A political controversy has erupted after a man who questioned Karur Member of Parliament Jothimani was allegedly assaulted by a Congress party functionary during her visit to Dindigul district, an incident that was caught on camera and has since gone viral on social media.
The incident occurred when Jothimani was visiting Vedasandur town in Dindigul district on behalf of the Indian National Congress to interact with the public regarding the 100-day employment scheme. As part of the programme, she was meeting villagers to discuss the scheme and hear their concerns.
According to reports, when the MP arrived at Kalvarpatti village, she stepped out of her car to meet local residents. At that moment, a man approached her and questioned what she had done for her constituency. The remark reportedly provoked a Congress functionary present at the spot, who immediately attacked the man and chased him away.
Jothimani was present during the incident, but no attempt to stop the assault was seen in the video, which has drawn criticism and shock among viewers after it began circulating widely on social media platforms.
Following the incident, Jothimani went ahead with the scheduled programme and addressed the gathering. During her speech, she spoke about the changes brought about by the central government to the 100-day employment scheme and discussed related issues affecting beneficiaries.
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The vigilance wing of the Travancore Devaswom Board has launched an investigation into alleged irregularities related to the sale and distribution of adiya sishtam neyy at Sabarimala.
According to officials, around 16,000 packets of adiya sishtam neyy, the ghee remaining after the neyyabhishekam ritual, are suspected to have gone missing. The ghee, which is either returned to devotees as prasadam or sold through Devaswom Board counters, is valued at approximately ₹16 lakh. Each 100 ml packet is priced at ₹100 and is commonly purchased by devotees who are unable to perform the neyyabhishekam ritual.
The alleged irregularities came to light when the proceeds from the sale of ghee packets supplied to Devaswom counters were found not to have been remitted to the Board’s account. Preliminary checks also revealed that no proper registers or records were maintained to document the sale of the packets at the counters.
Sources said priests from various temples under the Travancore Devaswom Board are posted at these counters during the pilgrimage season. The vigilance wing is also examining whether similar lapses and losses may have occurred in previous years.
A Devaswom Board official stated that the vigilance wing was informed immediately after the discrepancies were detected. The official added that strict action would be taken if any individual is found responsible following the investigation.
The long-pending idol irregularity case involving the historic Ekambareswarar Temple has regained momentum, with a chargesheet now filed and trial proceedings underway in the Kanchipuram Criminal Court. The case pertains to the alleged misappropriation of 312 sovereigns of gold collected from devotees for the casting of a new Somaskandar idol.
According to investigation records, the controversy traces back to 2015, when the thousand-year-old Somaskandar idol at the temple was found to be damaged. Following this, the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Department (HR&CE) decided to commission new idols. Under the supervision of sthapathi Muthaiya, new Somaskandar and Elavarkuzhali Amman idols were cast at Swamimalai.
As per established agamic and administrative norms, five per cent gold was required to be added to the alloy used for casting the idols. Devotees were informed of this requirement, and 312 sovereigns of gold were reportedly collected as donations. However, concerns soon emerged over the process, as devotees alleged that no proper receipts were issued for the gold contributions. Further, the idol-making process was allegedly carried out without mandatory documentation, including video and photographic records, raising serious suspicions about transparency and compliance.
Based on a complaint filed by one person named Annamalai, the Sivakanchi Police registered a case in 2017. The probe was subsequently transferred to the Idol Wing of the Tamil Nadu Police. As part of the investigation, the newly cast idols were subjected to a metallurgical examination by experts from IIT Madras.
The IIT examination reportedly revealed that there was no trace of gold in the idols. Citing this finding, the police stated in the First Information Report that the entire 312 sovereigns of gold collected from devotees had been misappropriated.
Initially, cases were registered against sthapathi Muthaiya, temple executive officer Murugesan, and priest Rajappa. As the investigation progressed, the role of senior officials also came under scrutiny. Former HR&CE Commissioner Veerashanmugamani and Additional Commissioner Kavitha were subsequently named as accused. In total, nine individuals have been arrayed as accused in connection with the alleged irregularities.
