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“Stalin Wants To Make His Son Udhayanidhi CM, This Dream Will Never Come True”, Says Union Home Minister Amit Shah

“Stalin Wants to Make His Son Udhayanidhi CM, This Dream Will Never Come True”, Says Union Home Minister Amit Shah

Union Home Minister Amit Shah on Sunday, 4 January 2026 accused the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) government of corruption and dynastic politics, asserting that Chief Minister MK Stalin’s ambition to make his son Udhayanidhi Stalin the Chief Minister would never be realised.

Addressing the valedictory function of BJP state president Nainar Nagenthran’s statewide rally in Pudukottai, Shah said the time had come to put an end to dynastic rule in Tamil Nadu and declared that the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) would remove the DMK government and form the government.

“Stalin wants to make Udhayanidhi chief minister. But Stalin Babu, I want to tell you – this dream will never come true. The time has come to end dynasty politics, and that will happen when the NDA comes to power,” Shah said.

Elaborating on his charge of dynastic politics, Shah said, “I have come to tell the people of Tamil Nadu today that the time has come to end this dynastic politics in Tamil Nadu. First Karunanidhi ji, then Stalin ji, and now Udhayanidhi Stalin – your dream is not going to come true. The sole objective of the Tamil Nadu government is to make Stalin ji’s son, Udhayanidhi, the Chief Minister.”

Shah also accused the DMK government of undermining Hindu values in the state. “The Constitutional rights of Hindus are being snatched away. Sanatana dharma was equated with dengue and malaria by DMK netas. Hindu processions are not allowed. Even immersing idols in water bodies is restricted,” he said.

Rejecting the DMK’s charge that the BJP was anti-Tamil, Shah said the allegation was false propaganda. He pointed to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s initiatives for the state and said Modi had elevated Tamil Nadu leader C P Radhakrishnan to the post of Vice-President.

Shah further alleged that the DMK government was synonymous with corruption. “Almost every DMK neta has been named in one scam or another,” he said, adding that public anger against the ruling party was widespread. “If there is one govt that has failed to fulfil even a few election promises, it is the DMK govt,” he added.

Describing the BJP–AIADMK alliance as a “natural alliance,” Shah said the outcome of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections would have been different had the two parties contested together. “We fought together in 1998, in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections and in the 2021 assembly polls. But in 2024, we contested separately. If our vote shares are to be combined, we would have won 36 seats,” he said.

Shah also claimed that 2024 and 2025 had been victorious years for the BJP in several states and said the trend would be repeated in Tamil Nadu and West Bengal.

Earlier, BJP state president Nainar Nagenthran said his statewide campaign had revealed widespread voter disillusionment with the DMK government. He blamed former minister Senthil Balaji for the Karur stampede incident.

Senior BJP leaders, including Tamil Nadu election in-charge and Union Minister Piyush Goyal, L Murugan, former state president K Annamalai, and other state-level functionaries attended the event. Later in the evening, Shah chaired a BJP core committee meeting with state functionaries in Trichy.

Source: Times of India

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“You Eat That Every Morning For Breakfast”: BJP Leader H. Raja Slams DMK Minister Sekar Babu Who Abused Hindu Devotees Saying “Do You Eat Food Or Sh*t?”

Senior BJP leader H Raja on 4 January 2026, levelled a series of serious allegations against DMK Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Minister PK Sekar Babu, accusing him of misusing temple funds, failing to submit statutory accounts, and presiding over large-scale corruption in temple renovation and consecration works.

Raja made these remarks while addressing party workers at a public meeting held in Pudukottai on the day Union Home Minister Amit Shah visited the state.

Referring directly to Sekar Babu, Raja accused him of misappropriating temple hundi collections and said, “There is a corrupt department. Every day, this Sekar Babu, this Hallelujah Babu, who is he, this Hallelujah Babu, I pray to God that this Sekar Babu should go to at least one temple every day. At Suchindram, Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva exist in a single idol as Sthanumalayan. When he went there, what did he ask the Hindus? He said that Hindus had raised the wrong slogan by shouting “Bharat Mata ki Jai.” If Sekar Babu were truly a patriotic person, what should he have done? He should have joined them and shouted “Bharat Mata ki Jai.” But after all, he is a servant of the white man—there is plenty of history for that. I have spoken a lot about this earlier. This Sekar Babu is a temple hundi thief. I am directly accusing him of that.”

Continuing, he said, “Think about it. The government conducted the Murugan Conference at Palani. From where did you take the money? From your father’s money? Or, to put it the way Udhayanidhi Stalin speaks, from Sekar Babu’s grandfather’s property? You took the money from the Palani Murugan temple. Have you given accounts till today? The court says that accounts for 76 major temples have not been given till now. Who will not give accounts? A thief will not give accounts. If you had not taken temple money, we would not ask for accounts. But you took temple money and conducted the Murugan Conference. So where are the accounts? That is not all. In the name of renovation, money is being stolen from every temple. Because recently, five months ago, the kumbhabhishekam of the Tiruchendur Murugan temple took place. How much was spent? ₹306 crore. Out of this, the spiritual donor, our dear friend Siva Nadar, gave ₹200 crore. From where did the remaining ₹106 crore come? You took money from the hundi offerings of devotees in Tiruchendur and conducted the kumbhabhishekam.”

He further said, “On the 40th day mandala pooja after the kumbhabhishekam, I went to Tiruchendur to have darshan of Lord Murugan. When I parked the vehicle and stepped down, my foot sank by one foot. Why? Because it was built with loose earth. If it had been built with proper cement concrete, it would not have sunk. In civil works in Tamil Nadu, there is 40% corruption. How much commission? 40%. Is this a government? If demons rule, then cannibalistic scriptures will prevail. Under Stalin’s rule, I am not saying this just for the sake of a speech. Before the inauguration of any school building, is it acceptable that the roof plaster should collapse and fall on children? Can such a government exist? This is Satanic rule and must be thrown out.”

