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“Once Stood With Folded Hands Saying ‘Leader! Leader!’ And Refused To Sit, Now Talks ‘Intelligence Test’”, DMK Min Sekar Babu Slams TVK’s Aadhav Arjuna

“Once Stood With Folded Hands Saying ‘Leader! Leader!’ And Refused To Sit, Now Talks ‘Intelligence Test’”, DMK Min Sekar Babu Slams TVK's Aadhav Arjuna

DMK minister Sekar Babu a few days ago launched a scathing attack on political rivals, while expressing strong confidence in the party’s prospects in the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly elections.

Targeting opponents, he said, “The one who once used to stand before us with folded hands, calling out ‘Leader! Leader!’, who stubbornly refused to even sit in a chair when asked, that very person is today talking about conducting an ‘intelligence test’ for our movement. Well, it’s true and I feel it is my duty to state clearly at this moment that the place where they need to get tested is the Kilpauk Mental Hospital.”

Praising the leadership of the DMK, Sekar Babu asserted, “Across a political journey spanning over 60 years from the moment nails first grew on his toes, there is not a single corner of Tamil Nadu where he has not set foot. Among today’s political leaders, if there is one who is truly mature and possesses political foresight, it is none other than the leader of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, the Iron Man of India, Muthuvel Karunanidhi Stalin, and no one else.”

He also issued a strong warning against criticism of the party leadership, stating, “Whoever insults our leader and our movement, even if my own mother tries to stop me, I will not let go of him. That is the principle of DMK. A DMK member who has the strength to face anything will stand tall and fierce on the ground. Those who are coming to contest their very first election, a ‘nursery school movement’ will certainly be taught a lesson in this election by our movement, which has completed 75 years and celebrated its coral jubilee.”

Emphasising the party’s combative stance, he added, “Whatever verbal arrows come from the opposing side, we (DMK) have the power to return them multiplied many times over. We will prove this on the ground in the time to come.”

Highlighting electoral preparedness, Sekar Babu said, “Whatever happens, we have opened this election office with the firm resolve to make every announced candidate a Member of the Legislative Assembly. Our work will continue. We will carry to the people the public welfare work done in the name of our party leader’s government, and we will win decisively.”

On alliance dynamics, he noted, “Can’t you already see? Alliance talks with a few more parties are still ongoing. But with great confidence, this Democratic Progressive Alliance, the coalition that the honourable Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu formed in 2017 continues to travel together in one ship, united. This is a solid alliance. This is a powerful alliance that no one can attack and break apart. In all 234 constituencies where this alliance contests, the DMK-led alliance will win.”

Responding to a question on prospects in Chennai, he said, “Chennai and the 22 constituencies surrounding Chennai, just as we swept all 22 seats last time, we will sweep them again this time. And the bonus news is: DMK will capture an even higher vote percentage than what we received last time.”

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Begging For Votes With Plates? Joseph Vijay Calls Others Corrupt But TVK Caught Stocking Plates With “Whistle” Symbol Meant For Voters

Tiruchendur: 4,900 Plates With TVK 'Whistle' Symbol Meant for Voters Found Stockpiled In House

The election flying squad seized a large quantity of steel plates allegedly intended for distribution to voters in the run-up to the Assembly elections in Tamil Nadu.

As reported in Dinakaran, acting on a tip-off, officials conducted a search operation in the Udangudi area near Tiruchendur. During the inspection, a house belonging to an individual identified as Tamilselvan in Kottavilai Puthumanai was found to be storing multiple sacks containing steel (referred to as eversilver) plates bearing a “whistle” symbol, that has been allocated to actor-turned-politician Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam.

According to officials, a total of 4,900 steel plates were recovered from the premises. The items were allegedly stockpiled for distribution to voters, in violation of the Model Code of Conduct, which is currently in force following the announcement of elections in the state.

The operation was carried out under the leadership of flying squad officer Isakki Pandian, who has been overseeing intensified checks in the region as part of election monitoring measures.

The seized materials were subsequently handed over to the Kulasekaranpattinam police station. Authorities have initiated further investigation to ascertain the source of the items and any possible violations of election laws.

Just a few days ago, in Varakoorampatti near Thiruchengode, officials confiscated around 250 steel vessels bearing stickers of party chief Vijay and functionary Arunraj from an apartment complex, with subsequent searches extending to multiple houses based on inputs that similar items were stockpiled for distribution to voters. The operation, initiated following a complaint, is now under investigation to determine the scale and intent.

Adding to the controversy, video clips circulating on social media purportedly showed bottles of the health drink Boost carrying stickers with Arunraj’s image, though the location of the footage was not independently verified, the visuals intensified scrutiny over alleged distribution of goods linked to the party.

