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Madras High Court Clears Jana Nayagan For Release With UA Certificate

Madras High Court Clears Jana Nayagan For Release With UA Certificate

The Madras High Court on Friday (9 January 2026) directed the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) to forthwith grant a UA certificate to the upcoming Tamil film Jana Nayagan, starring Vijay. According to reports, the film’s release, which had earlier been scheduled for the same day, has been postponed.

Pronouncing the order, Justice PT Asha observed, “After examining materials, it is Crystal clear that the complainant’s grievance appears to be an after thought.” The court cautioned that entertaining such complaints would give rise to a “dangerous trend.”

The High Court further held that a letter uploaded by the CBFC Chairperson on 6 January 2026 was without jurisdiction. It noted that once the modifications recommended by the Examining Committee were carried out, the certificate for the film would automatically follow. The court stated: “Exercise of power by chairperson is without jurisdiction since the power of chairperson to send for review stood abdicated after he, on behalf of committee informed that UA certificate would be granted subject to incisions.”

The court added that since the order was without jurisdiction, it could modify the relief using its inherent powers.

The bench had reserved orders on Wednesday, 7 January 2026, after hearing Senior Advocate Satish Parasaran for the production house and Additional Solicitor General ARL Sundaresan for the CBFC.

The film’s producer, KVN Productions, represented by Venkata K Narayana, approached the High Court alleging that the film’s certification was being unreasonably withheld and delayed, which would cause massive financial loss to the producers.

It was submitted that on 22 December 2026, the CBFC’s regional office informed the producers that the Examining Committee had recommended granting a UA certificate, subject to certain excisions and modifications. The production house stated that these changes were carried out, and the film was resubmitted, following which, on 29 December 2026, the regional office informed that a UA certificate would be issued.

However, on 5 January 2026, the regional office allegedly sent an email stating that the competent authority had decided to refer the film to the Revising Committee under Rule 24 of the Cinematograph Certification Rules, based on a complaint alleging that the film hurt religious sentiments and its portrayal of the armed forces. The producers contended that this reopening was contrary to law.

Opposing the plea, the CBFC argued that the Chairperson was not bound by the Examining Committee’s decision and could order a review even after the committee had viewed the film. It was submitted that under Rule 23(14) of the Cinematograph Certification Rules, the Chairperson could differ from the committee’s opinion either suo motu or based on information received, including a complaint. The CBFC further argued that if even one committee member raised objections, the Chairperson could consider those objections and refer the film to the Revising Committee.

Countering this, the production house submitted that a committee member could not convert themselves into a complainant. It argued that the law draws a distinction between recommendations and complaints and that once a majority decision is taken by the Examining Committee, the dissenting opinion of one member could not invalidate it.

Source: LiveLaw

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Dravidian Model Tamil Nadu: Ganja-Addicted Youth Reportedly Hacked Class 10 Student To Death In Tirunelveli

Dravidian Model Tamil Nadu: Ganja-Addicted Youth Reportedly Hacked Class 10 Student To Death In Tirunelveli

A Class 10 student who was brutally attacked with a machete on 5 January 2026 in Tirunelveli district has succumbed to his injuries, police said on 8 January 2026.

The incident occurred on 5 January 2026 in Panangudi, where the student, identified as Lakshmanan, was allegedly attacked by a youth who was under the influence of ganja. The victim was initially admitted to a nearby hospital and later shifted to the Asaripallam Government Medical College Hospital in Kanyakumari district for advanced treatment.

Despite undergoing treatment for several days, Lakshmanan died on the morning of 8 January 2026, officials said.

Police stated that the accused, identified as Sabarirajan, had been arrested on the day of the incident. Following the student’s death, the case has now been converted to a murder case, and further investigation is underway.

According to the police, the attack followed a verbal altercation between the victim and the accused at the latter’s residence. Lakshmanan, who was studying at the Panangudi Government Higher Secondary School, had reportedly gone to the accused’s house instead of attending school on the day of the incident.

During the course of the investigation, police also found that the accused was a habitual user of intoxicating substances. They further stated that he had allegedly attacked one of his relatives with a machete around three months ago, causing serious injuries. The relative survived after receiving medical treatment.

Police said further inquiries are ongoing.

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Dravidian Stockist Suba Veerapandian Laments Lack Of Social Media Support After Getting Roasted By Netizens For A Post On EVR

Dravidian Stockist Suba Veerapandian Laments Lack of Support After Social Media Post On Periyar

Suba Veerapandian, the head of Dravida Iyyakka Tamilar Peravai, a rabid Dravidian Stockist known for spewing venom against Brahmins, has expressed disappointment over the response to a social media post shared by him regarding remarks made by E V Ramasamy, popularly known as Periyar among his followers, on the Tamil language.