He further said, “I said all this to press friends at Tiruchendur itself. Where we placed our feet, there is a pit. Ten feet away, there is an even bigger pit. Only if you had built properly with cement would this not happen. In Tenkasi, during the kumbhabhishekam, did the kalasam on top of the gopuram fall down on the tenth day or not? Sekar Babu, answer this.”

Referring to an incident at the Suchindram temple, Raja accused Sekar Babu of objecting to slogans raised by Hindu devotees. He said, “This Sekar Babu is a destructive force who shamelessly asks Hindus whether they eat what he eats for breakfast. He asks Hindus such questions. “Do you eat food or something else?” You eat that every morning, that is your daily breakfast. Therefore, such destructive forces must be chased away. These destructive forces are in power today, and this government must be thrown out.”

Throughout his address, Raja repeatedly accused the DMK government of corruption and hostility towards Hindu institutions, calling on party workers to take these allegations to every village and household. He urged voters to remove what he described as a corrupt and anti-Hindu administration from power.

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Dravidian Model Tamil Nadu: Black-Shirt Wearing Man Enters Sanctum-Sanctorum Of Devi Shrine In Chidambaram Natarajar Temple, Pours Abhishekam Milk On Himself, Attacks Dikshitars; BJP Leaders Slam DMK Govt

Amid the grand Arudra Darshan celebrations at the world-renowned Chidambaram Natarajar Temple on Sunday (4 January 2026), a tense situation prevailed after a man wearing black-shirt reportedly entered the sanctum of the Sivakamasundari Amman shrine and caused a disturbance.

According to sources, the individual, carrying a pot of milk meant for worship, poured the milk over himself in front of the deity and reportedly proclaimed, “I am God.” When Selva Ganesh Dikshitar, a temple priest, and Kannan, a watchman present at the shrine, attempted to intervene and restrain him, the man allegedly attacked them with the pot.

Both Selva Ganesh Dikshitar and Kannan sustained injuries in the incident and were admitted to a hospital, where they are currently undergoing treatment. Their condition is said to be stable.

Members of the public present at the temple quickly apprehended the individual and handed him over to the Chidambaram Town Police. During interrogation, police identified him as Manikandan (35), a resident of the Valaragurchi area under Sendurai Taluk in Ariyalur district.

Further inquiry revealed that Manikandan is a graduate of Annamalai University and had been staying at home in recent times. Police have stated that he may be suffering from mental health issues, which could have contributed to his behaviour at the temple.

The police have informed Manikandan’s family about the incident and are continuing an intensive investigation to ascertain the full circumstances leading up to the episode. Security at the temple has also been reviewed in the aftermath of the incident, especially in view of the large crowds attending the Arudra Darshan festival.

Tamil Nadu BJP leaders condemned the incident slamming the DMK government.

BJP Tamil Nadu Youth Wing President Dr. SG Suryah lambasted the saying that the DMK’s ‘anti-Sanatan Dharma’ poison is now exploding as violence within temples.

Why is the police standing by with folded hands, watching the ongoing attacks on Hindus? It is once again confirmed that Hindus in Tamil Nadu have no protection.“, Suryah said.

Coimbatore South BJP MLA Vanathi Srinivasan slammed the DMK governments and its HR&CE Minister Sekarbabu who abused Hindus at the entrance of a temple a few days back.

The emergence of numerous individuals like Sekar Babu—who abuse devotees with disdain and seek to transform the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Department into an arena of irreligiosity—is precisely the “protection” this regime offers to Hindu temples. In this anti-Hindu DMK administration, where even temple deities lack safeguards, the fact that now outsiders can breach the sanctum and desecrate its sanctity demands the strongest condemnation. In Thillai (Chidambaram), where thousands of Shiva devotees from around the world gather daily, such a lapse in security—especially on a special day like Arudra—raises serious questions about the safety of the general public who visit these temples. I strongly urge the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Department to ensure that no such incidents recur by guaranteeing the security and sanctity of our temples henceforth.“, Vanathi Srinivasan said.

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Jana Nayagan Trailer Decoded: Villain Has A Plan Called ‘O-M’, Calls For Nailing Hero On A ‘Cross’ – The Christutva Politics Of Joseph Vijay

The trailer for Jana Nayagan, Joseph Vijay’s final film before he plunges full time into politics with his Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), dropped on January 3, 2026, and it is an unapologetic display of Christian triumphalism wrapped in mass-hero packaging.

Directed by H. Vinoth and starring Bobby Deol as the villain, the film is the political launch vehicle for Joseph Vijay and has references to TVK scattered across. But we aren’t going to decode that.

The trailer brazenly portrays Vijay as a Christ-like redeemer while associating Hindu sacred symbols as instruments of evil. This is not subtle symbolism – it is a deliberate projection of “Christutva” politics, where Vijay leverages his Christian identity to position himself as the persecuted savior of Tamil Nadu.

As a practicing Christian with deep-rooted connections to evangelical networks, Vijay is using his reel life to signal his real-world agenda: consolidating Christian and minority votes while systematically undermining Hindu cultural dominance in the state.

The Villain’s ‘O-M’ Plan: Hindu Symbols Weaponized For Evil

Bobby Deol’s character reveals his diabolical “master plan” named ‘O-M’, sporting a prominent tattoo on the back of his neck— the letter M inside a circle O, which reads like OM, the most sacred syllable in Hinduism, representing the ultimate reality and divine sound.

 

The villain’s frames are drenched in saffron, the color central to Hindu spirituality and identity.

The trailer culminates with a humanoid robot glowing in saffron light, bearing an ‘O-M’ engraving on its armor as it charges to destroy Vijay’s hero.

This is no coincidence. The film deliberately takes O-M and saffron—and attaches them to a terrorist-like villain who seeks absolute domination.

The same villain then declares that Vijay’s hero “should be nailed on a cross with his life draining out gradually,” explicitly invoking the crucifixion of Jesus Christ and the agony of slow death on the cross, ensuring no resurrection.

The message is clear: Hindu forces want to crucify the Christian savior, but he will rise to defeat them.