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Dravidian Model Tamil Nadu: Moderator Assaulted By DMK Goons During Election Debate

Dravidian Model Tamil Nadu: Moderator Assaulted By DMK Goons During Election Debate

A political debate programme organised by a private television channel turned violent in Karaikudi, with participants and supporters of multiple parties clashing, hurling plastic chairs, and engaging in physical assault at the venue.

The incident took place at the Magar Nonbu ground during a programme titled “Therdhal Payanam (Election Yatra),” hosted by a private media outlet, NewsTamil24x7. Representatives from major parties, including the DMK, AIADMK, Congress, and Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK), were present. Among those who spoke were DMK district deputy secretary Sengai Maran, former AIADMK MLA Umadevan, and NTK state youth coordinator Idumbavanam Karthi.

As reported in Dinamalar, tensions escalated during the discussion when the NTK representative criticised a sitting MLA, alleging lack of developmental work and raising allegations about interest in operating multiple private bars. This triggered loud protests from DMK and Congress supporters present at the venue.

The verbal altercation quickly spiralled into violence, with individuals picking up plastic chairs and throwing them toward the stage area. A physical clash broke out between cadres of the DMK, Congress, and NTK, leading to injuries among participants.

During the chaos, the programme’s moderator, Rajesh, and NTK functionary Idumbavanam Karthi were reportedly targeted in the attack. Allegations have been made that individuals linked to DMK district functionary Sengai Maran were involved in the assault. The incident disrupted the programme and created panic at the venue.

Following the clash, NTK members staged a road blockade in Karaikudi, demanding immediate arrest of those responsible for the attack on their party worker and others present at the event.

 

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The Karaikudi incident comes amid a series of earlier confrontations involving media personnel and political functionaries in the region. Just last month, journalists associated with the same private television channel were allegedly assaulted by a DMK MLA during a separate incident.

In another instance cited by BJP leader SG Suryah, a similar debate programme had reportedly turned violent, with attacks directed at party members and even police personnel present at the scene, resulting in injuries that required hospitalisation.

These recurring episodes have raised concerns about the safety of media platforms hosting political debates and the increasing frequency of disruptions during such public discussions.

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“What A Film”: Rajinikanth Heaps Praises On Dhurandhar 2 And Aditya Dhar

In a resounding endorsement that has sent waves across the Indian film industry, actor Rajinikanth has lavished high praise on the recently released blockbuster Dhurandhar 2: The Revenge, calling director Aditya Dhar as the “box office -ka baap” (the father of the box office).

Rajinikanth’s post read: “What a film … #Dhurandhar2 !!! Aditya Dhar box office -ka baap !!! Many congratulations to Ranveer and the entire cast and crew. A must watch film for every indian. Jai hind “.

 

This glowing review comes following The Commune’s article calling out the stoic silence from Tamil film industry over Dhurandhar’s success.

Dhurandhar 2: The Revenge—directed by Aditya Dhar and starring Ranveer Singh in the lead as the fierce spy Jaskirat—has taken the box office by storm.

Released on March 19, 2026, the spy action thriller sequel has shattered records, crossing massive collections worldwide in just days. It has already surpassed several benchmarks, including Rajinikanth’s own 2023 hit Jailer in rapid time, and drawn comparisons to all-time greats for its scale, intensity, and patriotic fervor.

The film, a direct sequel to the 2025 hit Dhurandhar, blends high-octane action, emotional stakes, and elements inspired by real incidents, delivering a gripping narrative of espionage and revenge. Ranveer Singh’s explosive performance has been widely celebrated, alongside a stellar ensemble featuring Arjun Rampal, Sanjay Dutt, R. Madhavan, Sara Arjun, Rakesh Bedi, and others reprising or joining the cast.

Aditya Dhar’s direction—marked by meticulous detailing, grand set pieces, and unapologetic intensity—has earned him accolades from across the industry.Rajinikanth’s endorsement carries special weight. As one of Indian cinema’s most iconic figures, known for his larger-than-life persona and massive pan-Indian appeal, his stamp of approval elevates Dhurandhar 2 beyond a mere commercial success.

Rajinikanth’s call for every Indian to watch it, comes amid its wave of praise from other stars like Allu Arjun, SS Rajamouli, Ravi Teja, Kangana Ranaut, and more.

Fans and industry insiders have reacted with excitement, with many pointing out the significance of a South Indian legend publicly championing a Bollywood film of this magnitude.

With its blistering pace, technical brilliance, and emotional core, Dhurandhar 2: The Revenge has proven to be more than a sequel—it’s a cinematic event.