After a prolonged period of stagnation, the investigation was revived following directions from the Madras High Court. Acting on these directions, the Sivakanchi Police completed the probe and filed a chargesheet before the Kanchipuram Criminal Court.
A fresh FIR has also been registered, invoking serious charges including forgery under Section 468 of the Indian Penal Code, use of forged documents under Section 471, and theft of temple property under Section 380(2), along with Section 34, which deals with acts committed by multiple persons in furtherance of a common intention.
The idols, which had earlier been kept at Kumbakonam during the course of the investigation, have since been brought back to Kanchipuram and placed in the Ekambareswarar Temple’s security vault.
When the accused appeared before the court, they denied all allegations, contending that the charges were false and motivated. The court has scheduled the next hearing in the case for 6 February 2026.
This is @tnhrcedept – A Department that delights in looting temples
The LOOT of 312 sovereigns of GOLD – i.e. 2.49 Kilos of gold – received from various devotees as donations for casting new Murtis in Sri Ekambareswarar Temple, Kanchipuram. The original plan was to… pic.twitter.com/utKBcrmWxE
Days before the opening of the 49th Chennai Book Fair, a controversy erupted over the inclusion of a book that openly vilifies a sitting judge of the Madras High Court, Justice GR Swaminathan, raising concerns about the targeting of the judiciary through ideological publishing platforms.
A formal complaint seeking registration of an FIR has since been filed with the Chennai Police against the authors and publishers of the book, alleging criminal defamation, deliberate scandalisation of the judiciary, and circulation of offensive material. The complaint argues that the use of a major public book fair to circulate such material lends legitimacy to personal attacks on a constitutional authority.
The publication, titled “Thirupparankundram Issue: GR Swaminathan – Judge or RSS Rowdy?”, carries a caricature of Justice Swaminathan in judicial robes and is priced at ₹30. Rather than engaging with any specific judgment or legal reasoning, the book questions the legitimacy of the judge himself, blurring the line between critique of judicial decisions and personal vilification.
Chennai resident S Muralidharan has lodged a formal complaint with the city police seeking registration of an FIR against those responsible for the book’s authorship, publication, advertisement, and distribution.
In his complaint, Muralidharan states that the book and its promotional material amount to “criminal defamation, deliberate scandalisation of the judiciary, promotion of hatred, and circulation of offensive material targeting a sitting judge”. He further alleges that the caricatures and captions are “designed to lower the dignity of a constitutional court, malign the judge’s impartiality, and provoke public distrust against the justice delivery system.”
The complaint invokes provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023, corresponding to offences such as criminal defamation, promotion of enmity, and acts tending to scandalise or lower the authority of courts, and also notes the applicability of proceedings under the Contempt of Courts Act.
According to the complainant, filing the complaint itself became an ordeal. He said he was made to shuttle between multiple police jurisdictions, Kotturpuram, Saidapet, and Butt Road, before the office of the Joint Commissioner of Police (South Zone) finally accepted the complaint. An acknowledgement has since been issued, and an action taken report is awaited.
Filed a complaint of criminal defamation, deliberate scandalisation of the judiciary, spreading hate and circulation of offensive material against the publishers of this book about Hon’ble GRSJ.
I was made to run from Kotturpuram to Saidapet to Butt road and finally the JCs… pic.twitter.com/0XR20M5t7W
Tension escalated in Rakkiyapatti village under the Ettiveerampalayam panchayat in Avinashi taluk of Tiruppur district after a protest against the demolition of a Murugan temple allegedly built on encroached government land turned violent, leaving a Hindu Munnani leader injured.
According to officials, the temple, known locally as Kumarankundru or Selvamuthu Kumarasamy Temple, had been constructed on around 2.8 acres of government poramboke land. The temple complex included shrines dedicated to Murugan, Vinayagar, a Sivalingam and Nandi.
The demolition was carried out by the revenue department under the leadership of Avinashi Tahsildar Chandrasekar, with heavy police deployment. More than 100 police personnel, led by Avinashi Deputy Superintendent of Police Sivakumar, were stationed at the site to oversee law and order during the encroachment clearance operation.