Vijay As The Christ Redeemer

In one of the trailer’s most striking shots, a character (presumably Vijay) stands in silhouette with arms outstretched, sunlight streaming through windows and forming a halo of scattered rays around him—an exact visual replica of the Christ the Redeemer statue in Rio de Janeiro.

This pose, combined with the crucifixion dialogue, casts Vijay’s character as Jesus himself? The innocent, persecuted messiah who sacrifices for the people and will overcome death and evil?

Joseph Vijay is not just playing a hero—he is portraying himself as Tamil Nadu’s Christian redeemer, destined to suffer at the hands of “saffron” forces but ultimately triumph.

The Christutva Blueprint: From Cinema To Politics

Cloaked in the language of Dravidianist secularism, the project mirrors a familiar template—aggressive minority consolidation backed by evangelical networks and the entrenched “Loyola syndicate,” including Vijay’s Jesuit-connected uncles.

His identity playbook is unmistakably borrowed from Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy. His political attire—a white shirt and khaki pants—mirrors Jagan’s. Like Jagan, Vijay has deep Christian roots. His family, particularly his uncles. Xavier Alphonse and Xavier Britto, have strong ties to the Catholic Church and the Society of Jesus, a powerful religious order with significant influence in education and politics.

This ideological positioning did not emerge overnight. When Mersal landed in controversy for peddling demonstrably false claims about GST, Vijay did not respond as a neutral citizen or artiste. He issued a statement under the name C. Joseph Vijay,” beginning with the invocation “Jesus Saves.” That moment marked a clear shift—from ambiguity to assertion.

What followed was even more telling. His subsequent films—Theri, Bigil, Master, and Leo—were peppered with increasingly explicit visual and symbolic glorification of Christianity, most notably the recurring use of the Cross, framed not as personal faith but as moral authority.

In Theri directed by Atlee, a telling exchange unfolds when Amy Jackson’s character asks, “What does the Bible preach?” Vijay, playing Joseph Kuruvilla, responds evasively—“The Bible preaches many things; what are you referring to?”—prompting her to underline the point herself: “Love your enemies.” The scene is framed less as character development and more as theological messaging.

In Leo there are many scenes where Vijay visibly flaunts the cross to assert his identity and Christian symbolism.

And then you have Bigil, again directed by Atlee.

This Christhutva playbook extends to his political rhetoric, as seen in a December 22, 2025, Christmas event organized by TVK, where Vijay recounted a “kutty story” from the Bible about betrayal and victory—referencing the story of Joseph from Genesis 47. He painted Joseph as a benevolent savior who, after being betrayed, rose to power and saved his betrayers and the nation through God’s will. However, the actual biblical account reveals Joseph coercively collecting Egyptians’ money, livestock, land, and even enslaving them during a famine in exchange for grain, imposing a permanent 20% tax and reducing the people to servitude under Pharaoh. Vijay’s cherry-picked version ignores these exploitative elements, turning a tale of state consolidation and loss of autonomy into a triumphant narrative of protection—mirroring his own promises of “secular ideology” and safeguarding minorities while quietly advancing Christian institutional power.

His ideological enemy, as defined by him, is the BJP-RSS, aligning perfectly with the philosophies of Christian missionaries and followers of Robert Caldwell and G.U. Pope, who historically sought to fracture Indian unity by promoting divisive Dravidian narratives.

The Jana Nayagan trailer is Vijay’s cinematic manifesto: Hindu symbols represent tyranny and terror; the Christian figure, even when threatened with crucifixion, is the true people’s hero who will redeem Tamil society.

Vallavaraayan is a political writer.

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Radical Islamist Zohran Mamdani Meets Terror Accused Umar Khalid’s Father Who Headed A Banned Terror Org, He Should Mind His Own Business And Stop Messing With India

New York City’s newly inaugurated mayor, Zohran Kwame Mamdani, has once again proved to be a filtered terror-sympathizing Islamist by meeting with Dr. Syed Qasim Rasool Ilyas, the father of jailed terror accused Umar Khalid.

Mamdani, a self-identified democratic socialist and the first Muslim mayor of America’s largest city, has aligned himself with figures linked to radical Islamist organizations be it with Hamas or Pakistan-based terror groups.

Islamist Zohran reportedly met Ilyas on December 9, 2025, for about 25–30 minutes, during which Ilyas pressed the issue of his son’s incarceration who is in jail for terror charges.

Mamdani, reportedly following Khalid’s case closely, offered to connect the family with U.S. Congress members to advocate for Khalid’s release.

Following the encounter, Mamdani and eight U.S. lawmakers, including Representatives Jamie Raskin and James McGovern, wrote to India’s U.S. ambassador, Vinay Mohan Kwatra, urging bail for Khalid and others arrested in connection with the 2020 Delhi riots. They cited “weak evidence” and described the pre-trial detention as “punitive.”

Why Is Umar Khalid In Jail?

Umar Khalid remains in jail for masterminding the 2020 Delhi anti-Hindu riots. Reports detail his arrest under UAPA after chargesheets exposed his central role in a premeditated conspiracy that killed over 50 people, mostly Hindus, through coordinated violence timed for Donald Trump’s India visit. Khalid, son of an ex-SIMI member, met rioters like AAP councillor Tahir Hussain and activist Khalid Saifi at Shaheen Bagh on January 8 to plot “big action” against CAA-NRC, assuring PFI funding and logistics while inciting Muslims via speeches to block roads, spill blood, and overthrow the government. Despite liberal romanticization as an innocent activist, courts have repeatedly denied bail, citing ample evidence of his instigation alongside figures like Sharjeel Imam, proving the riots were no spontaneous outburst but a calculated Islamist-Left assault.