In an audio message circulated subsequently, Veerapandian stated that he had posted the content on his social media page around 6 am, after it was prepared by his organisation’s website team. He said that within 12 hours, the post had received 124 comments.

According to him, all but one of those comments were abusive in nature, targeting both Periyar and himself. He added that only one individual, identified as Mahesh Vasudevan, had posted a non-abusive response.

Veerapandian further stated that none of the members or supporters of his organisation had posted any counter-comments or messages in support of the post. He remarked that he understood his comrades were occupied with organisational responsibilities, while he alone continued to respond to critics online.

In the audio, he is heard saying, “Greetings. Today at 6 in the morning, I posted on my Twitter page Periyar Ayya’s remarks about Tamil, which our website team had prepared. In these 12 hours, 124 comments have come in. Except for just one friend named Mahesh Vasudevan, everyone else has been abusing Periyar and abusing me in their comments. But not even one of our comrades has posted a counter‑reply or a comment supporting it. I understand that all our comrades in the organisation are busy with serious work. It is only I, who have no work, who am continuously fighting with them. Thank you, comrades.”

 

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Sridhar Vembu’s Counsel Accuses The News Minute Of Misleading Reporting On Divorce Case, Calls Bond Order ‘Invalid And Old News’

Sridhar Vembu’s US Counsel Denies Wife’s Shareholding Claims, Calls $1.7 Billion Bond Order “Absurd”

Legal counsel representing Zoho founder Sridhar Vembu has sharply disputed the framing and claims made in a recent article published by The News Minute (TNM), accusing the outlet of omitting crucial facts and mischaracterising interim court proceedings in an ongoing divorce case in California.

According to Vembu’s counsel, the TNM article relies on a court order that was issued nearly a year ago on an emergency application filed by Vembu’s wife. The lawyer said the order was passed at a preliminary stage, when the defence had limited opportunity to respond to what he described as “outrageously false allegations.”

The counsel alleged that the California court was misled by the wife’s attorney, who, he claimed, is not licensed to practise law in California and entered the proceedings from New York despite there being no New York jurisdictional issues involved. This context, the lawyer said, was not disclosed or examined in TNM’s reporting.

Addressing allegations of asset concealment highlighted by TNM, Vembu’s counsel stated that the Zoho founder had offered his wife 50 per cent of his shares in ZCPL, an offer she has reportedly refused to accept. He further said that Vembu had already transferred his interest in the family home to his wife, facts which were either downplayed or ignored in the article.

“Despite these steps, she continues to claim that Sridhar is attempting to cheat her in the divorce,” the counsel said, adding that such allegations were illogical given that the wife could take possession of half the shares immediately if she chose to do so.

The much-publicised $1.7 billion bond order, which TNM foregrounded as a central element of its story, was described by the defence as legally unsustainable. Vembu’s counsel asserted that there is no legal authority for such an order and noted that a subsequent judge in the same case acknowledged that the amount appeared excessive.

According to the lawyer, Vembu attempted to comply to the extent possible by borrowing up to $150 million against his shares, representing the maximum liquidity available to him. The wife, however, allegedly refused to accept this amount. The counsel characterised the episode as a “waste of time” driven more by an attempt to disparage Vembu than to secure relief.

The defence also clarified that the divorce proceedings do not involve any claim for alimony or spousal support, contrary to impressions created by TNM’s narrative. “This has nothing to do with alimony,” the counsel said, noting that no such application has been filed.

Vembu’s lawyer further stated that his client remains in full compliance with all lawful orders issued by the California court. He said the $1.7 billion bond order is invalid, incapable of compliance, and currently under appeal, while the receivership order referenced in TNM’s article has been stayed by an appellate court.

Describing TNM’s article as “old news dressed up as an exclusive,” the counsel argued that the publication blurred the distinction between interim procedural orders and final judicial findings, creating a misleading impression of guilt and wrongdoing where none has been established.

“This case does not define Sridhar Vembu,” the lawyer said, adding that the proceedings reflect the actions of the wife and her New York-based attorney rather than any proven misconduct by the Zoho founder.

Read the full rejoinder against The News Minute’s Nakkheeran-style voyeuristic sleaze piece here.