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Darr Ka Mahaul Hai: This Pakistani Politician From Lyari Is In Soup After Dhurandhar 2 Release

Darr Ka Mahaul Hai: This Pakistani Politician From Lyari Is In Soup After Dhurandhar 2 Release

There is a particular kind of character who hands his enemies a weapon and then poses with it. Nabil Gabol – MNA, PPP, Lyari did exactly that when he proudly claimed on every Pakistani camera that Dhurandhar’s Jameel Jamali character was based on him.

Then (spoiler alert) Dhurandhar 2 revealed Jameel Jamali to be an Indian spy.

Act One: After Dhurandhar 1 (December 2025) – Basking

Nabil Gabol, sitting MNA from PPP, went on a Pakistani media tour proudly claiming that Jameel Jamali – the scheming, opportunistic Lyari politician played by Rakesh Bedi was reportedly based on him. His only complaint was that the film hadn’t done him enough justice. He told interviewers that Jameel Jamali was portrayed as too weak and too comedic, saying the character did not capture his real “dabangg” persona. He did not deny the inspiration – he demanded a more powerful version of himself on screen.

Act Two: After Dhurandhar 2 (March 2026) – Full Panic

In the sequel, Jameel Jamali is revealed to be an Indian spy.

Gabol’s tone changed overnight. He is now frantically distancing himself, insisting: “It’s not me. Don’t believe whatever is depicted in the film. It’s a crooked attempt by Indian filmmakers to deliberately distort and malign my character.”

 

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His specific fear, stated explicitly in interviews, is that “illiterate or misinformed viewers in Pakistan who watch through VPNs or illegal downloads could mistake the fictional portrayal for reality and see him as an Indian spy, potentially putting him at risk.”

That is Nabil Gabol, on record, saying he is scared his own countrymen will think he is an Indian spy.​

When asked if he would take legal action internationally, he admitted he “lacked the funds” to do so.

Rakesh Bedi, for his part, responded cleanly: “I didn’t portray him at all. The character was created through imagination by combining a variety of personalities.”

The Irony Is Surgical

The man who voluntarily, enthusiastically, repeatedly told all of Pakistan that a Bollywood film was based on his life is now desperately telling all of Pakistan that the same Bollywood film is absolutely not based on his life — because in Part 2, his character turns out to be working for RAW.

Your instinct about the Pakistan Army’s IQ is well-founded. Gabol himself appears to share your concern — which is precisely why he is in full damage-control mode. The internet, naturally, is not letting him forget a single word he said after Part 1.

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How Private Funding Of Federal Workers Destroys The American Republic

How Private Funding Of Federal Workers Destroys The American Republic

The proposition of a private billionaire, specifically Elon Musk, funding federal agency operations or paying federal employee salaries during a government shutdown is not a logistical workaround. It is a constitutional, legal, and democratic catastrophe waiting to materialize. This report expands upon foundational dangers: regulatory capture, congressional power subversion, Anti-Deficiency Act violations, economic fragility, and shifting allegiances and further identifies additional crisis vectors that the United States would face in both the near and long term. Backed by legislative history, financial data, and institutional analysis, this piece argues that permitting private funding of public employees would set the United States on an irreversible path toward neofeudal governance.

The Death of Regulatory Independence: When the Regulator Owes the Regulated

Regulatory independence is the cornerstone of a functioning market economy. Agencies such as the FAA, EPA, FCC, DOJ, and DHS are designed to enforce rules without fear or favor. This independence is not merely a procedural nicety – it is the mechanism through which consumer safety, environmental protection, and market competition are upheld.

Elon Musk is not a passive actor in this ecosystem. He is the CEO of Tesla (subject to NHTSA and EPA oversight), SpaceX (subject to FAA licensing), xAI and X/Twitter (under scrutiny from the FTC and FCC), and has previously been investigated by the SEC. As of 2024, SpaceX alone had received over $15.3 billion in government contracts, according to USASpending.gov. His companies collectively employ over 140,000 workers directly regulated by federal agencies.

If Musk were to fund TSA agents, DHS personnel, or FAA employees, a structural conflict of interest of unprecedented scale is created. Even if explicit favoritism never occurs, the mere perception of dependence on a private benefactor compromises institutional integrity. Research in organizational psychology consistently shows that “benefactor bias” – an unconscious preference for the interests of financial supporters occurs even in rigorous professional contexts.

The stakes are staggering. The FAA approved SpaceX’s Starship launch licenses following extensive regulatory delays. The EPA has been scrutinized over Tesla’s manufacturing emissions waivers. A captured FAA could green-light unsafe launches. A captured EPA could ignore pollution violations. A captured SEC could overlook market manipulation. Each agency “sponsored” by Musk becomes, in effect, a subsidiary of his business empire.

