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Leftist Rag The Wire Quotes Select Figures, Pushes ‘General Category Majority’ In Civil Services Narrative, Quietly Edits Report After Getting Exposed

By
The Commune
-

Leftist rag The Wire has once again done it – fumbled numbers to suit propaganda narrative and when exposed, quietly edit everything and pretend as if nothing happened.

Here’s what the portal did – The Wire quietly revised both the headline and portions of its report on caste representation in the All India Services after publishing what was initially framed as a story suggesting an “overwhelming majority” of IAS, IPS, and IFS officers were from the General Category.

The original headline, which circulated widely on social media, read “Overwhelming Majority of IAS, IPS, IFS From General Category.”

However, after the data framing came under scrutiny, the publication altered the headline to, “Govt Evasive on Number of SC, ST, OBC Officers in IAS, IPS, IFS, Only Provides Data of Direct Recruits in Last 4 Yrs.”

An editor’s note was subsequently inserted at the bottom of the article stating: “This copy was edited on February 17, 2026 to correct for some inaccuracies in how we had first represented the data.”

No detailed public breakdown was issued explaining the nature or scale of the inaccuracies.

What the Parliamentary Reply Actually Contained

The report was based on a written reply tabled in the Rajya Sabha by Minister of State Jitendra Singh.

The government provided:

Total officers in position

  • IAS: 5,577
  • IPS: 4,594
  • IFS (Indian Forest Service): 2,164

Direct recruits (2020–2024)

  • IAS: 135 SC | 67 ST | 245 OBC
  • IPS: 141 SC | 71 ST | 231 OBC
  • IFS: 95 SC | 48 ST | 231 OBC
  • The reply did not include:
  • Category-wise total composition of all serving officers
  • General category recruit numbers for the same five-year window

Instead, it confined itself to recent direct recruitment figures.

How the Narrative Setting Occurred

The original framing juxtaposed the total serving cadre strength accumulated over decades with SC/ST/OBC direct recruits from only recent years.

By placing five-year recruitment numbers against the full historical officer pool, representation percentages appeared sharply compressed.

UPSC recruitment follows constitutionally mandated reservation quotas:

  • 15% SC
  • 7.5% ST
  • 27% OBC

These apply to annual intake, not retrospectively to the entire serving cadre, which includes officers recruited prior to OBC reservation implementation and through promotion channels.

IFS Mislabelled in Initial Framing

The parliamentary data referred to Indian Forest Service (IFS), one of the three All India Services alongside IAS and IPS.

The initial article framing, however, referred to “Indian Foreign Service” in places, a separate Central Service with different recruitment data structures.

All India Services data is routinely grouped together in parliamentary replies, whereas Indian Foreign Service statistics are reported separately.

The headline was later modified without a standalone clarification note on this distinction.

Vacancy Context Also Omitted in Initial Framing

The same parliamentary reply also disclosed significant vacancies:

  • Total authorised AIS strength: 15,169
  • Vacancies: 2,834 (18.6%)

Break-up:

  • IAS: 1,300 vacancies (~18.9%)
  • IPS: 505 vacancies (~9.9%)
  • IFS: 1,029 vacancies (~32.2%)

This structural gap further complicates category representation snapshots, especially when relying solely on direct recruitment figures.

By the time the correction note was added:

  • The original headline framing had already circulated widely.
  • Screenshots of the earlier version continued to remain in public circulation.
  • The revised headline fundamentally shifted the thrust of the story, from cadre dominance to alleged government opacity.

The edit note acknowledged inaccuracies but did not specify what numerical or interpretive elements were incorrect.

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Pre-DMK Tamil Nadu Was Already Urbanised, Educated, Industrialising

By
The Commune
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Tamil Nadu is frequently cited in contemporary political discourse as one of India’s most developed states, with supporters of Dravidian parties often attributing many of its socio-economic achievements to post-1967 regional governance. However, historical data and pre-Independence records indicate that several foundational development indicators in the region pre-date the rise of Dravidian political formations.

Present-Day Development Claims

A range of widely circulated indicators place Tamil Nadu among India’s leading states on multiple fronts:

  • Among the top states by Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP)
  • One of India’s most urbanised states
  • A leading industrial and manufacturing hub
  • Highest or among the highest female workforce participation bases
  • Low poverty ratios relative to national averages
  • Ranked high in domestic tourism inflow
  • Major exporter of electronics goods
  • Higher education enrolment significantly above national average

These indicators are broadly supported by contemporary economic and social datasets.

Urbanisation: Evidence from 1901 Census

Historical census tables from the Madras Presidency (1901), which covered large parts of present-day Tamil Nadu, show that the region already had a high concentration of urban settlements compared to most of British India outside the Bombay Presidency.