The Selva Muthukumarar Temple, located in the Eettiveerampalayam area of Perumanallur in Tiruppur District, is an ancient temple serving as the kuladeivam (family deity) place of worship for the people of that region. This temple is associated with the renowned Alagumulai Murugan Temple in Tiruppur District.
As demolition work began using heavy machinery, members of Hindu Munnani and local residents, including several women, gathered at the site and raised slogans opposing the removal of the temple. Protesters accused the authorities of targeting a place of worship and demanded an immediate halt to the demolition.
During attempts by the police to disperse the crowd, heated arguments broke out, leading to pushing and scuffles between protesters and police personnel. In the ensuing commotion, Hindu Munnani leader Kadeshwara Subramaniam was reportedly injured. Eyewitnesses claimed he sustained injuries during the jostling between the public and the police.
Following the incident, Subramaniam was taken to the Tiruppur Government Hospital for treatment.
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The Santhanakoodu festival at the Sikandar Badusha Dargah atop Thiruparankundram hill was held in the early hours of 7 January 2026 between 2 AM and 5 AM, under restrictive conditions imposed by the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court. However, the conduct of the festival triggered controversy, with allegations of selective enforcement by authorities, particularly in light of two earlier High Court orders in December 2025 directing that Karthigai Deepam be lit at the Deepathoon, which were not implemented by the DMK government in Tamil Nadu.
December 2025 Karthigai Deepam orders
In December 2025, the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court twice directed that Karthigai Deepam be lit at the Deepathoon on Thirupparankundram hill. The first order directed the temple administration to perform the ritual. After the order was not complied with, the court passed a second direction permitting the petitioner and 10 devotees to light the Deepam, with CISF protection.
Despite these clear judicial directions, temple and state authorities prevented the ritual from being carried out. Devotees stated that police blocked access to the hilltop and refused to facilitate the lighting of the Deepam, effectively resulting in non-compliance with both court orders as the District Collector imposed Section 163 BNSS (formerly Section 144 CrPC) since there was allegedly a chance for communal tension to arise.
High Court Restrictions for Santhanakoodu
In contrast, for the Santhanakoodu festival at the Sikandar Badusha Dargah, the High Court permitted only a curtailed form of the Urus festival. Justice S Srimathy allowed the Santhanakoodu to proceed while explicitly banning Kandhuri, prohibiting animal sacrifice, and disallowing cooking, carrying, or distribution of non-vegetarian food. Participation was restricted to a maximum of 50 persons, and the order was made applicable from the foothills to the hilltop.
The court also directed the police to strictly enforce law and order and ensure compliance with previous judicial rulings. A plea by the dargah committee seeking relaxation of the 50-person cap was rejected after the State informed the court that the hilltop lacked sufficient space to safely accommodate larger crowds.
Events During The Festival
According to reports, the Santhanakoodu procession commenced after 2 AM on 7 January 2026, with police initially allowing only 50 persons to proceed uphill. Barricades were erected along the hill path and police personnel were deployed in large numbers.
However, local residents and eyewitnesses alleged that after the initial group returned, additional devotees were allowed to access the hilltop, leading to arguments and brief scuffles near the barricades. Police maintained that crowd movement was managed in phases, while critics alleged that the numerical cap imposed by the court was diluted on the ground.
Selective Court Order Enforcement
The sequence of events has intensified allegations of unequal enforcement of court orders by the DMK government. Residents and Murugan devotees pointed out that while the government prevented even a court-permitted Deepathoon lighting involving 10 devotees under CISF protection, it proceeded to conduct the Santhanakoodu festival within, or claiming to be within, the limits prescribed by the High Court.
They argued that the contrast raises serious questions about neutrality, consistency, and adherence to judicial authority, particularly at a site that has seen repeated litigation over religious practices.
As of the morning of 7 January 2026, the Santhanakoodu festival had concluded, but police presence continued in and around Thirupparankundram amid heightened public scrutiny over the implementation of judicial orders.
The Thirupparankundram episode exposes not a failure of administration but a pattern of ideological bias. When the High Court ordered that Karthigai Deepam be lit; first through the temple and then, after defiance, by just 10 devotees under CISF protection, the DMK government suddenly discovered “law and order” constraints and invoked prohibitory powers to shut the ritual down.