Violating the Power of the Purse: The Collapse of Constitutional Checks

Article I, Section 9, Clause 7 of the U.S. Constitution is explicit: “No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law.” The Framers did not include this clause as a technicality – it was the primary safeguard against executive tyranny. The power to fund government was deliberately placed in the hands of the elected legislature, not the executive and certainly not private citizens.

Government shutdowns, despite their economic pain, serve a democratic function. They are the fiscal pressure valve that forces legislative negotiation. Since 1976, the United States has experienced 22 government funding gaps. The 2018-2019 shutdown, the longest in U.S. history at 35 days, cost the economy an estimated $11 billion, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO). Yet it also produced a negotiated resolution and a temporary funding bill.

If a private billionaire can simply bypass this mechanism by writing personal checks to federal employees, Congress loses its only financial leverage. The incentive for lawmakers to negotiate, compromise, and represent constituents on budget issues evaporates entirely. Future shutdowns could be selectively “solved” by whichever billionaire has the most interest in keeping a particular agency running – not the one most essential to the public good.

This has a name in political science: the “fiscal hostage” problem in reverse. Instead of Congress using the budget as leverage against the executive, private wealth becomes leverage against democracy itself. A billionaire who keeps the TSA funded but lets the IRS starve is effectively setting fiscal priorities for the world’s largest economy.

The Anti-Deficiency Act: A Legal Minefield with No Exit

The Anti-Deficiency Act (ADA), codified at 31 U.S.C. §§ 1341–1342, prohibits federal agencies from accepting voluntary services or incurring obligations exceeding appropriated funds. It was first enacted in 1870 and has been strengthened through subsequent legislation, precisely because Congress recognized the danger of executive agencies becoming financially entangled with private interests.

Any attempt to have a private billionaire fund federal salaries would trigger immediate violations of the ADA. This is not a grey area. The Government Accountability Office (GAO) has issued multiple opinions affirming that federal agencies cannot accept gifts of services or funds that substitute for Congressional appropriations, even during shutdowns. The sole exception, accepting “emergency” services, is narrowly confined to immediate threats to life or property.

The legal chaos that would follow is multidimensional. First, the choice of which employees or agencies get funded by private money is itself a legally perilous act – it could constitute unlawful discrimination among federal workers. Second, employees who accept private compensation during a shutdown may forfeit back-pay entitlements normally guaranteed by the Government Employee Fair Treatment Act of 2019. Third, any contracts awarded during a period when an agency was privately funded could be legally challenged as tainted by conflicts of interest, potentially unraveling billions of dollars in federal procurement.

Legal scholars at Harvard Law’s Federal Budget Policy Seminar have noted that “a scenario in which a private citizen funds agency operations creates a constitutional void that existing statutes were never designed to address.” The resulting litigation could clog the federal courts for years, delay critical government functions, and cost taxpayers far more than the shutdown itself ever would.

Economic Fragility: Sovereign Risk and Market Destabilization

The United States dollar is the world’s primary reserve currency. As of Q1 2025, the dollar accounts for approximately 58.4% of global foreign exchange reserves, according to IMF COFER data. U.S. Treasury bonds are the benchmark for the global risk-free rate – the foundation upon which trillions of dollars in financial instruments are priced. This position rests entirely on the perception of the United States as a stable, sovereign, and predictable borrower.

The moment a private individual begins funding federal government operations, that perception fractures. Bond markets are acutely sensitive to sovereign governance risks. A scenario in which a billionaire’s personal wealth, which can fluctuate by tens of billions of dollars in a single day, becomes part of the formula for federal operations creates unprecedented volatility pricing into U.S. Treasuries.

Consider the market implications: Musk’s net worth dropped by approximately $200 billion between November 2021 and December 2022 due to Tesla stock declines. If federal operations were partially dependent on his financial capacity during this period, the implication for government stability is catastrophic. Credit rating agencies such as Moody’s and S&P, which already downgraded U.S. debt in 2023, would likely respond to such a development with further downgrades, pushing borrowing costs higher.

The competitive distortion effects are equally severe. Federal agencies that award contracts to aerospace, technology, automotive, or AI companies would be scrutinized as structurally compromised. Musk competitors: Boeing, Lockheed Martin, Rivian, Google DeepMind, and others would face a procurement process where the funding source of the evaluating agency is their direct rival. This would trigger immediate legal challenges, reduce competition for government contracts, inflate procurement costs, and ultimately burden taxpayers.

The Security Risk: Loyalty, Allegiance, and the Hollow Oath

Every federal employee, from the most junior TSA screener to the Director of the FBI, takes an oath to “support and defend the Constitution of the United States.” This oath is not ceremonial. It is the legal and moral foundation of a civil service that serves the public, not any individual. The Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act of 1883 was enacted precisely to break the “spoils system,” where government employment was tied to personal loyalty to political patrons.