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Will Sudha Kongara’s Anti-Hindi Film ‘Parasakthi’ Produced By Udhayanidhi’s Son Release In Hindi-Speaking North Indian States?

Parasakthi Trailer: Sudha Kongara's Pro-DMK Film Produced By MK Stalin's Grandson Inban Udhayanidhi Hits Out At Congress For 'Hindi Imposition' Ahead Of 2026 Elections

Questions are being raised over whether Parasakthi, the upcoming Tamil film directed by Sudha Kongara and starring Sivakarthikeyan, will see a theatrical release in Hindi-speaking North Indian states. The film, which draws heavily from Dravidian political narratives and their anti-Hindi imposition, has become the subject of speculation after claims surfaced that Hindi distributors are unwilling to acquire its dubbed rights.

 

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What The Movie Is About

Set in the 1960s, the film is based on true events surrounding the 1965 anti-Hindi agitations. These were massive student-led protests against the Congress government’s push to make Hindi the sole official language. With Assembly Elections set to happen in a few months, the film is meant to peddle pro-DMK propaganda by whipping up linguistic passions. It also sanitizes and whitewashes the role of EV Ramasamy Naicker (hailed as ‘Periyar’ by his followers) who had opposed the 1965 anti-Hindi agitation and made acerbic remarks against the protestors.

Release Hurdles

While the film’s makers have not officially commented on the issue, there has been no announcement so far regarding a Hindi release, even as the Pongal 2026 release window approaches. Industry observers note that big-ticket Tamil films with pan-India ambitions usually secure or at least announce North Indian distribution well in advance, something conspicuously absent in the case of Parasakthi.

The speculation gained traction amid claims that the film’s ideological positioning could make it commercially unviable in Hindi-speaking markets.

Parasakthi reportedly foregrounds themes drawn from Tamil anti-Hindi agitations and Dravidian political narratives – themes that historically have had limited resonance, and in some cases outright resistance, outside Tamil Nadu.

Social media chatter has also linked the uncertainty surrounding the Hindi market to unrelated project exits attributed to Sivakarthikeyan, though no official confirmation exists to support such claims. Nevertheless, the absence of clarity has only added to the perception that the film’s appeal may be regionally confined.

Compounding the issue are reports — yet to be officially denied — that Parasakthi faced objections during the certification process, particularly with respect to scenes referencing anti-Hindi movements. The makers are alleged to have approached the revising committee of the Central Board of Film Certification, suggesting that even within India, the film’s content may be considered politically sensitive. Reddit users speculate that the CBFC removed scenes and dialogues in Parasakthi related to the ‘Hindi imposition’ issue and reportedly led to the team sending the film to the revising committee.

Notably, while the film is backed by production and distribution entities closely aligned with the ruling political ecosystem in Tamil Nadu, there has been no indication of a coordinated push to take the film beyond the State. Critics argue that this silence itself is telling, especially for a project projected as a large-scale political drama.

At this stage, the makers have neither confirmed nor denied plans for a Hindi release. Until such clarity emerges, claims that Parasakthi will not find takers in the Hindi belt remain speculative but the lack of distributor announcements, coupled with the film’s ideological framing, continues to fuel questions about its pan-India prospects.

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Nehru Wrote 17 Letters Against Rebuilding Of Somnath Temple

17 Letters, One Discomfort: How Nehru Fought Somnath’s Revival

As India marks 1,000 years since the 1026 attack on the Somnath Temple by Mahmud of Ghazni, recent remarks by the Prime Minister recalling the shrine’s survival have renewed attention on one of the most contested episodes of post-Independence cultural history: the reconstruction of the Somnath Temple and the resistance it faced from India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru.

Somnath: The “Eternal Shrine”

The Somnath Temple, located at Prabhas Patan near Veraval on Gujarat’s Arabian Sea coast, is one of the 12 sacred Jyotirlingas of Lord Shiva. Ancient texts such as the Shiva Purana and multiple inscriptions attest to its antiquity. Over centuries, the temple was repeatedly destroyed and rebuilt—historical records indicate at least six cycles of destruction and reconstruction—making it a symbol of civilisational continuity.

After Independence, the modern reconstruction of Somnath was initiated between 1947 and 1951, spearheaded by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and later supported by K.M. Munshi. The temple was rebuilt in the Chaulukya (Solanki) architectural style by temple architect Prabhashankar Sompura and inaugurated on 11 May 1951 by President Rajendra Prasad. Today, the Somnath Trust is chaired by the Prime Minister of India.