Umar Khalid’s Father Headed Banned Islamist Terror Org

Dr. Syed Qasim Rasool Ilyas is a notorious Indian Islamist agitator whose career is marred by deep ties to extremist groups and a relentless push for divisive, anti-national agendas. As the national president of the Students’ Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) from 1983 to 1985, Ilyas led an organization that was later banned in 2001 under India’s Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) for its blatant involvement in terrorist activities, promoting hatred, and fostering communal discord

Undeterred by the ban, Ilyas slithered into the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (JIH), securing a spot on its Central Advisory Council, where he continues to peddle an ideology rooted in Islamist supremacy and dreams of imposing Sharia law over secular governance, all while masquerading as a champion of social welfare.Not content with behind-the-scenes maneuvering, Ilyas serves as the spokesperson for the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB), a body often criticized for clinging to regressive practices that undermine women’s rights and equality under the guise of religious preservation. In 2011, he founded the Welfare Party of India (WPI) as a thinly veiled political front for JIH, allowing radical elements to infiltrate mainstream politics. Indian intelligence agencies have repeatedly exposed WPI as a deceptive cover for JIH’s broader ambitions, with Ilyas at the helm orchestrating campaigns that sow division

His prominent role in the anti-Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) protests further reveals a pattern of inciting unrest, turning legitimate concerns into platforms for radical mobilization that threaten national unity.

An Islamist-American Is No Different Than A Pakistani Terrorist

When the mayor of New York chooses to lend his office, influence, and access to lawmakers in service of a terror accused’s family—while downplaying judicial findings, ignoring victims, and echoing Islamist grievance narratives—it ceases to be about civil liberties and becomes a question of ideological alignment. It is the normalization of extremist apologia under the garb of progressivism.

And who the hell is Zohran Mamdani—and who are these U.S. lawmakers—to interfere in India’s internal legal and security matters? By what authority do they presume to lecture a sovereign nation on terror prosecutions, dismiss court-monitored evidence as “weak,” and advocate leniency for an accused whose case has repeatedly withstood judicial scrutiny? India is not a client state, and its anti-terror laws are not subject to approval by foreign politicians driven by ideological posturing or domestic vote-bank politics.

Mind your own business and clean up the filth in your backyard, Zohran!

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Ikkis Is Nothing But ‘Aman Ki Asha’ On Steroids, A Pacifist BS That Sees India And Pakistan Through The Same Lens And Deserves To Be Trashed

Sriram Raghavan’s Ikkis is the kind of self-righteous pacifist nonsense that treats a brutal war of aggression as a mutual tragedy, viewing Indian heroism and Pakistani invasion through the exact same misty-eyed lens of “shared humanity.”

This isn’t a tribute to Param Vir Chakra winner Second Lieutenant Arun Khetarpal; it’s a preachy anti-war lecture that equates the sacrifices of our soldiers with the “regrets” of the enemy who started the fight.

In 2026, with audiences demanding pride over pseudo-peace, this outdated drivel deserves to flop – and early signs show it’s heading that way. The film, based on Khetarpal’s extraordinary valor in the 1971 Battle of Basantar where he destroyed multiple Pakistani tanks at age 21, had all the makings of an inspiring biopic.

Instead, Raghavan turns into a boring virtue-signaling lecture on war’s futility, shuttling between battlefield flashes and a 2001 frame where Arun’s father (Dharmendra) visits Pakistan and bonds with the “noble” retired Brigadier (Jaideep Ahlawat) who killed his son.

Tea is shared, grief is mutual, families are flashed back to – we’re meant to see both sides as equally burdened by “the horror of war.”

Pakistani troops get prideful speeches about their battalion’s legacy, just like our Poona Horse. No distinction between defender and aggressor; just endless “war is hell for everyone.”

The film Ikkis feels like Aman Ki Asha on steroids, pushing a brand of manufactured “bhaichara” that borders on self-parody.

In one scene, Dharmendra visits his ancestral home in Pakistan and remarks that his family lived there before Partition, only for the current owner to say “it’s still yours, take it!”

Another exchange goes like this,

Brigadier M. L. Khetarpal (Dharmendra)

– Uss Din Woh Peeche Kyun Nahi Hataa? (Why didn’t he go back that day?)

Brigadier Khwaja Mohammed Naseer (Jaideep Ahlawat)

– Woh Dhushman Ko Haranaa Chahtha Tha Sir (He wanted to defeat the enemy sir!)

Brigadier M. L. Khetarpal – Kaun Dhushman? (Enemy who?)

This is not merely insensitive storytelling; it amounts to rubbing salt into the wounds of those who laid down their lives defending the nation.

This false equivalence is insulting. While Arun (a sincere but underwhelming Agastya Nanda) gets some tank sequences, the heroism feels rushed to make room for cross-border empathy.

Aman Ki Asha apologists praise it as “humane” and “anti-rhetorical patriotism,” but that’s code for avoiding righteous anger against a nation that invaded us.

Even the film knows it went too far – that viral mid-credits disclaimer frantically clarifies the “humane” brigadier is an “exception” and Pakistan remains untrustworthy. If you need a nationalist disclaimer to patch your “balanced” narrative, why make it this soft in the first place? It is possible that the makers saw the response to Aditya Dhar’s Dhurandhar and added the disclaimer.

Performances save it from total disaster: Dharmendra brings quiet gravitas in his final role, Jaideep Ahlawat is layered as the conflicted Pakistani, and Agastya shows promise despite lacking intensity.

Raghavan’s craft is okay but his pacifist treatment kills the film.

No surprise that the usual suspects in the leftist echo chamber are swooning over this pacifist tripe. Livemint’s review gushes about it being a “war film on a peace mission,” applauding Raghavan’s “passionate case for pacifism” and his refusal to stir any anti-Pakistan sentiment, even positioning it against Dhurandhar as a supposed moral counterpoint. The Wire hails it as a brave swim “against the tide of jingoistic war films,” getting misty-eyed over its studied restraint. The Quint celebrates it as a salute to “bravehearts on both sides,” relieved that the film avoids “stereotyped Pakistani villains.” If these outlets are celebrating the film, that in itself tells you exactly what kind of politics the film is pandering to—and why large sections of the audience are walking away.