But when it came to the Santhanakoodu festival, the same State machinery swung into action to enable the event, regulate crowds, and defend its conduct as compliant with judicial limits, even as those limits were visibly stretched. Is this the message the DMK government wants to send – court orders are enforced or ignored not by their legal force, but by political comfort?
At Thirupparankundram, the DMK government seems to turn neutrality into a slogan, secularism into selectivity, and judicial authority into something that will not be obeyed?
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Tension prevailed in Rakkiyapatti village under the Ettiveerampalayam panchayat in Avinashi taluk of Tiruppur district after local residents protested against the demolition of a Murugan temple that was allegedly built on encroached government land.
According to officials, the temple Kumarankundru, known locally as Selvamuthu Kumarasamy Temple, had been constructed on approximately 2.8 acres of government poramboke land. The complex reportedly included shrines for Murugan, Vinayagar, a Sivalingam and Nandi, and was also referred to as Kumaran Kundru by locals.
The Selva Muthukumarar Temple, located in the Eettiveerampalayam area of Perumanallur in Tiruppur District, is an ancient temple serving as the kuladeivam (family deity) place of worship for the people of that region. This temple is associated with the renowned Alagumulai Murugan Temple in Tiruppur District.
Revenue department officials, led by Avinashi Tahsildar Chandrasekar, carried out the demolition drive with heavy machinery. The operation was conducted under police protection, with more than 100 personnel deployed under the supervision of Avinashi Deputy Superintendent of Police Sivakumar to prevent law and order issues.
As the demolition began, members of Hindu Munnani and local residents, including a large number of women, gathered at the site and raised slogans opposing the removal of the temple. Protesters accused the authorities of targeting a place of worship and demanded that the demolition be halted.
When police attempted to clear the area and disperse the crowd, heated arguments broke out between officials and protesters, leading to brief scuffles and pushing. Police later removed the protesters from the site to continue the operation.
Following the confrontation, the area witnessed heightened tension and police maintained a strong presence to prevent further escalation. Officials stated that the action was part of an encroachment clearance drive on government land, while protesters continued to voice opposition to the demolition of the temple.
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A retired Army veteran from Nagaland was brutally assaulted by a group of autorickshaw drivers near Dhanushkodi in Rameswaram on 31 December 2025, following a traffic-related dispute amid heavy tourist congestion.
Police identified the victim as Joginder Pal Singh, who was on a pilgrimage to the Kothandaramaswamy Temple along with 14 family members. According to police sources, due to severe traffic congestion on the national highway leading to Dhanushkodi, the family’s van dropped them midway, forcing them to proceed on foot towards the temple.
During this walk, an autorickshaw attempting to manoeuvre through the crowded stretch allegedly brushed against Singh’s wife. When Singh cautioned the driver to drive carefully, the situation escalated into a heated argument. The driver, identified as Chandran, a resident of Netaji Nagar, allegedly responded with abusive language and pushed Singh’s wife.
As Singh intervened to protect her, a group of local autorickshaw drivers reportedly gathered at the spot, turning the verbal altercation into a violent clash. Police said Chandran allegedly took an iron rod from his vehicle and struck Singh on the head, while other drivers assaulted additional members of the family. The incident caused panic among pilgrims and tourists in the area.
Singh sustained serious injuries and was initially taken to the Rameswaram Government Hospital for emergency treatment. He was later referred to the Ramanathapuram Government Hospital for further medical care. Police sources also indicated that an autorickshaw driver involved in the clash sustained injuries and was admitted for treatment.
Based on a complaint filed by Singh, the Dhanushkodi police arrested Chandran and registered cases against two other autorickshaw drivers, Murugan and Servaran, both residents of MRT Nagar in Rameswaram. Investigators said further details of the case and the sections invoked have not yet been disclosed, as the inquiry is ongoing.
— Ramanathapuram District Police (@RmdDistPolice) January 2, 2026
Police confirmed that the victim is a retired Army officer currently associated with Nagaland and said the incident is being investigated to ascertain the sequence of events and individual roles in the assault.