Level of Urbanisation (1901-2011); Source- Various census Reports               Image Source: ResearchGate
Size and growth of urban population in India, 1901-2011.
Image Source: ResearchGate

The below table titled “Distribution of Population, Madras Presidency, 1901” records significant urban population clusters across districts such as Madras City, Chingleput, Tanjore, Trichinopoly, Madura, and Tinnevelly, indicating an established urban base decades before the emergence of Dravidian parties in the mid-20th century.

This positions the Tamil region among the more urbanised parts of colonial India at the time.

Literacy and Education Before Dravidian Politics

Pre-Independence literacy studies and colonial education records show that:

The Madras Presidency, especially Tamil and Malayalam regions, ranked among the most literate in India in the early 20th century.

Missionary schooling networks, princely patronage, and early social reform movements contributed to educational spread.

Community-level literacy data from the early 20th century indicates exceptionally high literacy rates among certain social groups. For instance, Tamil Brahmin literacy rates recorded in early 20th century administrative studies were among the highest globally outside industrialised Western nations and Japan.

Early Scientific Achievement

The region’s academic ecosystem also produced globally recognised scholars prior to Dravidian party rule.

The first non-white Nobel laureate in science, physicist CV Raman (awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1930), was from the Madras Presidency. His work emerged from institutional and intellectual networks that pre-dated post-Independence regional political formations.

Industrial and Urban Foundations Under Colonial Administration

Madras Presidency functioned as one of British India’s major administrative and commercial hubs, with:

  • Port-based trade centred in Madras (Chennai)
  • Textile and agro-processing industries
  • Railway connectivity expansion
  • Municipal governance institutions

These laid early foundations for later industrial expansion.

Continuity vs Political Attribution

Post-Independence and especially post-1967 governments, including Dravidian parties, operated on an already urbanised, literate, and institutionally networked social base.

Subsequent administrations expanded:

  • Public sector manufacturing
  • Automobile and electronics corridors
  • Welfare delivery systems
  • Higher education capacity

However, historical census and literacy data indicate that several baseline development indicators – urbanisation, literacy concentration, educational institutions, and early scientific output were already visible before the political rise of Dravidian parties.

Tamil Nadu’s contemporary economic and social indicators are widely acknowledged. Yet archival census records and early 20th century educational data show that many structural advantages – urban clustering, literacy penetration, and intellectual capital, were present well before regional party politics took shape.

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The 1996 Parumala Killings: How Three ABVP Student Activists Were Hunted To Death By Communist Goons

By
The Commune
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Kerala’s long history of political violence is often reduced to slogans, party statements, and disputed numbers. What tends to disappear in that process are the individual lives, the families, and the moments of extreme brutality that defined entire phases of the state’s political history.

A brutal episode of campus-linked political violence unfolded on the banks of the Pampa River at Parumala on 17 September 1996, when three student activists, Anu, Sujith and Kim, lost their lives in what came to be known as the Parumala murder case.

All three were students of Devaswom Board College, Parumala, and were associated with the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) unit in the institution. They were targeted because of their active organisational involvement, amid heightened political tensions on campus between rival student groups.

According to accounts of the incident, the three students were cornered near the riverbank by a violent mob allegedly comprising workers linked to the Students’ Federation of India (SFI), Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU), and Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI). They were threatened with death, prompting them to flee the spot in fear.

In an attempt to escape, the students ran towards the Pampa River and jumped into the water, hoping to swim across to safety. As they struggled in the river, assailants stationed on the bank began pelting stones at them. The sustained stone-throwing is said to have prevented the students from swimming effectively, leaving them exhausted and unable to reach the shore.

Local women present on the riverbank at the time, who had been washing clothes, witnessed the incident and attempted to rescue the students. They threw the loose ends of their sarees into the water, urging the boys to hold on so they could be pulled out. However, the attackers chased the women away, hurling abuses and pelting stones at them as well, thwarting the rescue attempt.

All three students eventually drowned in the river in full view of onlookers.

Recovering the lifeless body of Kim Karunakaran from river Pampa
Recovering the lifeless body of PS Anu from river Pampa

The incident triggered political controversy in Kerala. Allegations were raised against the then Communist government over the handling of the case. Authorities reportedly destroyed/ manipulated crucial evidence, including post-mortem records, and constructed a counter-narrative that the students had been intoxicated and had drowned accidentally.

Using these records, it was alleged, the political leadership was able to evade legal consequences in the case.

The issue later surfaced in the Kerala Legislative Assembly, when MLA T.M. Jacob raised questions regarding the incident. Then Chief Minister EK Nayanar reportedly responded in a dismissive tone, asking why the matter was being pressed so strongly “since they belonged to the RSS,” a remark that drew further criticism and fuelled allegations of political bias.