Human psychology operates on the principle of reciprocity. Decades of social psychology research, from Robert Cialdini’s foundational work on influence to more recent studies in organizational behavior, confirm that individuals who receive material help from a benefactor develop measurable loyalties that influence their professional decision-making. When federal employees know that their mortgage was paid, their children were fed, and their retirement is secure because of Elon Musk’s personal largesse rather than the U.S. Treasury, the oath to the Constitution becomes a theoretical abstraction.

The national security implications are severe. During a contested election, a constitutional crisis, or a moment of conflict between a private billionaire’s interests and the public good, whose orders would agency employees follow? The agency head appointed by law? Or the man whose paycheck kept their family afloat? History offers grim precedents: in Weimar Germany, the erosion of loyalty to state institutions in favor of private patrons was a precursor to institutional collapse. In contemporary Venezuela and Hungary, the capture of civil service loyalties by executive-aligned private interests preceded democratic backsliding.

The Precedent Problem: Every Billionaire Gets a Turn

Perhaps the most underappreciated danger is the precedent. Once it is established that a private individual can fund federal operations during a shutdown, the principle cannot be restricted to one person. Jeff Bezos could fund the U.S. Postal Service and the FTC which regulates Amazon’s competitors. Larry Ellison could fund the Department of Defense’s technology divisions, where Oracle competes for contracts. The Koch Industries network could fund the EPA which regulates fossil fuel operations.

This is not hypothetical alarmism. It is the logical extension of the principle. In Citizens United v. FEC (2010), the Supreme Court’s ruling that political spending constitutes free speech opened floodgates that transformed U.S. campaign finance. A precedent permitting private funding of federal operations would dwarf the Citizens United impact in its consequences, converting entire government agencies into instruments of competitive private strategy.

The United States would effectively transform from a constitutional republic into a competitive oligarchy, where the wealthiest individuals vie to “sponsor” the agencies most strategically valuable to their empires. Public policy would no longer be determined by democratic deliberation but by the financial capacity and strategic interest of private wealth. The 2024 Forbes 400 list identifies 400 individuals with a combined net worth exceeding $5 trillion – more than enough to fund the entire discretionary federal budget of $1.7 trillion multiple times over.

Workforce Demoralization and the Collapse of the Civil Service

The federal government employs approximately 2.9 million civilian workers as of 2024, according to the Office of Personnel Management (OPM). These employees are compensated through a structured system governed by the General Schedule (GS) pay scale, a merit-based framework designed to ensure equal treatment, professional development, and non-partisan service. This system has been refined over 140 years since the Pendleton Act.

A tiered system in which some federal employees receive private funding while others do not would create catastrophic morale and equity crises. If Musk chooses to fund TSA and DHS but not the IRS or the EPA – agencies that directly regulate his businesses – the message to EPA scientists and IRS auditors is explicit: your work is less valued because it inconveniences the benefactor. Skilled professionals would exit the agencies starved of private support, resulting in a brain drain in the very departments most critical to regulatory enforcement.

Retention data already shows the civil service is under stress. A 2023 Partnership for Public Service survey found that 42% of federal employees under age 40 were considering leaving government service within three years, citing pay, flexibility, and perceived lack of institutional support. Introduction of private salary subsidies for select agencies would exacerbate this disparity, creating a two-tiered civil service, a “sponsored” class and an “abandoned” class with devastating effects on institutional cohesion.

International Perception and the Erosion of U.S. Soft Power

The United States has long derived geopolitical authority from the perception of stable, rule-based governance. The U.S. model of constitutional democracy has been exported, emulated, and advocated for globally – serving as the philosophical foundation for American foreign policy from the Marshall Plan to the post-Cold War order. That credibility rests on the assumption that U.S. institutions are funded by public taxation, governed by law, and answerable to elected representatives.

The revelation that a single private individual is paying the salaries of federal employees would reverberate in diplomatic, economic, and security arenas worldwide. U.S. allies in NATO, the EU, Japan, South Korea, and Australia who integrate defense, intelligence, and trade infrastructure with American federal agencies would face legitimate questions about the reliability and neutrality of U.S. government counterparts. Is an FAA safety certification credible if the FAA was funded by the CEO of a competing aerospace company? Is a DOJ antitrust decision trustworthy if the DOJ payroll was partially sustained by a technology oligarch?

Adversaries, particularly China and Russia, would exploit this narrative aggressively. Chinese state media would amplify the story as proof of “American plutocracy.” Russian information operations would use it to undermine confidence in U.S. democratic institutions among allied populations. The damage to U.S. soft power would be immeasurable and long-lasting, weakening America’s ability to lead coalitions, negotiate trade agreements, and set global governance norms.

