the guide was “inaccurate and outdated” and had been withdrawn on February 7. That claim has since been directly contradicted by video audit footage from 8 April 2026, showing Lenskart still penalising employees for wearing a bindi – two full months after the supposed withdrawal. The rules outlived the document.

Employee Testimonials

Zeel Soghasia, Gujarat – A candidate who received a job call from Lenskart travelled to the Vesu area of Surat for an interview. He was told at the interview itself that his Shikha (the sacred tuft of hair kept by many Hindu men) and Tika (tilak/forehead mark) were not permitted. He then proceeded to Lenskart’s training centre in New Mumbai. On the very next day, he was removed from training. The reason given: he had not cut his Shikha and had not removed his Tikka-Chandlo. The company’s position was explicit — “If you do not cut your Shikha and do not remove the Tika-Chandlo, we cannot give you a job.” He was additionally told that any religion-related tattoo on his hand would also need to be removed.

Employee Audio Testimonial

Female employee, Andhra Pradesh – A woman employee who worked for three and a half years at Lenskart made a detailed and specific testimony. She stated that for approximately the past year, the company has operated with openly differential standards by religion:

  • Hindu employees are told not to come wearing a Tilak, not to wear Kumkum, and to remove religious threads (taayattu) from their wrists
  • During monthly video audits conducted by external auditors, Hindu employees wearing a bindi are penalised – either forced to remove it before entering the store or removed by the auditors themselves
  • On non-audit days, managers directly confront Hindu employees: “Hindus are not supposed to wear bindi – why are you coming with it?”
  • Muslim employees, by contrast, are not subjected to these restrictions. When Muslim employees do not wish to wear nail polish (a mandatory part of the uniform) for religious reasons before marriage, the company exempts them – even absorbing audit point deductions rather than enforcing the rule on them
  • On leave policy: only Muslims receive a week off for Ramzan. Hindu festivals including Ugadi yield no leave. The company’s stated position to employees, delivered to their faces: “Hindus have too many festivals, so we won’t provide for you.” Christians receive leave for Christmas. This policy, she confirms, applies pan-India across all Lenskart stores – verified by staff across locations

The Style Guide and The Lie That Didn’t Hold

Lenskart CEO Peyush Bansal had previously claimed, when a discriminatory style guide was leaked publicly, that the document was “inaccurate and outdated” and that the company had withdrawn it on February 7. The claim was designed to contain the damage and draw a line under the controversy.

It has not held. Video audit footage from 8 April 2026 – two months after Bansal’s claimed withdrawal shows Lenskart still conducting store audits and penalising employees for wearing a bindi. The February 7 withdrawal, if it ever happened, changed nothing on the ground. The audits continued. The penalties continued. The differential enforcement continued.

The question being asked publicly is direct: if the style guide was withdrawn on February 7, why were employees being docked points for wearing a bindi on April 8?

Blocking Emails, Gagging Employees

Following the spread of the employee testimonials on social media, Lenskart took a further step: the company blocked access to store mail and employee emails for all employees across the board – cutting off internal communication channels at a moment when employees were sharing experiences externally.

If a company had nothing to hide, why would it go to such lengths to gag employees? Is Peyush Bansal trying to hide something?

The Halal Certification Question

An additional detail has emerged in the public discourse around this controversy: Lenskart holds a Halal certification. The certification itself is not illegal, but placed alongside the documented evidence of differential treatment – Hindu symbols banned, Muslim religious exemptions freely granted, Hindu festival leaves denied while Ramzan leave is institutionalised; it raises a legitimate question about the ideological framework within which Lenskart’s internal compliance culture has been built.

A company that is Halal certified, bans the bindi and tilak from its store floors, exempts Muslim employees from dress code rules, denies Hindu employees festival leave, and then blocks internal email access when employees begin speaking out publicly — the pattern, taken together, is not easily explained as a series of isolated administrative oversights.

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