Ikkis Vs Dhurandhar: Pacifism Flops While Unapologetic Patriotism Rules The Box Office

Two war-themed films from the same production house (Maddock/Jio), yet worlds apart – and the awakened Indian audience has spoken loudly. The declining footfalls to this film indicate that Indian audiences are rejecting Pakistan apologia and instead favour bold cinema that speaks plainly and without hesitation.

Aditya Dhar’s Dhurandhar (2025) is a ferocious spy thriller that shows Pakistan how it deserves to be shown: as an uncouth, kafir-hating, jihadi exporting terror hub.

No hand-wringing, no “shared trauma” – just raw justice against the rogue state sponsoring threats like 26/11.

Ranveer Singh’s infiltrator tears through Karachi’s underbelly, highlighting ISI-crime-terror nexuses without apology. It’s chest-thumping, visceral, and unapologetically India-first – the kind of film post-Uri and post-Pulwama audiences crave. Result? A monstrous ₹1200+ crore worldwide, the highest-grossing Indian film of 2025, still pulling double-digits in its fifth week (₹11+ crore on Day 30 alone).

Contrast with Ikkis: Same Indo-Pak conflict backdrop, but Raghavan’s pacifist lens equates both sides, humanizing the enemy excessively. Audiences rejected it – decent ₹7 crore Day 1 start, but sharp drops and limited growth amid Dhurandhar’s dominance. Srirama! Wrong timing da!

This proves Indian viewers have evolved. We’ve ditched outdated “balance” for truth and pride. Dhurandhar thrives reflecting reality – Pakistan as aggressor and terror exporter. Ikkis’s equivocation feels tone-deaf, like pre-2019 Bollywood pleading peace with the unrepentant.Upcoming 2026 slate (Border 2, etc.) will follow Dhurandhar’s template: Honor heroes without equating them to the enemy. The verdict is clear – pacifist BS flops. Jai Hind!

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Two Die, Over 10 Hospitalised After Suspected Water Contamination In Tiruvallur

Two people died and more than ten others were hospitalised in Tiruvallur district after allegedly consuming contaminated drinking water, triggering protests by residents on Saturday.

The incident was reported from Karlambakkam Colony near Pallipattu, where villagers complained of vomiting, stomach pain and diarrhoea over the past few days. According to Times of India report, locals alleged that polluted water supplied through a panchayat-run borewell and overhead tank was responsible for the illnesses.

The first victim, identified as Ezhumalai, died after being admitted to a government hospital with severe gastrointestinal symptoms. The second victim, Sudha, collapsed on Saturday morning with similar complaints and died while being taken for treatment. Several others from the locality were admitted to nearby government hospitals with symptoms of food poisoning or waterborne infection.

Following the deaths, residents blocked the Pallipattu–R K Pet road, placing stones and branches to stop traffic. The protest intensified when Sudha’s body was brought back to the village, with family members initially refusing to accept it, claiming she might still be alive. She was later taken to a primary health centre, where doctors confirmed her death.

Villagers alleged that sewage contamination may have entered the drinking water supply and accused local authorities of negligence. Health officials have collected water samples for laboratory testing to determine the exact cause of the contamination. A temporary medical camp has been set up in the area to screen residents and provide treatment.

Police and revenue officials intervened to pacify the protesters and restore traffic, while authorities said further action would be taken based on the test results.

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“Where Is Suraj?” The Unanswered Questions Facing The DMK Govt

In a shocking display of senseless violence that has ignited outrage across India, a young man from Odisha named K. Suraj was brutally assaulted by four drunk boys in Tamil Nadu’s Tiruvallur district on December 27, 2025. The attack, captured on video by the perpetrators themselves for the sake of social media notoriety, unfolded aboard a Chennai-Tiruttani suburban train and spilled over to a secluded spot near the Tiruttani railway quarters.

Reports indicate that the 20-year-old Suraj, who had recently arrived in Chennai following a family dispute and was surviving on odd jobs, was threatened with a knife to his neck during the train ride.

The assailants, all 17-year-old school dropouts allegedly under the influence of ganja, then forced him off the train and hacked at him with sickles, inflicting deep cuts to his head, face, hands, and left arm.

One of them even flashed a victory sign while filming the gruesome act, which they uploaded to Instagram as “reels” to chase online fame.

Suraj, bleeding profusely, staggered to a nearby road where passersby alerted the authorities. He was rushed to Tiruttani Government Hospital, then transferred to Tiruvallur Government Medical College Hospital for stabilization, and finally to Rajiv Gandhi Government General Hospital in Chennai for further treatment.

Police acted swiftly, registering an FIR based on his complaint and apprehending the four juveniles the next day using the very video they posted.

Three were remanded to a juvenile facility in Chengalpattu, while one was granted bail.

Authorities have emphasized that the motive was not “entirely on account of him being a north Indian” but stemmed from a personal altercation after Suraj resisted, combined with the teens’ intoxication and desire for viral content.

The police say that Suraj has been discharged from Rajiv Gandhi Government General Hospital in Chennai and apparently “expressed desire to go back to Odisha”.

Yet, amid these official responses, a cloud of unanswered questions lingers, fueling suspicions of mishandling by the DMK-led government.

1) Where is Suraj? What is his current health condition?

2) The level of brutality inflicted upon Suraj is evident from the video yet there’s no mention of how many wounds marred his body or their full extent as per the FIR details explained by IG Asra Garg. The FIR, meant to be a clear, step-by-step chronicle of events, is being criticized in some quarters for being hastily documented as a mere formality. Why is the FIR not elaborate?

3) If language barriers weren’t the spark – as police vehemently deny – why did these four uncouth anti-social elements single out an innocent outsider who posed no threat, dragging him off the train and assaulting him without provoking anyone else?

4) How can a man who was so seriously injured have the physical strength and mental balance to voluntarily discharge himself from the hospital?

5) Who accompanied Suraj while getting discharged from the hospital? Was he taken in a government ambulance or a private vehicle?

6) Where was Suraj dropped?