When Chief Minister MK Stalin announced the Tamil Nadu Assured Pension Scheme (TAPS) for government employees, the Dravidian establishment and its ecosystem projected it as a historic pro-employee victory and a “20-year struggle fulfilled”. Employee unions linked to JACTTO-GEO publicly celebrated the announcement, distributing sweets and declaring victory.
However, a closer examination of the scheme’s structure, its fiscal implications, and comparable pension frameworks already in place elsewhere suggests that TAPS is neither a restoration of the Old Pension Scheme (OPS) nor a new innovation. Instead, it closely mirrors the Unified Pension Scheme (UPS) framework earlier outlined by the Union government – rebranded, repackaged, and politically timed.
What TAPS Really Is – And What It Is Not
Despite the political messaging, TAPS does not restore the pre-2003 Old Pension Scheme which the DMK had promised in its 2021 manifesto.
Under OPS:
Employees made no contribution
The government bore 100% liability
Pension was fixed at 50% of last drawn pay
Family pension and gratuity were structurally higher and predictable
TAPS is not a straightforward restoration of the pre-2003 Old Pension Scheme (OPS). It is a hybrid model, designed to look like OPS politically while retaining the contributory framework of the New Pension Scheme (CPS), and then loading the gap on to the taxpayer.
Key features of TAPS include:
50% assured pension – Government guarantees 50% of last drawn basic pay plus grade pay as pension for employees who joined service on or after 1 April 2003.
Employee contribution continues – Employees will contribute 10% of basic pay (plus DA) into the pension corpus, same as the existing CPS (Combined Pension Scheme)/NPS contribution.
State picks up the tab for the difference – Whatever the fund cannot generate to reach the 50% promise, the government will pay the balance from the budget, effectively socialising the risk.
Dearness allowance and family pension – DA on pension revised every six months, mirroring serving employees. Family pension fixed at 60% of the pension after the pensioner’s death.
Gratuity and minima – Retirement gratuity up to ₹25 lakh and minimum pension even for those without full qualifying service.
Scope and timing – Applies to the post-2003 CPS cohort, with implementation slated around 2027, subject to rules and notifications.
In simple terms: TAPS lets the DMK say “OPS is back” in election rallies, while on paper it remains a contributory-but-guaranteed scheme whose shortfalls will be plugged by the exchequer.
A Copy-Paste Of Unified Pension Scheme Launched By Modi Govt
What the DMK has announced closely aligns with the Unified Pension Scheme (UPS) proposed earlier by the Union government under Narendra Modi.
Pension at 50% of the average of last 12 months’ salary
Family pension at around 60%
Lump-sum retirement benefits
A contributory model with government backstop
Several states, including Maharashtra, Assam, Uttarakhand and Chhattisgarh, have moved toward variants of this model. Others such as Rajasthan, Punjab, Jharkhand and Himachal Pradesh rejected it, choosing OPS instead.
Tamil Nadu did neither. Instead of formally opting for OPS or negotiating modifications through the Pension Fund Regulatory and Development Authority (PFRDA), the DMK announced a state-level replica of UPS, branded as a fresh “assured” scheme.
The Real Price Tag: ₹13,000 Crore Now, ₹11,000 Crore Every Year – And Climbing
The numbers are not small. The fiscal implications are substantial.
One-time hit – TAPS needs a ₹13,000 crore one-time contribution to seed the corpus.
Annual recurring outgo – The government’s own briefings and multiple reports put the annual contribution at around ₹11,000 crore to start with – a figure that will rise automatically as salaries, DA and the retiree pool grow.
This lands on top of an already tight fiscal situation:
Analysis shows committed expenditure (salaries + pensions + interest) at about 64% of revenue receipts for Tamil Nadu.
With TAPS, this figure is projected to rise further, leaving barely one-third of revenue for infrastructure, welfare, healthcare, education, and that too before accounting for corruption leakages, commissions, and freebies.
Notably, Tamil Nadu has already reached a point where borrowing is required to meet salary obligations. TAPS adds a permanent, escalating liability to this equation.