The personal tragedies surrounding the victims deepened the emotional weight of the case. All three students were only sons in their families.

Anu, who served as the college Arts Club secretary, was known as a multi-talented student active in arts and sports. He was trained in mridangam and tabla and had been part of the Pathanamthitta district junior football team. His father, PC Sasidharan Nair, a retired postal employee, and his mother, a retired school teacher, are described as living amidst his trophies and certificates that remain as reminders of his life.

Kim was also the sole child of his parents. Following news of his death, both parents reportedly went into deep shock and never fully recovered. They later passed away, and in his memory had established a Sree Narayana Guru Smriti Mandiram.

Sujith’s father, Sivadasan Nair, resigned from his overseas employment and returned home after the incident. He is described as continuing to live in grief, maintaining that justice was never fully delivered in his son’s case.

The Parumala killings remain one of the most cited instances of student political violence in Kerala’s campus history, continuing to be referenced in discussions on ideological clashes and their human cost.

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DMK Cadres Reportedly Unhappy With Over-Reliance On Senthil Balaji’s “Karur Company”

By
The Commune
-

The DMK’s aggressive push to reclaim the Kongu belt ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections is facing murmurs of unease within party ranks, with some functionaries questioning the heavy dependence on western zone in-charge Senthil Balaji and his Karur-based network.

The concern stems from comparisons with the recent local body elections, where the DMK performed strongly in the region. Party insiders note that the earlier success came in a different political context, when the AIADMK and BJP contested separately and the ruling party benefited from the usual incumbency advantage. With the opposition expected to mount a more coordinated challenge in the Assembly polls, some workers believe the electoral terrain could be tougher this time.

The unease comes even as Balaji’s team — popularly referred to by cadres as the “Karur company” — has taken charge of intensive booth-level data work across parts of Coimbatore and the western belt. While the exercise is aimed at tightening the party’s ground machinery, a section of local cadres is privately questioning whether the same model can be scaled across the wider region.

Some functionaries point out that the Karur team has so far handled concentrated operations only in a handful of constituencies and warn that stretching the same apparatus across several dozen seats could pose logistical challenges. There is also quiet discussion within party circles about the additional pressure on Balaji, who is expected to face the electorate himself in the upcoming polls.

Supporters of the strategy, however, insist the micro-level voter mapping and structured booth management will give the DMK a decisive organisational edge in the Kongu region.

With key conferences lined up in Coimbatore and election preparations gathering pace, the DMK leadership is said to be closely watching both the ground mobilisation and the emerging disquiet within the ranks. Whether the western gamble pays off will ultimately be tested at the ballot box.

Source: Vikatan

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NTK Seeman Announces 6 Brahmins As Candidates For 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly Elections To Counter Dravidian Anti-Brahmin Hate Politics

By
The Commune
-

In a bold move ahead of the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK) chief Seeman has demonstrated rare political conviction by fielding six Brahmin candidates as part of the party’s complete slate of 234 nominees.

This move is widely interpreted as a direct counter to the long-standing anti-Brahmin rhetoric embedded in Dravidian politics, of the DMK and its ideological predecessors.

By including Brahmin representatives, NTK aims to broaden its appeal beyond traditional Tamil nationalist lines, positioning itself as an inclusive force that rejects caste-based exclusion while championing Tamil identity.

NTK’s Bold Departure From Entrenched Dravidian Model Politics

On February 21, 2026, NTK held its major conference, “Maatrathai Virumbum Makkalin Manadu” (Conference for People Seeking Change), in Alampatti Pudur, Tiruchirappalli district.

Seeman, the party’s Chief Coordinator, unveiled the complete slate of 234 candidates for all Tamil Nadu Assembly constituencies.

True to NTK’s signature approach of gender parity, the list features exactly 117 men and 117 women. Seeman himself will contest from the Karaikudi constituency, while prominent faces like Idumbaikkarthi are fielded in Vedaranyam.

The inclusion of six Brahmin candidates stands out as a deliberate social engineering effort. NTK is targeting constituencies in Chennai—such as T. Nagar, Mylapore, Saidapet, and similar areas—where Brahmin communities have historical presence and influence.

This decision aligns with NTK’s broader strategy of representing marginalized or sidelined groups, including Dalits, tribals, smaller OBC communities, and now Brahmins, to challenge the dominant Dravidian narrative.

The following are the Brahmin candidates announced by NTK head Seeman.

  1. Maduravoyal – Revathi
  2. Saidapet – Srividya
  3. T. Nagar – Anusha Vijayakumar
  4. Mylapore – Arun
  5. Alandur – Mahalakshmi
  6. Mayiladuthurai – Kasiraman

Seeman has long criticized the Dravidian parties for divisive caste politics rooted in anti-Brahmin rhetoric. He has praised figures like Subramania Bharati (a Brahmin poet who fought caste discrimination) and emphasized that Tamil Brahmins are an integral part of the Tamil identity.