The Structural Dismantling of Democratic Accountability

At its deepest level, the privatization of federal salary funding represents an attack on the concept of democratic accountability itself. In a democracy, citizens hold their government accountable through elections, taxation, and the rule of law. Citizens pay taxes; taxes fund the government; the government serves the citizenry. This cycle of accountability, money flows from the people to their representatives, then to the state is the operating system of democracy.

When a private actor inserts himself into this cycle, the loop breaks. Federal employees are no longer accountable to taxpayers through the chain of command. They are accountable, at least partially, to the private donor. Citizens who did not choose, elect, or consent to Elon Musk’s role in their governance have no mechanism to hold him accountable. He faces no ballot, no oversight committee, no electoral consequence for his choices about which agencies to fund and which to abandon.

The Anti-Corruption Index by Transparency International consistently identifies the independence of public institutions from private financial influence as the primary variable distinguishing high-trust from low-trust governance systems. Nations where private money flows directly into government operations such as certain Latin American and African states consistently rank among the most corrupt. The United States currently ranks 24th globally, a position that would be imperiled by formalizing private funding of public servants.

Conclusion: A Precedent the Republic Cannot Survive

The argument for allowing Elon Musk or any billionaire to fund federal salaries during a government shutdown is seductively simple: workers suffer, a wealthy person wants to help, why not? But this framing obscures the systemic devastation that would follow.

This analysis has identified nine distinct vectors of crisis: the capture of regulatory agencies that oversee the benefactor’s businesses; the subversion of Congress’s constitutionally mandated Power of the Purse; violations of the Anti-Deficiency Act that would trigger cascading litigation; economic destabilization of Treasury markets and U.S. sovereign credit ratings; the erosion of civil servant loyalty to the Constitution; the establishment of a precedent that invites every billionaire to sponsor their preferred agencies; the demoralization and stratification of the 2.9-million-person federal workforce; the corrosion of U.S. soft power and diplomatic credibility; and the fundamental dismantling of democratic accountability.

In aggregate, these outcomes constitute not a temporary administrative workaround but a structural transformation of the United States from a constitutional republic into a privatized oligarchy. The government shutdown mechanism despite its real and painful costs to workers is a democratic pressure valve. Its resolution must come through democratic means: negotiation, legislation, and accountability.

A government that cannot fund itself through the consent and taxation of its people has a political problem that demands a political solution. Replacing that political solution with the financial patronage of an unelected billionaire does not fix the problem – it destroys the system designed to solve it.

The United States was founded in explicit rejection of a system where wealth conferred governance rights. The very Declaration of Independence was a repudiation of a monarch whose authority derived from personal power rather than popular consent. To permit a 21st-century equivalent – a techno-feudal lord whose wealth buys him de facto control over the agencies that govern his competitors would be to betray that founding principle in the most consequential way possible.

The public funding of public servants is not a bureaucratic formality. It is the material expression of sovereignty. The moment it is surrendered to private wealth, sovereignty itself is surrendered and with it, the republic.

Ganesh Kumar is a geo-political analyst.

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Middle-Income Trap: Why India Could Be The Exception

Middle-Income Trap: Why India Could Be The Exception

The idea that India might escape the so-called “middle-income trap” has long been treated with skepticism in global economic circles. The trap, as defined by institutions like the World Bank, describes a stage where countries rise from poverty but then stagnate before achieving high-income status. Historically, very few nations have made that leap just a few dozen in the last several decades.

Yet a recent argument in the Washington Examiner suggests that India may be one of the rare exceptions. That claim, while optimistic, is not without merit. In fact, when one steps back and examines India’s trajectory particularly under the current political and economic framework it becomes clear that this is not merely wishful thinking, but a grounded assessment of structural transformation.

At the heart of the optimism lies India’s sustained economic growth. Even conservative projections place India’s GDP growth in the range of 6-7% annually in the coming years, with periods of higher expansion already witnessed. This is not just about numbers; it is about consistency. Unlike many Latin American or Southeast Asian economies that surged and then stalled, India’s growth has shown resilience across global shocks from financial crises to pandemics.

But growth alone does not guarantee escape from the trap. What matters is the quality and drivers of that growth. This is where India’s model diverges significantly from others. Unlike export-heavy economies such as China, India’s growth has been deeply rooted in domestic consumption. With consumption accounting for roughly two-thirds of GDP, India has built a broad-based internal market that acts as a stabilizer against global volatility. This internal demand is powered by a rising middle class, urbanization, and a steady expansion of digital and financial inclusion.