7) Has the police ascertained that the boys were intoxicated by drugs? If so, how did the boys get the drugs? Where did they source it from?

8) Why hasn’t MK Stalin or any Minister of the government spoken about the issue?

9) Is the DMK government hiding something?

These aren’t isolated gripes; they form a barrage of a thousand such questions that demand transparency. It is the unequivocal duty of the DMK government and Tamil Nadu police to address them head-on, not with dismissive press releases, but with verifiable facts, witness accounts, and updates on Suraj’s well-being.

If Tamil Nadu truly prides itself on harmony, it’s time to prove it by locating Suraj, ensuring justice, and preventing future atrocities. Until then, the question echoes: Where is Suraj?

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Athiyaman Neduman Anji: The Sangam King Who Chose Honour Over Empire

In the annals of ancient Tamil history, few figures embody the spirit of an era as vividly as Athiyaman Neduman Anji, the legendary king of the Sangam period. Ruling from his capital at Tagadur, identified with present‑day Dharmapuri in northern Tamil Nadu, Athiyaman stands as a testament to the valour, generosity, and cultural sophistication of the early Tamil kingdoms. His story, preserved in Sangam literature and corroborated by archaeological inscriptions, reveals a ruler caught between the ambitions of greater powers and his own commitment to protect his realm, even at the cost of his life.

The Athiyaman Dynasty: Ancient Pedigree and Imperial Recognition

The Athiyaman (also spelled Athiyan, Adhiyaman, or Adigaman) dynasty was one of the four major powers of ancient Tamilakam, the collective Tamil country, dating back to at least the 3rd century BCE. Their lineage was sufficiently prominent that the Maurya emperor Ashoka, in his famous edicts inscribed across India in the 3rd century BCE, mentioned them specifically as the “Sathiyaputhras“, meaning “Members of the Fraternity of Truth”, placing them on par with the three great Tamil kingdoms: the Cholas, Pandyas, and Cheras (Keralaputhras).

This recognition in Ashoka’s edicts is not mere ceremonial acknowledgment. It signals that the Athiyamans were recognized sovereigns with sufficient territorial extent and political weight to merit mention alongside the great imperial powers. The discovery of Tamil‑Brahmi inscriptions at Jambai in Tirukkoyilur, dating to the 1st century CE, confirmed that the “Sathiyaputhras” of Ashoka’s inscriptions were indeed the Athiyaman dynasty, ending scholarly debate and establishing their historical authenticity.​

The dynasty’s seat was at Tagadur (modern Dharmapuri), a strategically important centre in the Mazhanadu region. Athiyaman’s territory stretched across what is now Dharmapuri, Krishnagiri, and Salem districts, a region of rolling hills and river valleys that commanded trade routes and agricultural wealth.

Athiyaman Neduman Anji: The Ruler

Athiyaman Neduman Anji or Athiyaman Neduman Anci, as the name appears in various Tamil literary sources, emerged as the most celebrated ruler of this dynasty, earning his place among the Kadai Ezhu Vallals (literally, “the last seven great patrons”), an elite circle of the most generous and powerful rulers of the Sangam age.​

His reign, placed in the 1st century CE on the basis of literary, numismatic, and archaeological evidence, was marked by continuous conflict, diplomatic alliance, and a principled stand against imperial aggression. Though his kingdom was smaller than those of the Cholas or Cheras, Athiyaman commanded respect through his warrior prowess, his patronage of the arts, and his refusal to bend before larger powers.​

Warrior King and Military Reputation

Athiyaman was, above all, a hardened warrior. The poet Avvaiyar, his contemporary and close associate, eulogised him in the Purananuru (an anthology of Tamil poems celebrating valiant kings) as: “Enemies! take care, when you enter the field of battle, Among us is a warrior, who is like a chariot wheel, made painstakingly by a carpenter, who tosses off eight chariots in a day!”

This is not poetic hyperbole alone but a reflection of his military renown. Athiyaman was a commander who led from the front, his weaponry worn and scarred from constant use – a sign of genuine battle experience, not ceremonial rule.

The War with Malaiyaman Thirumudi Kari (118 CE)

In 118 CE, Athiyaman faced a significant challenge when Malaiyaman Thirumudi Kari, another of the Kadai Ezhu Vallals, waged war on Tagadur. Kari’s ambition was grand: he sought to overturn the existing power balance and establish himself as an emperor of the stature of the Cholas. What drove him to Tagadur is not entirely clear, but the prize was the fortress town itself and control of the strategic Mazhanadu region. ​

In the fierce battle that followed, Athiyaman defeated Kari and seized Kovalur, a strategically important settlement. Though Kari would later regain Kovalur with the help of the Chera emperor Peruncheral Irumporai, Athiyaman’s victory demonstrated that despite his smaller army, his tactical acumen and courage could match more powerful rivals. ​

The Great Patron: Athiyaman and Avvaiyar

If Athiyaman’s martial prowess defined his public image, his patronage of the celebrated poet Avvaiyar reveals the depth of his character and his commitment to Tamil culture and letters. Avvaiyar, a poet of immense stature in the Sangam literary tradition, was not merely a court poet but a political and moral counsellor to kings. Her association with Athiyaman speaks volumes about the intellectual climate he fostered.