This stance contrasts with hate-filled Dravidian ideology, which has historically abused and demonized Brahmins as ‘outsiders’ or ‘oppressors’, with frequent calls for genocide. The poisonous rhetoric over five decades has resulted in political and administrative marginalization of Brahmins.

Seeman’s decision to field six Brahmin candidates is being widely viewed as a refreshing and courageous departure from the usual political playbook — a step that even major national parties haven’t had the guts and the gumption to take.

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Is Tamil Nadu Congress President A Christian? Misuse Of SC Reservation Alleged

By
The Commune
-

K. Selvaperunthagai, the President of the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee (TNCC) and Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) from the Sriperumbudur constituency, has been accused of concealing his alleged Christian faith to contest and win in a Scheduled Caste (SC)-reserved seat.

According to a report by Dinamalar, It stems from an marriage engagement invitation card for Selvaperunthagai’s daughter, which purportedly indicates his affiliation with Christianity. This has sparked debates over the potential misuse of SC reservations, raising questions about constitutional eligibility and legal precedents in India.

The contents of this invitation card clearly indicate that Selvaperunthagai belongs to the Christian faith.

The invitation says that the engagement ceremony is being officiated by Rev. D. Mohan, a senior pastor at New Life AG Church in Chennai.

It is to be noted that Tamil Nadu Congress President Selvaperunthagai is also one of the main speakers at the state level conference demanding reservation for ‘Dalit Christians’ organized by Dalit Christian Liberation Movement.

Selvaperunthagai is an MLA from Sriperumbudur constituency which is a seat reserved for Scheduled Caste.

Constitutional Provisions On SC Reservations And Religious Conversion

The core of this dispute revolves around India’s constitutional framework for SC reservations, which is designed to uplift historically disadvantaged castes.

Article 341 of the Constitution empowers the President to specify Scheduled Castes through orders, with Parliament able to modify them.

The key document here is the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, particularly Paragraph 3, which states: “No person who professes a religion different from the Hindu, the Sikh, or the Buddhist religion shall be deemed to be a member of a Scheduled Caste.”

This provision explicitly excludes converts to Christianity or Islam from SC benefits, as these religions are not considered to perpetuate the caste-based discrimination rooted in Hindu social structures.

A 2021 statement by the then-Union Law Minister Ravi Shankar Prasad in the Rajya Sabha reinforced this: “A person who converts to Islam or Christianity cannot avail benefits for the depressed classes. They cannot contest in constituencies reserved for the depressed classes.”

The rationale is that conversion severs ties to the original caste system.

As per the 1950 Order and subsequent amendments, SC status is tied to Indic faiths (Hinduism, Sikhism, Buddhism), and changing religion disqualifies individuals from reservations in education, employment, and electoral constituencies.

Supreme Court Judgements: Precedents on Conversion and FraudThe Supreme Court of India has consistently upheld these restrictions through landmark judgements, emphasizing that claiming SC benefits post-conversion constitutes a violation:

Soosai v. Union of India (1985): The Court ruled that a person from an SC community loses eligibility for reservations upon converting to Christianity, as the caste identity ceases to exist in the new faith.

C.M. Arumugam v. S. Rajgopal (1975): The apex court observed that “conversion operates as an expulsion from the caste,” meaning converts no longer belong to their original caste for reservation purposes.

C. Selvarani v. Special Secretary (2024): In a stern ruling, the Court held that claiming caste-based benefits after conversion amounts to “fraud on the Constitution,” potentially leading to disqualification and penalties.

Recent High Court Rulings: The Allahabad High Court has directed Uttar Pradesh authorities to prevent misuse of SC benefits by converts, calling it a “fraud on the Constitution.” Similarly, the Andhra Pradesh High Court (2025) stated that SC status “stands nullified upon conversion,” regardless of prior caste certificates.

These judgements underscore that while conversion is a personal right under Article 25 (freedom of religion), it cannot be used to retain reservation benefits. In cases like Selvaperunthagai’s, any proven concealment could lead to electoral disqualification under the Representation of the People Act, 1951, which penalizes false declarations in nominations.

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Delhi Police Arrests 6 Illegal Bangladeshi Immigrants From Tamil Nadu For Suspected Terror Links And Posting Pro-Pakistan Content, Worked In Tiruppur Garment Industry Using Fake Aadhaar

By
The Commune
-
Delhi Police Arrest Six Illegal Bangladeshi Nationals In Tiruppur Over Social Media Support To Pakistan-Linked Terror Group

Six Bangladeshi nationals residing in Tiruppur, allegedly employed using forged identity documents, were arrested on Saturday (February 21, 2026) by a Delhi Police team over suspected links to extremist elements involved in putting up pro-Pakistan posters ahead of Republic Day last month.