Nehru’s 17 Letters on Somnath: A Complete Record (1950–1951)

Archival correspondence shows that Jawaharlal Nehru wrote at least 17 separate letters between July 1950 and August 1951 opposing, distancing, or attempting to dilute the reconstruction and inauguration of the Somnath Temple. Each letter reflects sustained and deliberate intervention at different levels of government and diplomacy.

#1 20 July 1950 – To K.M. Munshi (Union Minister)

Nehru questioned the very necessity of rebuilding the Somnath Temple, arguing that India faced housing shortages and economic hardship. He framed the reconstruction as an avoidable expenditure rather than a civilisational restoration.

#2 19 March 1951 – To Khub Chand (High Commissioner to Pakistan)

Nehru formally disapproved the use of Indus water for the Somnath consecration and ordered that there be no publicity under any circumstances, citing fear of adverse reaction in Pakistan.

#3 2 March 1951 – To President Rajendra Prasad

Nehru bluntly stated that he did not like the President associating with the Somnath inauguration and suggested the event be postponed or scaled down.

#4 11 March 1951 – To C Rajagopalachari (Union Home Minister)

Nehru reiterated that he would have preferred the President not to attend the inauguration, showing active opposition to constitutional endorsement.

#5 17 April 1951 – To K.M. Panikkar (Indian Ambassador to China)

Nehru admitted that he had tried to “tone down the effects” of the President’s visit to Somnath, acknowledging active damage control after failing to stop it.

#6 17 April 1951 – To Secretary-General & Foreign Secretary, MEA

Nehru directed Indian embassies not to assist the Somnath Trust with requests for sacred river water or soil, signalling discomfort with even symbolic religious acts.

#7 17 April 1951 – To C. Rajagopalachari (Second Letter)

He stated that the Somnath issue was troubling him deeply, reinforcing that his opposition was ongoing and unresolved.

#8 21 April 1951 – To Liaquat Ali Khan (Prime Minister of Pakistan)

Nehru reassured Pakistan that claims surrounding Somnath symbolism were “completely false,” choosing to placate Pakistan rather than counter its propaganda.

#9 21 April 1951 – To U.N. Dhebar (Chief Minister, Saurashtra)

He objected to the use of public funds for the Somnath ceremony, invoking secular propriety and insisting temples were not a government concern.

#10 22 April 1951 – To Digvijaysinghji (Jam Saheb of Nawanagar)

Nehru expressed anxiety over Somnath trustees contacting foreign missions for sacred river water and soil, fearing diplomatic misinterpretation.

#11 24 April 1951 – To Digvijaysinghji (Second Letter)

He described the inauguration as “revivalism” and warned of “bad consequences nationally and internationally” if constitutional authorities participated.

#12 24 April 1051 – To Mridula Sarabhai (Congress Leader)

In this letter, he says “this business of the Somnath temple” had given him “much trouble”. He says it is not worthwhile to change the President’s plans but pushes her to talk about another criticism.

#13 28 April 1951 – To R.R. Diwaker (Minister of Information & Broadcasting)

Nehru instructed that media coverage and AIR broadcasts of the inauguration be toned down, calling the ceremony pompous and image-damaging.

#14 2 May 1951 – To Chief Ministers (First Letter)

He emphasised that the Government of India must distance itself from Somnath and warned against any official participation despite popular support.

#15 1 August 1951 – To Chief Ministers (Second Letter)

In a follow-up, Nehru reiterated the same position, stressing secularism and non-association even as ministers and public figures supported the event.

#16 9 May 1951 – To S. Dutt (Secretary, MEA)

Just days before the inauguration, Nehru objected again to any government linkage with Somnath, calling such association “most unfortunate.”

#17 13 June 1951 – To Vice President Dr S. Radhakrishnan

He dismissed the inauguration as unnecessary “fuss” and admitted he had tried to stop cabinet ministers from attending.

#18 1 August 1951 – To Chief Ministers

Even months after the inauguration, Nehru blamed the Somnath ceremony for creating a “very bad impression abroad” and weakening India’s secular image.

A Persistent Theme

Across all 17 letters, a consistent theme emerges: Nehru viewed the reconstruction and consecration of Somnath not merely as a religious act but as a political and diplomatic liability. He repeatedly prioritised secular optics, international perception, and Pakistan’s reactions over the civilisational symbolism attached to the temple.

Despite his sustained efforts, the Somnath Temple was inaugurated as planned, with President Rajendra Prasad asserting that the reconstruction represented India’s cultural continuity rather than state-sponsored religion.