Another crucial factor is governance reform. Over the past decade, India has undergone a series of structural changes tax reforms like GST, insolvency laws, digitization of welfare, and a strong push toward infrastructure development. These reforms are not cosmetic; they address long-standing inefficiencies that historically slowed India’s economic momentum. The expansion of highways, railways, ports, and digital infrastructure has dramatically reduced transaction costs and improved productivity.

Equally important is the competitive federalism that has emerged across Indian states. Unlike centralized economies, India’s 28 states are increasingly competing for investment, innovation, and industrial growth. This internal competition creates a dynamic ecosystem where policy experimentation is encouraged and best practices are replicated. Such decentralized dynamism is often absent in countries that fall into the middle-income trap.

Demographics further strengthen India’s case. While many middle-income countries face aging populations, India remains a young nation. A large working-age population provides both a labor force and a consumer base. If harnessed correctly through education and skill development, this demographic dividend could sustain growth for decades.

However, optimism must be tempered with realism. India’s journey is far from guaranteed. One of the biggest challenges is employment. Despite strong GDP growth, job creation has not always kept pace. Wage growth has also remained modest in many sectors, limiting consumption expansion. If India fails to generate sufficient high-quality jobs, its demographic advantage could turn into a liability.

Inequality is another concern. While India’s overall inequality levels are lower than some developed nations, wealth concentration at the top remains significant. A growth model that disproportionately benefits the elite risks undermining social cohesion and long-term demand.

There is also the challenge of transitioning from investment-driven growth to innovation-driven growth. The World Bank and other institutions emphasize a “3i” strategy: investment, infusion of technology, and innovation as essential for escaping the trap. India has made progress in the first two stages, particularly through infrastructure and technology adoption, but innovation remains uneven. While sectors like IT and startups are thriving, manufacturing innovation and deep-tech development need further strengthening.

Yet, what distinguishes India from many other middle-income countries is not just economics it is political stability combined with a clear long-term vision. The goal of becoming a developed nation by 2047, marking 100 years of independence, is not merely symbolic. It provides a strategic direction that aligns policy, investment, and public expectations.

Critics often argue that India’s democratic system could slow down decision-making compared to authoritarian models like China. But this critique overlooks a key advantage: democratic legitimacy. Policies that emerge from democratic consensus are more sustainable and less prone to abrupt reversals. Over time, this stability can be more valuable than speed.

Moreover, India’s global positioning has strengthened significantly. Trade agreements, such as the recent deal with the European Union, and deeper engagement with major economies like the United States, are integrating India more firmly into global supply chains. This integration is crucial for technology transfer, export growth, and capital inflows – all essential ingredients for escaping the middle-income trap.

There is also an intangible but powerful factor at play: civilizational confidence. For decades after independence, India’s economic policy was marked by hesitation and ideological constraints. Today, there is a noticeable shift toward assertiveness and ambition. This change in mindset both within the government and among the people cannot be quantified, but it plays a significant role in shaping economic outcomes.

The Washington Examiner’s argument ultimately rests on a simple but compelling premise: India is doing enough of the right things, at the right time, and at the right scale. It is building infrastructure, reforming institutions, leveraging technology, and engaging globally all while maintaining democratic stability.

Of course, history is littered with countries that seemed poised for greatness but fell short. The middle-income trap is not a myth; it is a well-documented reality. But history is not destiny.

India’s path will depend on whether it can sustain reforms, deepen human capital investment, and ensure that growth translates into widespread prosperity. If it succeeds, it will not just escape the middle-income trap it will redefine the development narrative for the 21st century.

In that sense, the question is no longer whether India can escape the trap. The more relevant question is whether it can do so while remaining true to its democratic ethos and inclusive aspirations. If the answer is yes, then India’s rise will not merely be an economic story it will be a civilizational one.

Dr. Prosenjit Nath is a techie, political analyst, and author.

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Kerala: Congress Endorsed Sabarimala Women Entry, Closely Linked To Man Accused Of Gold Theft, Now Invokes Ayyappa For Votes

There is a word for a party that endorses a Supreme Court verdict that millions of Hindus regard as a desecration of their most sacred pilgrimage, then shelters the man accused of looting gold from that very shrine, and then when election season arrives in Kerala produces campaign videos invoking the name of Lord Ayyappa as though it were a vote-harvesting prop. The word is not hypocrisy. Hypocrisy implies some residual shame. What Congress has done with Sabarimala is something colder and more calculated: it is the systematic instrumentalisation of Hindu faith for electoral arithmetic, with no principle beneath it at any stage.