Investigators tracing the origin of posters featuring images of high-profile wanted Khalistani and jihadi operatives tracked suspects across multiple locations in Tiruppur district. One individual was detained in Ammapalayam, three in Palladam, and two in Uthukuli. They were questioned at the Tiruppur North Police Station.

The arrested individuals — identified as Mijanur Rahman (33), Mohammed Saphet (35), Omar (32), Mohammed Liton (40), Mohammed Jageeth (40), and Mohammed Ujal (29) — underwent medical examination before being produced before Judicial Magistrate III. They were subsequently taken to Delhi by train for further interrogation.

In a related operation, Delhi Police said they had foiled a larger terror conspiracy, arresting eight suspects in total from Tamil Nadu and West Bengal, including a Bangladeshi national. Authorities allege the group was planning major attacks in India with backing from Pakistan’s ISI and Bangladesh-based extremist organisations.

Police said the Tiruppur-based suspects were employed in the garment sector and had allegedly used fake Aadhaar cards to mask their identities. During searches, officers seized eight mobile phones and 16 SIM cards. Investigators claim the accused circulated pro-Pakistan extremist material on social media and conducted reconnaissance activities in several cities.

Two additional arrests were made in West Bengal. According to officials, the suspects were in constant communication through social media platforms. Police further alleged that four of the accused had travelled to Delhi, where they pasted “Free Kashmir” and other inflammatory posters at a metro station during the AI Impact Summit, before returning to their respective states.

The arrests come a day after intelligence inputs warned of possible terror threats targeting temples and religious sites in the national capital. Reports indicated that key religious locations in the Chandni Chowk and Red Fort areas were under surveillance by Pakistan-based militant outfit Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT).

Following the alerts, Delhi Police, along with central security agencies, stepped up monitoring measures, increasing CCTV surveillance and tightening vehicle checks in sensitive zones.

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15 Instances Showing How Evangelical Educational Institutions Became Hunting Grounds For Child Predators

By
The Commune
-

On 16 February 2026, a massive protest erupted at St. Francis Missionary School in the Bilaspur area of Rampur district, Uttar Pradesh, following serious allegations against the principal, Arisheril Joseph. The accused, originally from Kerala, is said to have summoned minor female students aged 6, 10, and 12 to his office under the pretext of punishment, where he reportedly subjected them to indecent acts and “bad touch.”

This incident is not isolated but part of a disturbing pattern. In this report, we take a look at 15 such cases of child abuse in educational institutions run by Evangelical forces from 2018 to 2026, revealing a systematic exploitation of children under the guise of education. These incidents span India and abroad, with principals, pastors, and teachers repeatedly luring victims to offices or hostels for “punishment” or “counseling,” often invoking religious authority to silence them.

#1 Uttar Pradesh: Principal Molests 3 Minor Girls 12 In School Office

On 16 February 2026, at St. Francis Missionary School in Khuntakheda Village, Bilaspur, Rampur district, Uttar Pradesh, Principal Arisheril Joseph, originally from Kerala and serving since 2020, allegedly summoned three minor female students aged 6, 10, and 12 to his office under the pretext of punishment and subjected them to indecent acts and “bad touch.” Parents arrived at the school and found Joseph in an inebriated state, subsequently physically assaulting him. Police rescued Joseph from the mob and took him into custody. An FIR was registered under the POCSO Act, and CCTV footage has been seized for investigation.

#2 Andhra Pradesh: Pastor, School Director Rape Student, Leads to Pregnancy

On 26 March 2025, at a Private Missionary School in Machavaram, Rayavaram Mandal, West Godavari district, Andhra Pradesh, Pastor and School Correspondent Akumarthi Shaji Jayaraju lured a minor female student to his office on the pretext of bringing files and sexually assaulted her. The crime remained hidden until the victim became five months pregnant and her health deteriorated. The frightened girl finally disclosed the ordeal to her family, who filed a complaint. Police registered a case under the POCSO Act. Jayaraju, who had been absconding, was arrested in the Kothur suburb of Ramachandrapuram and sent to judicial custody.

#3 New Mexico: Christian School Administrator Abuses 11-year-old Student For Weeks

On 24 June 2025, at Hope Christian School in Albuquerque, New Mexico, with the arrest occurring in Idaho, Kelly McEachran, a 66-year-old teacher and administrator for 35 years, was arrested for sexually abusing an 11-year-old female student. The abuse occurred near his desk, where he would ask the victim to sit in a “comfy chair” when she approached with questions. Under the guise of studying, he touched her inappropriately both over and under her clothing for several weeks. After a complaint was filed in April 2025, McEachran was placed on leave and later arrested.