Somnath’s Revival and Nehru’s Reluctance

As India marks a millennium since the 1026 destruction of Somnath, the temple’s resilience stands in contrast to the early Republic’s discomfort with Hindu civilisational revival.

Nehru’s letters remain a written record of how India’s first Prime Minister sought to suppress, sanitise, and politically distance the Republic from a revival he neither understood nor endorsed.

(This article is based on an X Thread By StarBoy Tarun)

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After AIADMK Alleges Money Laundering At Loyola College, LRPF Urges Tamil Nadu Governor To Cancel FCRA Licence

Fresh controversy has erupted around Loyola College, Chennai, after the AIADMK publicly levelled allegations of money laundering against the institution, prompting the Legal Rights Protection Forum (LRPF) to escalate the matter to the Governor of Tamil Nadu, seeking cancellation of the college’s Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA) licence.

In a detailed and strongly worded complaint submitted to the Governor in his capacity as Chancellor of the University of Madras, Mr. A. S. Santhosh, Working President of LRPF has accused Loyola College of indulging in grave academic fraud, regulatory violations, and diversion of foreign funds under the guise of higher education. The complaint relies heavily on findings from a joint inspection conducted by the University of Madras and the University Grants Commission (UGC), excerpts of which were officially submitted by the University to the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) in August 2025.

UGC–University Of Madras Inspection Exposes Sham Programme

According to the inspection report cited in the complaint, Loyola College’s M.A. Philosophy programme exists largely on paper. Inspectors reportedly found no dedicated classrooms, no departmental library, no faculty rooms, no signage indicating a Philosophy department, and no students present during inspection. These findings directly contradict the institution’s claims of running a legitimate postgraduate programme affiliated to the University of Madras.

The report further establishes that the programme is allegedly operated from Satya Nilayam, a Jesuit missionary training centre located off-campus, rather than within Loyola College’s approved premises. LRPF argues that this constitutes a blatant violation of UGC regulations, university affiliation norms, and constitutional guarantees of equality and non-discrimination.

Foreign Nationals, Visa Misuse, And FCRA Concerns

One of the most serious allegations raised by LRPF pertains to the enrolment and accommodation of foreign nationals, including individuals from Bangladesh and other countries, under student visas purportedly issued for academic study. The complaint alleges that these visas were misused for missionary training, not bona fide education, raising concerns of visa fraud and internal security risks

Crucially, LRPF has linked these irregularities to Loyola College Society’s FCRA registration (No. 075820005), alleging that foreign contributions received for educational purposes were diverted towards unauthorised activities, including missionary training and illegal accommodation of foreign nationals. Such diversion, the complaint argues, violates Section 8(1) of the FCRA and attracts Section 12(4)(a)(vi), which bars activities prejudicial to the sovereignty and integrity of India.

Syndicate’s ‘Symbolic’ Action Under Fire

The controversy also throws light on the University of Madras Syndicate’s decision of 23 December 2025, which reportedly suspended the M.A. Philosophy programme for three years. LRPF has termed this action “symbolic and grossly inadequate”, noting that no financial penalties, administrative sanctions, or accountability measures were imposed on the college despite evidence of decades-long violations

The complaint raises serious apprehensions that institutional influence or political patronage may have shielded Loyola College from meaningful action.

Political Heat Adds Momentum

The LRPF’s representation comes in the backdrop of AIADMK’s public allegations of money laundering against Loyola College, which have added political momentum to what was earlier treated as a regulatory dispute. With a major opposition party now flagging financial impropriety, the matter has decisively moved beyond academic irregularities into the realm of financial crimes and national interest.

Demand For Decisive Action

LRPF has urged the Governor to order:

– A high-level independent inquiry into Loyola College and University of Madras officials.
– Cancellation of Loyola College’s FCRA licence.
– Revocation of autonomous status and suspension of central funding.
– Withdrawal of minority status, arguing that minority protections cannot be misused to shield fraud.
– Directions to the Ministry of Home Affairs and Ministry of External Affairs to investigate visa misuse and halt issuance of student visas to the institution

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TNM Stoops To A New Low, Becomes ‘The Nakkheeran Minute’ With Voyeuristic Hit Job On Zoho Founder Sridhar Vembu’s Personal Life

Cloaked as an “exclusive” and tucked safely behind a paywall, The News Minute has chosen to weaponise a private divorce proceeding to mount a calculated hit job on Zoho founder Sridhar Vembu—brazenly repackaging voyeurism as investigative journalism.