Former Union Finance Minister P Chidambaram, hardly a DMK critic, admits the scheme is viable only if the government exercises “sound fiscal discipline” and substantially improves own-tax revenue.
In other words, even those defending the scheme implicitly acknowledge it is a heavy long-term obligation strapped onto a debt-loaded state.
Who Really Benefits – And Who Pays?
The DMK’s messaging frames this as justice for “long-suffering” government employees. Unions that had been agitating against CPS for nearly two decades have indeed welcomed TAPS, calling off protests and strikes after the announcement.
State government employees (including various cadres) are in the low‑to‑mid teens of lakhs; even if one takes 14–15 lakh as a rough estimate, they form about 2% of the population.
Committed expenditure on salaries and pensions already takes up well over 60% of revenue receipts, and interest payments consume another substantial slice.
TAPS is therefore structurally designed to lock in more of the state’s limited fiscal space for a small, organised segment that can bargain, strike and vote as a bloc. The unorganised 98% – farmers, small traders, informal workers, the urban poor – are left to compete for whatever remains after salaries, pensions, interest, and political freebies are paid.
The DMK knows precisely what it is buying – Each government employee represents not just one vote but a family cluster, easily expanding into tens of lakhs of reliable votes when spouses and dependents are included.
In a state where tight margins and alliance arithmetic decide power, guaranteeing lifetime benefits to this cluster is electoral insurance dressed up as social justice.
Welfare Or Weaponised Vote-Bank Politics?
The timing is not accidental. The scheme appears just before the 2026 Assembly elections, after years of employee unrest over CPS. In a context where the DMK is already under pressure on issues like inflation, corruption allegations, and anti-incumbency.
This move can be seen as the DMK “soothing employees with a new pension scheme ahead of polls” and “launching TAPS in an election year” to tap government staff as a dependable support base.
This is merely a “vote bank scheme” that entrenches government employees and their families as a permanent DMK-aligned constituency and a “deceptive OPS”, because while it promises 50% pension, it keeps employees contributing and leaves crucial operational details to future G.Os – which any future government can dilute, delay or litigate.
Once again, the pattern is familiar: large, headline-grabbing promises targeted at a specific organised group, with the fiscal pain deferred and diffused across the general taxpayer base over decades.
Framed bluntly, for government employees, TAPS is a windfall; for Tamil Nadu’s finances, it is a tightening noose; for the average citizen outside the Sarkari ecosystem, it is yet another hidden tax on their future, imposed in the name of “Dravidian welfare”.
Whether voters see through this layered packaging in 2026 – or reward the DMK for delivering high-end guarantees to a small segment while preaching social justice to the rest – will decide if schemes like TAPS become the new normal in state politics.
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A tense situation prevailed in Chennai’s Triplicane area after unidentified persons allegedly vandalised ongoing construction work at the entrance of a temple managed by the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Department.
The incident occurred at the Sri Renuka Parameswari Temple, where construction of a decorative entrance arch was underway following approvals and bhoomi pooja conducted by temple authorities. According to reports, the construction work had progressed substantially, and workers had dispersed for the day when a group of unidentified individuals allegedly arrived and damaged portions of the newly built structure.
Upon receiving information, representatives of Hindu Munnani and Bharatiya Janata Party reached the spot. By the time they arrived, the alleged vandals had reportedly fled. Hindu Munnani state spokesperson Ilangovan alleged that the vandalism was carried out deliberately to create religious tension. He claimed that some Muslims, who were not residents of the locality, had intentionally interfered with the temple construction with the aim of provoking communal unrest. According to him, the individuals did not raise objections through any legal or official channel and instead resorted to direct vandalism.
He further alleged that the individuals involved were outsiders to the locality and claimed they had chosen direct vandalism instead of pursuing legal remedies if objections existed. He stated that video footage of the incident was available and demanded strict legal action against those responsible.
Criticising the HR&CE Department for what he described as inaction, Ilangovan said no formal complaint had yet been lodged by the department. He added that a police complaint would be filed on behalf of the temple administration and local residents.
Police officials said they were aware of the incident and that an inquiry would be conducted based on the complaint and available evidence. Authorities said appropriate action would be taken after identifying those involved.
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