#4 Alabama: Married Teacher Arrested for Sexual Relationship with Minor Student

On 16 July 2025, at North River Christian Academy in Tuscaloosa, Alabama, USA, Sarah Huggins Logan, a 35-year-old married mother of two and Class II teacher, was arrested after parents discovered she was having a “sexual relationship” with their minor daughter, whose age was not disclosed. The parents filed a police report on 16 July 2025, triggering an investigation. The school administration immediately dismissed Logan upon learning of the allegations and cooperated with authorities.

#5 Maryland: Pastor and Former Teacher Abuses Five Minor Students 

On 25 July 2025, at Elvaton Christian Academy in Millersville, Maryland, USA, William Auburn Jones, a 58-year-old pastor at Jesup Baptist Church and former teacher, was arrested for sexually abusing five minor students aged between 7 and 13 years. According to charging documents, Jones inappropriately touched a 10-year-old boy in the school’s computer lab. Another 12-year-old victim revealed that Jones had abused her continuously from third through sixth grade. Police identified five victims in total. Jones was arrested on July 25 and faces multiple counts of child abuse and sexual battery.

#6 Florida: 80-year-old Former Principal Captured for 1980s School Abuse

On 25 August 2025, in Bradenton, Florida, Eric Anderson, an 80-year-old former pastor and principal of The Bible Speaks school in Western Massachusetts, was arrested for sexually abusing a minor student in the 1980s. Victim Erica Slater stated that Anderson would call her behind his desk and grope her repeatedly. The case came to light in 2019 when the investigative group ‘Millstones’ began examining abuse patterns in the church. Anderson, who was hiding in Virginia, was tracked to Bradenton, Florida based on his vehicle and captured on 25 August 2025.

#7 Pennsylvania: Pastor Sentenced to Up to 40 Years for 2007-08 Basement Abuse

On 9 January 2023, in West Chester, Pennsylvania, USA, Randy Lee Boston, a 64-year-old Bible Baptist Church pastor and former teacher at West Chester Christian School, was sentenced to 20 to 40 years in prison for sexually abusing a first-grade student in 2007-08. Boston took the child, aged 6-7 at the time, to the school basement under the pretext of punishment for a minor mischief, assaulted him, then prayed with him to ensure silence. The victim suffered years of drug abuse and trauma before disclosing to his brother in 2019. Boston admitted his attraction to children during investigation. Judge Patrick Carmody described him as “a man without remorse.”

#8 Tamil Nadu: Pastor Sentenced to Seven Years for Assault on 13-year-old Hostelite

On 3 January 2023, at a girls hostel in Pallagoundampalayam, Uthukuli, Tiruppur district, Tamil Nadu, Pastor Andrews, 46, who along with his wife ran a hostel for girls and working women, was arrested for sexually assaulting a 13-year-old minor student. On 14 December 2022, when the victim missed evening prayers due to illness, Andrews assaulted her in her room and threatened her to remain silent. The crime came to light when the girl returned home for Christmas holidays and refused to go back. Her family lodged a complaint, and police registered a case under the POCSO Act. Andrews confessed to his crime and was sentenced to seven years imprisonment.

#9 Madhya Pradesh: Principal Arrested for Abusing 8 Minor Girls in Hostel

On 5 March 2023, at a Missionary School Hostel in Dindori district, Madhya Pradesh, Principal Nan Singh was arrested while teacher Khemchand, hostel caretaker Fateh Sunny, and a female caretaker remain absconding for sexually assaulting eight female students from classes 6 to 12, aged approximately 6 to 12 years. During a surprise inspection by the State Commission for Protection of Child Rights and Child Welfare Committee, the students tearfully reported years of abuse, stating that the accused would call them alone to classrooms, touch their private parts, and engage in obscene acts. Students also complained of caning and stale food.

#10 Tamil Nadu: Headmaster Sentenced to 14 Years for Assaulting Nine Students

On 9 April 2022, at a Government Aided Primary School run by the church in Tuticorin district, Tamil Nadu, A. Thomas Samuel, a 57-year-old headmaster, was arrested after having sexually harassed schoolgirls for three months. The abuse came to light on 8 April 2022, when a parent filed a police complaint. Investigation revealed that Samuel had misbehaved with nine girl students of the school. Kovilpatti Mahila Police arrested him on 9 April 2022, under the POCSO Act. He was subsequently sentenced to 14 years imprisonment for his crimes against the minor students.