The article written by one Indulekha Aravind leans heavily on a January 2025 (yes, you read that right – a year old) California court order in an ongoing divorce case to build what TNM calls an “extensive profile” of the tech entrepreneur. But what readers are actually being asked to pay for is not investigative journalism or public-interest reporting – it is access to a carefully constructed takedown of a private individual’s personal life.

Let us be clear at the outset: this is not a report in public interest. This is not about corporate governance, national security, or wrongdoing affecting citizens. This is a personal marital dispute, still under adjudication in a foreign court, now repackaged as a moral exposé because the subject does not fit TNM’s ideological comfort zone.

From Explainer To Executioner

For a publication that routinely lectures others about ethics, restraint, and responsible journalism, TNM’s decision to turn a divorce case into a political and moral indictment is telling.

The article is structured not to inform, but to discredit:

  • Vembu’s public persona is dragged in only to be mocked.
  • His spiritual language is framed as hypocrisy.
  • His choice to live in rural Tamil Nadu is subtly sneered at.
  • His public statements on dharma and money are juxtaposed with selectively quoted court observations to invite character judgement.

This is character assassination by innuendo.

What TNM Won’t Tell You

Pre-Trial ≠ Final Guilt

One of the most serious distortions in TNM’s so-called “exclusive” is its treatment of interim judicial language as moral verdict.

The article repeatedly foregrounds phrases used by the judge, such as “acted without regard for the law” and “duplicitously”, to construct a damaging portrait of Sridhar Vembu. What it does not stress, even once, is that these observations arise from pre-trial, interim proceedings, based on a limited evidentiary record, where courts routinely err on the side of protecting the allegedly weaker spouse.

This is standard practice in high-value divorce litigation. It is not a finding of fraud, criminality, or final misconduct.

There is no sustained explanation that the case is still being litigated, discovery is ongoing, and interim orders are often revisited, modified, or overturned as fuller records emerge.

TNM mentions Vembu’s denials only in passing, while giving exhaustive space to the most damaging judicial language, thereby creating the impression of a settled case when no such settlement exists.

Confusing A “Bond” With Guilt Or Liquidity

The $1.7-billion figure is presented with maximal shock value, but with minimal explanation.

What the order requires is a bond to secure potential claims, not a confirmed payout, fine, or judgement. Failure or refusal to post such a bond does not, by itself, prove that Vembu has $1.7 billion in liquid US assets, that the entire amount is personally accessible to him, or that all questioned corporate structures are fraudulent.

The bond amount appears calibrated to the alleged global value of Zoho-linked assets, not to demonstrable liquid wealth under US jurisdiction. TNM does not engage with this distinction at all. Instead, it subtly implies that non-payment is evidence of bad faith – an inference that the court itself has not conclusively made.

Treating Contested Allegations As Settled Fact

Several of the article’s most explosive claims remain hotly contested:

  • whether Zoho IP was truly sold for $50 million,
  • whether ZCPL paid that amount,
  • whether Vembu’s economic interest is truly 5% or substantially higher,
  • and whether early-2010s restructurings were legitimate or deceptive.

The court has expressed scepticism. That scepticism is not a ruling.

Yet TNM repeatedly quotes judicial doubts (“defies belief”, “raises the inference…”) without clearly stating that valuation is still under dispute, discovery is incomplete, and corporate actions from over a decade ago are being reconstructed retrospectively – a process that naturally produces gaps and ambiguities.

By collapsing allegations, interim inferences, and final conclusions into one mass, TNM is trying to present its vomit as a Michelin star dish.

The Deliberate Moral Contrast

The article’s long opening, dwelling on “simple living”, “high thinking”, “dharma”, and rural India, is deliberate – to maximise the fall of Vembu’s image.

This is classic opinion-journalism framing: trying to prove that someone with a saintly public image, cannot have money or be wealthy. They want to show this image and then shatter it with the most damaging excerpts available.

A genuine explainer would clearly separate agreed facts, interim judicial observations, and unresolved allegations still being tested. They only got Vembu’s wife’s comments, so naturally the whole article collapses. Or is TNM trying to once again resurrect the feminist image by pushing this one-sided story?

TNM chooses to blur facts from interim observations and allegations because moral contrast makes for better outrage.

No Corporate-Governance Counter-View

Perhaps most revealing is what the article does not do.

It does not speak to independent corporate lawyers, family-law experts, or specialists in founder-led global firms.

Moving IP, equity, or control to relatives and long-time co-founders is not automatically illegitimate. Such structures are common in tax planning, succession, and control consolidation especially in privately held multinational firms.