The relationship between king and poet has been preserved in Tamil literary accounts with touching detail. When Avvaiyar first visited Tagadur, Athiyaman was so charmed by her that he deliberately delayed presenting her with gifts, a customary royal gift to visiting poets in order to prolong her stay. Avvaiyar, initially not understanding this game, grew angry and condemned him in verse. When she later realized his true motive, her indignation turned to deep affection, and she made the decision to remain at his court as a close friend and counsellor. ​

On one memorable occasion, Athiyaman presented Avvaiyar with a rare gooseberry (nelli fruit), which was believed in ancient Tamil medicine to enhance longevity. His gesture was laden with meaning: he was ensuring that Avvaiyar would live long so that her literary genius and, through her, Tamil literature itself, would endure. The gift encapsulates Athiyaman’s understanding that a king’s true legacy rests not in conquest alone but in the patronage of culture. ​

Diplomacy in a Turbulent Age

Athiyaman lived in one of the most volatile periods of Sangam history. The rise of the great Chera emperor Peruncheral Irumporai cast a long shadow over the smaller kingdoms. Sensing the threat, Athiyaman pursued a strategy of alliance rather than isolated defiance. ​

He sent Avvaiyar as an envoy to the court of Ilantiraiyan, a Chola viceroy at Kanchi (Kanchipuram). The diplomatic mission was a calculated gambit: by aligning with the Chola power, Athiyaman hoped to create a counterweight to Chera aggression. Avvaiyar’s visit was successful; she was received with great ceremony by Thondaimān, the king of Thondai Nadu, who proudly displayed his archery prowess to her. ​

Avvaiyar, however, did not abandon her loyalty to her patron. When Thondaimān boasted of his weapons and martial skills, Avvaiyar cleverly deflected his advances with a subtle but cutting observation: his weapons gleamed because they had never seen blood, whereas Athiyaman’s arsenal was worn and scarred from countless wars. The implication was clear – Athiyaman’s experience and tested courage far exceeded mere display. ​

The Fall of Tagadur and Athiyaman’s Last Stand

Despite his alliances, Athiyaman could not stem the tide of Chera expansion. The great Chera emperor Peruncheral Irumporai (also known as Peruñcēral Irumporai), one of the most powerful rulers of the era, set his sights on Tagadur. The final conflict was inevitable. ​

In the decisive Battle of Tagadur, Athiyaman, despite commanding a much smaller army, decided to fight rather than surrender or flee. He led his troops personally from the front, embodying the Sangam ideal of a king who shares the dangers of his soldiers. The battle was fierce and prolonged, as documented in the poetic work “Tagadur-Yāttarai” (The Song of the Tagadur Battle), composed by AricilKilār, the war bard of Peruncheral Irumporai himself. ​

In the end, Athiyaman fell in battle, fighting to the last for his kingdom. His defeat was not shameful; it was the death of a warrior. So great was the respect for his valour that even his enemy’s own court poet, AricilKilār, composed verses honouring Athiyaman’s heroic stand. In Sangam tradition, this was the highest tribute to be eulogised by the enemy’s own bard meant that one’s valour transcended partisan loyalty. ​

Avvaiyar’s Grief and Legacy

The death of her king and dear friend devastated Avvaiyar. She composed a series of elegies for him, preserved in the Purananuru, that express both her personal loss and her recognition of his greatness. One particularly poignant excerpt captures her anguish:

“If he had a little liquor, he would give it to us – Where is he now?
…If he had even a little rice, he shared it in many plates – Where is he now?
He gave us all the flesh on the bones – Where is he now?
Wherever spear and arrows flew, he was there – Where is he now?
…Father, mainstay, king – Where is he now?”

Yet Avvaiyar’s elegies are not mere laments. They also assert the eternal nature of Athiyaman’s fame. In another verse, she proclaims: “The fame of our sun‑like king, his white umbrellas cool as the moon, will not blacken, will not die!”

In this affirmation, we see the Sangam understanding that a king’s true immortality lies in the memory of his deeds and the affection of his people, preserved and transmitted through literature.

Historical Evidence and Archaeological Confirmation

The stories of Athiyaman and Avvaiyar, while rooted in Sangam literature, have been corroborated by archaeological discovery. The Tamil‑Brahmi inscriptions found at Jambai (Tirukkoyilur taluk, Viluppuram district) explicitly mention: “Satyaputō Athiyan Nedumān Añji itta Pali” – (The abode given by Athiyan Nedumān Añji, the Satyaputō) ​

These inscriptions, dated to approximately the 1st century CE, confirm that Athiyaman was not a mythical figure but a historical ruler who endowed religious and public structures. The fact that his name appears with the Mauryan title “Satyaputro” (a variant of Sathiyaputhra) demonstrates that he held the same status as rulers recognized by the Maurya empire itself. ​

Later Athiyamans and the Dynasty’s Continuation

Though Athiyaman Neduman Anji is the most celebrated, the Athiyaman dynasty did not end with him. Later rulers continued to govern portions of the Kongu and Arcot regions. In the 12th and 13th centuries CE, when the Chola empire had entered its decline, rulers like Vidukathazhagiya Perumal and Rajaracha Athiyaman commanded significant territories encompassing parts of modern Arcot, Tiruchchengode, and Salem districts – areas that stretched into Andhra Pradesh (Chittoor region). ​

However, the rise of the Hoysala empire in the Deccan eventually eroded the Athiyaman kingdom’s independence. By the late 13th century, with Vidukathazhagiya Perumal (ruled under Chola overlordship around the time of Kulottunga Chola III), the Athiyaman lineage lost its last foothold. After his reign, the dynasty faded from the historical record, though memory of its earlier glories persisted in Tamil literary tradition. ​

The Significance of Athiyaman’s Rule

What emerges from a study of Athiyaman Neduman Anji is a portrait of a Sangam‑age ruler who embodied the highest ideals of his time: martial prowess coupled with patronage of letters, strategic acumen balanced with honour, and a commitment to protecting his people even at the cost of his life. Unlike some of his contemporaries who sought to expand empires through relentless conquest, Athiyaman defended what was his, and in defending it, he achieved a kind of immortality that conquest alone could never grant.

​His friendship with Avvaiyar, documented in both literature and, as historians have now confirmed, in the historical record, provides a model of the relationship between political power and cultural refinement. A ruler could be powerful, but his true legacy rested in the poets he protected and the literature they produced in his honour.

The inscriptions bearing his name, the poems eulogising his courage, and the memory of his generosity preserved in Tamil literary tradition ensure that Athiyaman remains a defining figure of the Sangam age. In the landscape of ancient Tamil Nadu, from Tagadur to the valleys of Krishnagiri and Salem, his name echoes as a reminder that greatness is not measured only in the size of one’s army or the extent of one’s territory, but in the respect one commands and the culture one nurtures.