#11 Tamil Nadu: Math Teacher Arrested for Assaulting Student during Exam Supervision

On 6 April 2022, at Sacred Heart Higher Secondary School in Thiruvarangam, Ramanathapuram district, Tamil Nadu, Arogya Arul Thomas, a mathematics teacher, was arrested for sexually assaulting a 10th-class girl student while supervising an examination. He held the student’s hand and made objectionable remarks, and when she protested, he abused her. The victim first complained to Principal Arulanand, who merely issued a warning. The student then approached the Child Protection Committee, whose investigation confirmed the allegations and found two other teachers’ behavior suspicious. Police arrested Thomas under the POCSO Act.

#12 Tamil Nadu: Principal, Wife Arrested for Hostel Assault and Cover-up

On 3 December 2021, at C.E. Higher Secondary School and Heber Home Hostel in Trichy, Tamil Nadu, Principal James, 52, and his wife Stella Mary, a teacher and hostel warden, were arrested for sexually assaulting a 13-year-old student and covering up the crime. James assaulted the victim in the school storeroom during Diwali holidays when other children were away. When the girl complained to Stella, she scolded the victim and threatened her to remain silent. The victim’s health deteriorated, and she disclosed the abuse when sent to relatives. Srirangam Women’s Police arrested both under the POCSO Act. The Education Department dismissed both from service.

#13 Tamil Nadu: Karate Master Abuses Student for 4 Years During “Meditation” Classes

On 28 November 2021, at an FCRA-funded missionary school in Salem, Tamil Nadu, Karate Master Raja and the school manager were arrested under the POCSO Act after a 12th-grade student attempted suicide and revealed during hospital counseling that Raja had been sexually harassing her for four years during meditation classes under the guise of teaching “peace and meditation.” Investigation revealed Raja had similarly abused several other female students. The school and its attached orphanage receive foreign funding from the United Kingdom. Police arrested both accused and sent them to jail.

#14 Tamil Nadu: English Professor Arrested After Students Protest Inaction

On 1 December 2021, at St. Thomas College of Arts and Science in Chennai, Tamil Nadu, English Professor Tamil Selvan was arrested after obtaining female students’ phone numbers under the pretext of online classes, sending obscene messages on WhatsApp, and physically assaulting them. When students complained to the college administration, their complaints were ignored. Students staged a massive protest on campus; the management initially called police to quell the protests. As pressure mounted, the professor was dismissed, and the administration filed a police complaint. Selvan was arrested under the Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Harassment of Women Act and the IT Act.

#15 Tamil Nadu: Principal Arrested for Abusing 11-year-old, Linked to Another Student’s Suicide

On 2 March 2018, at Montfort School in Perungudi, Chennai, Tamil Nadu, Principal G. Jayapaul, 44, was arrested for sexually abusing an 11-year-old student after the girl refused to attend school for two months and disclosed the abuse to her parents. Thoraipakkam and Guindy police stations initially refused to register the complaint, sparking massive protests by family and residents. Jayapaul confessed during interrogation. Investigation revealed he had faced similar allegations at a previous school. Following his arrest, another family came forward alleging Jayapaul was responsible for their daughter’s suicide six months earlier – she had gone to seek his blessings after scoring 97 percent in exams, and he touched her inappropriately.

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Make-up Artist & Distortionist Ruchika Sharma Claims Ayodhya Was Buddhist But Records From Mughal To Islamic Sources Say Otherwise

By
The Commune
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ruchika sharma

A fresh round of historical misinformation has surfaced on social media after self-styled historian “historian” and makeup artist Ruchika Sharma claimed that Ayodhya was originally a Buddhist centre and that the Ram Janmabhoomi dispute was a 19th-century construct.

Sharing a video on her X handle, Sharma wrote, “Ayodhya was a famous Buddhist centre for a long time before it became associated with the worship of Ram. Excavations found stupas and viharas, not a Ram temple. Babri masjid dispute is a 19th c construct!”

However, a closer examination of primary historical records, including Mughal chronicles, Persian texts, Islamic historians and even Buddhist literature, contradicts the narrative being circulated.

Mughal Court Records Identify Ayodhya As Rama’s Birthplace

One of the most authoritative administrative texts of the Mughal period, the Ain-i-Akbari, authored by Emperor Akbar’s court historian Abul Fazl, clearly records Ayodhya as the birthplace of Shri Rama.

The text, produced within an Islamic imperial court, makes no reference to Ayodhya being a Buddhist civilisational centre, undermining the claim that the Ram association is a later political construct.

Islamic Usage Referred To Site As “Sita-ki-Rasoi”

Historical references also show that structures at the disputed site were locally known for centuries as “Sita-ki-Rasoi.”

One cited account notes, “…It is still known far and wide as the Sita ki Rasoi mosque…”

The continued usage of a Ramayana-linked name within Islamic descriptions reflects an acknowledgment of the site’s association with the Ram tradition, not Buddhism.