Courts will examine whether any move violated specific duties or restraining orders. Until a final ruling, it is editorial overreach to imply that every such transaction is a sham.

By omitting expert voices that could separate routine founder-divorce dynamics from genuine misconduct, TNM amplifies the appearance of scandal beyond what the record conclusively supports.

A Grey Zone, Not A Verdict

What TNM presents as exposure is, in reality, a grey zone familiar to high-net-worth divorces – complex ownership structures, offshore and cross-border asset moves, family shareholders, and community-property rules colliding with global businesses.

In such cases, judges often presume the worst when disclosure is late or incomplete. That presumption is procedural caution not final judgement.

Ultimately, it is all about character assassination of someone trying to do something good for his motherland. This is not the first time TNM did a hitjob – hitjobs are their favourite – like what they did with Dharmasthala.

Sridhar Vembu’s Counsel Accuses TNM Of Misleading Reporting

Vembu’s counsel has strongly disputed The News Minute’s portrayal of the case, stating that the article relies on a nearly year-old interim order passed on an emergency application, when the defence had limited time to respond to what he described as false allegations. The lawyer said the California court was misled by the wife’s attorney, who is not licensed to practise in California and entered the case from New York despite there being no New York jurisdictional issues.

According to the defence, Vembu had offered his wife 50% of his shares in ZCPL—an offer she has refused to accept—and had already transferred his interest in the family home to her. Despite this, she continues to allege asset concealment. The much-publicised $1.7-billion bond order, the counsel said, has no legal basis, was acknowledged by a subsequent judge as excessive, and is currently under appeal, while the related receivership order has been stayed.

The lawyer added that Vembu attempted compliance to the extent possible by borrowing up to $150 million against his shares, but the amount was refused. He clarified that the proceedings do not involve any claim for alimony or spousal support and emphasised that Vembu remains in full compliance with all lawful court orders.

Paywalling Personal Trauma

Perhaps the most grotesque aspect of this episode is the commercialisation of personal distress. TNM has chosen to lock this piece behind a paywall not because it is complex journalism, but because voyeurism sells.

This is not about informing the public. It is about peeping into someone’s personal life, a person opposed to your ideology and politics and monetizing it.

And then sermonising about it.

And they claim they will keep churning out such ‘pieces’ about Vembu – so is this a targeted hitjob akin to what happened during the Dharmasthala fake burial controversy which The News Minute shamelessly peddled without an iota of proof.

What TNM does is not journalism, just propaganda. Time and again, The News Minute appears to pick its subjects first and build the narrative later, especially when the individual or institution does not fit its ideological comfort zone.

In this case, it has reduced itself to a more polished version of Nakkheeran, which sells sex and sleaze content under the guise of ‘investigative journalism’.

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USA’s FARA Filings Show Pakistan Begged Washington 60 Times Through Lobbying Firms To Stop India’s Operation Sindoor

Newly accessed United States government filings have revealed the scale of an intense lobbying campaign mounted by Pakistan in Washington as it sought to blunt India’s military response during Operation Sindoor in May 2025.

Documents now available show that Pakistani diplomats and defence officials pursued more than 60 engagements with senior US administration officials, lawmakers, Pentagon and State Department officials, and influential American journalists between late April 2025 and the implementation of a ceasefire that followed the military escalation.

The filings, submitted under the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA), indicate that Pakistan’s ambassador to the United States and its defence attaché repeatedly reached out through emails, phone calls and in-person meetings. The stated objective of this outreach was to press Washington to intervene and “somehow stop” India’s military campaign launched in response to the terror attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir.

According to the disclosures, discussions during these interactions covered Kashmir, regional security, rare earth minerals, and broader Pakistan–US relations. Pakistani representatives also sought interviews and background briefings with major US media organisations. Several entries in the filings described the efforts as “ongoing representation of Pakistan,” reflecting the sustained and coordinated nature of the lobbying drive.

The campaign unfolded against the backdrop of mounting military pressure on Islamabad following India’s strikes. Diplomatic sources said the filings point to a state under acute strain, attempting to mobilise political, bureaucratic and media influence in Washington to counter New Delhi’s battlefield momentum.

The disclosures also align with a broader pattern of increased Pakistani lobbying in the United States. In November 2025, The New York Times reported that Pakistan had entered into contracts with six Washington-based lobbying firms at a combined cost of approximately $5 million annually. The aim, according to the report, was to secure faster access to the administration of then-US President Donald Trump and influence trade and diplomatic outcomes.