DMK Govt’s Attempt To Erase Athiyaman’s Legacy

The removal of Athiyaman Neduman Anji’s name from the Yercaud hairpin bend is not an isolated administrative act; it reflects the ideological instinct of the DMK. E.V. Ramasamy repeatedly mocked and abused Sangam literature, including works like Silapathikaram, dismissing them as regressive and unworthy of reverence. It is therefore no coincidence that a Sangam-era king, praised by Avvaiyar and acknowledged in Ashokan records, is pushed out to make space for an icon who showed open contempt for Tamil civilisational texts. The DMK’s claim of safeguarding Tamil identity rings hollow when its actions systematically sideline ancient Tamil rulers. Athiyaman defended Tamil land with his life and preserved Tamil culture through patronage. Replacing his memory with that of someone who derided is a matter of shame for the DMK. Tamils will not and should not forgive.

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How Tamil Nadu Is Reaping The Economic Benefits Of Centre’s Schemes And Policies

Tamil Nadu has emerged as a significant story in India’s economic landscape, recently recording a headline-grabbing 16% growth in its Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) at current prices for 2024-25. Chief Minister MK Stalin has attributed this success to the “Dravidian Model” of governance. This article delves into the data, trends, and drivers behind this growth, providing a comprehensive analysis based on official reports and economic surveys.

The Growth Claim: Is Tamil Nadu The Leader?

According to RBI data released in December 2025, Tamil Nadu’s economy expanded from ₹27 trillion to ₹31 trillion at current prices, marking the highest growth rate among major states for the year, with Gujarat being a notable exception in the update. In real terms (constant 2011-12 prices), the growth is an impressive 11%, again leading the pack.

However, a broader view reveals a more nuanced picture. When examining the cumulative period since the DMK government took office in 2021, Tamil Nadu’s Compound Annual Growth Rate (CAGR) at current prices is a healthy 14.9%. Yet, it trails behind Uttar Pradesh (15.3%) and Karnataka (15.1%).

Gujarat growth assumed to be similar to 2023-24 RE levels

In constant price terms, TN’s CAGR for this period is 8.6%, placing it behind leaders like Uttar Pradesh (9.1%), Maharashtra (9%), Gujarat (8.8%), and Karnataka (8.7%).

Gujarat growth assumed to be similar to 2023-24 RE levels

In per capita income growth (constant prices), Tamil Nadu’s 8.3% CAGR is just below Maharashtra’s leading 8.5%.

Gujarat growth assumed to be similar to 2023-24 RE levels
Growth Trends Under The DMK Regime

The growth trajectory over the past four years shows a distinct pattern. The first two years of the DMK government (2021-23) saw modest GSDP growth in real terms, hovering around 6-8%. A significant acceleration began in 2023-24, culminating in the 11.2% growth for 2024-25. This uptick coincided with a national manufacturing upswing and the full-scale takeoff of the Central Government’s Production-Linked Incentive (PLI) schemes.

While Tamil Nadu’s growth has outperformed other major states in the last two years, the four-year CAGR still shows it catching up from a slower start, as illustrated in the provided charts.

Gujarat growth assumed to be similar to 2023-24 RE levels
The Engines Of Growth: Key Sectors

The surge is primarily powered by a few high-performing sectors. Analysis of Net State Value Added (NSVA) at constant prices highlights Real Estate Services and Manufacturing as the top contributors, followed by Trade and Repair Services.

Manufacturing: Within manufacturing, Annual Survey of Industries (ASI) data points to explosive growth in subsectors like communication equipment, electrical equipment, machinery, and food products.

Services: The services sector boom is largely driven by IT and IT-enabled services, alongside increased urbanization, as noted in the Tamil Nadu Economic Survey.

The Centre Vs. State Debate: Who Fuels The Growth?

Chief Minister Stalin has frequently stated that Tamil Nadu’s success comes “despite not receiving adequate support from the Centre.” The data, however, suggests a more collaborative reality.

The Tamil Nadu government has allocated a substantial ₹2,900 crores for industrial promotion over 2023-25. On a much larger scale, the Central Government’s PLI scheme, with a total outlay of ₹1.97 lakh crores across 14 sectors, has been a critical catalyst.

Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman has stated that 25% of companies availing PLI benefits are from Tamil Nadu, particularly in electronics, electronic components, and automobiles, making the state the scheme’s largest beneficiary.

The state’s Industries Minister has also acknowledged that the dramatic rise in electronics exports over the last two years is directly linked to the PLI scheme.

ASI data for 2023-24 shows that nearly ₹17,000 crores in Gross Value Added (GVA) came from manufacturing sectors like communication equipment and food products, which are directly aligned with PLI incentives.

While PLI-driven manufacturing has been central, growth in Software Exports, Real Estate, and Construction also reflects the state’s own policy environment and economic dynamism.

The Road Ahead: Can The Momentum Be Sustained?

The outlook for Tamil Nadu’s economy remains positive in the near term. Growth is expected to be sustained by the ongoing momentum in PLI-linked industries, robust software exports, and an active construction sector.

For long-term resilience, experts recommend:

Enhanced Centre-State Partnership: Deepening collaboration on PLI schemes and developing industrial corridors.

Sectoral Integration: A NITI Aayog report suggests deeper integration of IT-enabled services within traditional manufacturing clusters like Coimbatore, Hosur, and Tiruppur.

MSME Linkages: Connecting specialized service MSMEs with industrial parks and freight corridors to create a more integrated economic ecosystem.

Conclusion

Tamil Nadu’s economic story is one of remarkable resurgence, particularly in the last two years. While the state government rightly celebrates the success of its “Dravidian Model” in fostering a conducive business environment, the data highlights a significant synergy between state initiatives and central policy, especially the transformative PLI scheme. The challenge and opportunity now lie in leveraging this growth phase to build a more diversified, innovative, and integrated economy that ensures broad-based prosperity for its citizens.

Baskar is a finance professional having keen interest in current affairs and Indian culture.

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