Persian Text Linked To Aurangzeb’s Lineage

A Persian manuscript attributed to Aurangzeb’s granddaughter, Sahifah-i-Chihal Nasaih-i-Bahadurshahi, similarly refers to the location as Sita-ki-Rasoi, further reinforcing the continuity of the Ramayana association even within Mughal familial records.

Muslim Chronicler Acknowledged Temple Demolition

Mirza Jan, a 19th-century Muslim chronicler linked to the Hanuman Garhi conflicts, described Ayodhya as Dasharatha’s capital and referenced the demolition of temples at the Ram Janmasthan site.

One passage records, “…Here they broke the temples and left no stone-hearted idol intact. Where there was a big temple, there they got a big mosque constructed…”

Such accounts again situate the site within the Ram Janmabhoomi tradition rather than a Buddhist institutional landscape.

Selective Use Of Buddhist Texts

Sharma’s argument relies heavily on the Dasaratha Jataka to frame Ayodhya as Buddhist. But the same text complicates that claim.

Buddhist Jataka literature portrays the Buddha in past lives — and in this narrative, he appears as Rāma-pandita, effectively a reincarnation of Rama.

A cited line states, “How Lord Buddha as a ‘Rāma-pandita’ in a past life consoled a grieving person is described in the Dasaratha Jātaka.”

Far from displacing the Ram narrative, the text embeds it.

The Jataka shifts Dasharatha’s capital from Ayodhya to Varanasi, a detail often cited to argue Buddhist primacy.

However, scholars note that many Jataka tales are set in Varanasi, the literary centre of the corpus. The shift reflects narrative framing, not archaeological or civilisational evidence.

In peddling the line that Ayodhya was “originally” a Buddhist centre and that the Ram Janmabhoomi dispute is a mere 19th‑century construct, Ruchika Sharma is not doing history but ideological cosmetics, selectively airbrushing away Mughal‑era chronicles that identify Ayodhya as Rama’s birthplace, Islamic‑period references to “Sita‑ki‑Rasoi,” Muslim accounts of temple destruction at the Janmasthan, and even the Ram‑centred logic of the very Buddhist Jataka she brandishes as proof.

This article is based on an X thread by Sagas Of Bharat

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Ahead Of 2026 TN Polls, DMK & Allies Share Stage At ‘Dalit Christian’ Liberation Movement Meet Pushing For 4.6% Quota

By
The Commune
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With the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, the Dalit Christian Liberation Movement (DCLM) organised a state-level conference in Chennai on 19 February 2026, with the participation of several leaders from parties aligned with the DMK-led coalition.

It is noteworthy that members of the DCLM met with DMK HR&CE minister Sekar Babu earlier in this regard.

The event, held at Raja Annamalai Mandram from 2:00 PM to 7:00 PM, was led by DCLM State President Dr. M. Mary John and projected as a major mobilisation for the rights of Dalit Christians.

The central agenda of the conference was a renewed push for 4.6% internal reservation within the Backward Classes (BC) quota for Dalit Christians.

Event material circulated by organisers argued that Dalit Christians, despite conversion, continue to face social and economic backwardness and therefore deserve quota benefits. The movement framed the demand as a long-pending justice issue and called for political intervention to secure it.

The demand can be seen as part of a broader attempt to reopen the contentious debate around religion-linked reservation benefits.

What has drawn particular attention is the heavy presence of leaders from parties that are part of or aligned with the DMK-led alliance. Those listed in the programme include:

  • K. Selvaperunthagai, MLA (TNCC chief – Congress)
  • M. Sindhanai Selvan, MLA (VCK)
  • S. Inigo Irudayaraj, MLA
  • M.H. Jawahirullah, MLA (MMK)
  • S. Peter Alphonse, former MP (Congress)
  • M. Veerapandian (CPI)
  • K.M. Kader Mohideen (IUML)
  • K.M. Sheriff (TMMK)
  • Kudanthai Arasan (Viduthalai Tamil Puligal)
  • E. Yesudoss (Tamilaga Makkal Nala Katchi)
  • Dr. R. Philip Baskar

The conference also featured an extensive lineup of Christian clergy and denominational representatives, including figures from CSI, TELC and CBCI-linked bodies such as:

  • Rev. Dr. S. Irudhayaraj (CBCI SC/ST/BC Commission)
  • Rev. Fr. Ilanchezhiyan (SDB)
  • Rev. Fr. Jayaseelan Amalnathan
  • Rev. Fr. Z. Jesukumaraj
  • Rev. Fr. F. Gnanapragasam

The scale of church participation indicates organised institutional backing for the demand, despite them saying people convert to their fold to ‘escape’ caste discrimination.

This is the same group of people who would be opposed to the EWS reservation.

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