The New York Times investigation further noted that Pakistan significantly ramped up its lobbying expenditure during April and May 2025, spending at least three times more than India during the same period. The paper characterised the resulting shift in engagement as a sharp turnaround from previously strained US–Pakistan relations, marked by public praise for President Trump, the nomination of his name for the Nobel Peace Prize, and efforts to secure favourable business and trade concessions.

Weeks after Islamabad finalised a deal with Seiden Law LLP, working through Javelin Advisors, President Trump hosted Pakistan Army Chief Asim Munir at the White House. The meeting was widely interpreted by analysts as signalling Pakistan’s renewed access to the highest levels of US political power.

Multiple diplomatic sources said the 2025 FARA filings confirm that Pakistan expanded its lobbying footprint across Capitol Hill and the US media ecosystem, with individual contracts and outreach efforts running into hundreds of thousands of dollars. While there were indications that lobbying activity tapered later in the year, the filings collectively depict an aggressive and sustained campaign during the peak of the military crisis.

India had launched Operation Sindoor following the terror attack in Pahalgam, which killed 26 people. The operation targeted terror launch pads, training camps and logistics hubs linked to Pakistan-based groups, along with precision strikes on select airbases assessed by Indian authorities to be supporting or shielding such networks.

In the aftermath of the strikes, Pakistan sought to downplay the scale of damage, claiming Indian assessments were exaggerated. However, high-resolution satellite imagery released by independent analysts and commercial providers showed visible destruction at several identified locations. The images revealed damaged runways, hangars and support infrastructure at key airbases, as well as flattened structures at known militant facilities.

Comparisons with pre-strike imagery contradicted official Pakistani statements and reinforced India’s position that Operation Sindoor had achieved its stated objectives, highlighting a widening gap between Islamabad’s public narrative and the situation on the ground.

Source: NDTV

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Stalin Has Committed Bigger Crimes Than Venezuela’s President, Says Puthiya Tamilagam Chief Krishnasamy

The seventh State conference of the Puthiya Tamilagam was held on Wednesday, 6 January 2026, at Amma Thidal, located on the Madurai-Pandi temple ring road, where the party adopted 36 resolutions calling for political change in Tamil Nadu ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections.

Among the resolutions passed were demands for the lighting of the Karthigai Deepam atop the Thirupparankundram Hill, the formation of a coalition government in 2026 in which Puthiya Tamilagam would have a stake, and the removal of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) government from power.

Addressing the conference, party president K Krishnasamy called upon members of the Devendrakula Vellalar community to unite and emerge as a decisive political force in the 2026 Assembly elections. He said that merely asserting caste identity would not yield results and that political power could be achieved only by converting social identity into collective electoral strength.

Krishnasamy alleged that during the past five years, more than 25,000 higher-level government positions that should have been filled by members of the Devendrakula Vellalar and Paraiyar communities, classified under Adi Dravidars, were not allotted. He criticised other political parties for failing to raise this issue in the Assembly.

Taking aim at the DMK government, Krishnasamy accused it of committing repeated mistakes and claimed that as long as the present dispensation remained in power, government welfare schemes would not effectively reach the people. He said removing the DMK government was the only solution to address these issues.

He also criticised Chief Minister MK Stalin, describing him as arrogant and alleging that other political parties were complicit in enabling what he termed governance failures. He accused the DMK of reneging on its electoral promise to abolish the NEET examination after coming to power.

Referring to the Thirupparankundram issue, Krishnasamy questioned why prohibitory orders were imposed by the government even after a court had permitted the lighting of the Deepam on the hill.

Drawing a comparison with international developments, Krishnasamy claimed that the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister had committed graver mistakes than those attributed to the President of Venezuela. He further questioned what punishment should be meted out to a Chief Minister who had allowed the opening and functioning of liquor shops across the State.

On alliances, Krishnasamy stated that Puthiya Tamilagam would align only with a party willing to offer it a share in governance.

Among the resolutions adopted was a demand for the allocation of 2.5 acres of land each to families of Manjolai tea plantation workers, the abolition of vote-for-cash practices, the lighting of the Karthigai Deepam atop Thiruparankundram Hill, and the consolidation of the Devendrakula Vellalar community under the banner of Puthiya Tamilagam.

A centre titled “World Devendrakula Vellalar,” based in Madurai, was inaugurated as part of the conference. Party youth wing president Shyam Krishnasamy, along with State and district-level functionaries, participated in the event.

Source: Tamil Janam

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