Act One: The Endorsement

When the Supreme Court’s September 2018 verdict allowing women of all ages to enter Sabarimala came down, millions of Kerala Hindus responded with spontaneous, sustained, months-long protest – one of the largest grassroots mobilisations in recent Kerala history. Women formed a 620-kilometre human wall. Devotees blocked approaches to the temple. The message from the believer was unambiguous: this was not a question of gender equality. This was a question of the unique, centuries-old nature of Lord Ayyappa’s celibate form, and the rights of a religious tradition to govern its own practice.

Rahul Gandhi’s response was to endorse the verdict. In December 2020, he stated publicly that all women should be allowed entry into Sabarimala, throwing Congress’s weight behind a judicial intervention that the faithful had already rejected with their feet.

Image Source: X

This was the Congress that claims to respect India’s plural traditions; this was the Congress that, when Hindu devotees protest the disruption of their faith, sides with the disruption. The message to the believer was clear: your tradition is negotiable, your sentiment is a lobby to be managed, and your deity’s identity is subject to revision by those who know better.

Act Two: The Gold Theft and the Photograph

Then more recently came the Sabarimala gold theft case. The primary accused Unnikrishnan Potti, a man whose proximity to the Congress ecosystem was not incidental, was photographed in the company of Sonia Gandhi herself on multiple occasions. The photograph does not prove conspiracy.

Image Source: X

It proves something nearly as damaging: that the Congress party’s network in Kerala had, at its accessible edges, individuals whose conduct toward Sabarimala was not reverential but predatory. The party that endorsed disruption of the temple’s traditions had, within its orbit, someone now accused of robbing the deity’s consecrated gold. There is a straight line from treating Sabarimala as a political battleground to treating it as a resource to be exploited.

Act Three: The Campaign Video

Now it is March 2026. Kerala assembly elections are approaching. And INC Kerala’s official X account has posted a campaign video, invoking Ayyappa, attacking the incumbent government over corruption at the temple, asking rhetorically why the Global Ayyappa Sangamam was conducted “after looting Ayyappa’s gold.” Congress, the party that told devotees their traditions did not matter, is now posturing as the protector of Lord Ayyappa’s honour. The party whose leader endorsed the dismantling of Sabarimala’s customs now wraps itself in the deity’s name to harvest votes.

This is not a pivot. It is not a rethink. It is not even a politically motivated conversion that could be taken at face value. It is a campaign video from a party that has demonstrated, in sequence: contempt for the devotee’s position in 2018-2020, proximity to the accused in the gold theft case, and now electoral opportunism in 2026. Lord Ayyappa is, in Congress’s political calendar, an adversary when his traditions inconvenience the party’s progressive signalling, a non-issue when his gold is being stolen by those in the party’s network, and a mascot when his name can win seats.

The Pattern Is Not Sabarimala-Specific

This is the standard Congress operating model with Hindu institutions. Endorse every judicial or legislative intervention that weakens the autonomy of Hindu religious practice: temple takeovers, entry disputes, festival regulations under the banner of reform. Simultaneously ensure that the party’s Muslim and Christian minority vote banks face no equivalent “reform” pressure on their personal law or institutional autonomy. Then, at election time, pivot back to whichever Hindu symbol or deity is locally resonant and produce content that implies the party has always been on the side of the faithful.

The Kerala Hindu voter watching that INC Kerala campaign video today should ask one question: what has changed? Rahul Gandhi’s 2020 statement endorsing women’s entry into Sabarimala has not been retracted. The photograph of the gold theft accused with Sonia Gandhi has not been explained. The Congress party’s position on the Supreme Court verdict has not been publicly reversed. What has changed is the electoral calendar. And that, for Congress, is sufficient reason to discover that Lord Ayyappa’s gold matters even if it did not matter enough, at any point over the last eight years, to stand with the people who protect his temple.

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Dravidiawood Maintains Stoic Silence On Dhurandhar 2 Success

A film breaks box office records across the country. Tier-2 cities from Tirunelveli to Pollachi to Tiruppur report sold-out shows. The Tamil-dubbed version earns ₹7.05 crore in four days without a single Tamil star attached. And from the sprawling, opinionated, ceaselessly self-promotional world of Kollywood, or rather Dravidianwood – not a word.​

No congratulatory posts on X. No “What a film!” Instagram stories. No gracious acknowledgement from any of the so-called A-listers such as Suriya, Karthi, Vijay, Rajinikanth, Kamal Haasan, Siddharth, Pa Ranjith, Mari Selvaraj who would ordinarily bend over backwards to signal solidarity with any production that carries the right ideological passport.

The same people would otherwise virtue signal movie goers and whine about audiences not going to the theatre to watch movies. Is this not an opportune time to celebrate the return of audiences to theatres?

Tamil cinema, an industry that never misses an opportunity to celebrate itself, to moralise about cinema’s social responsibility, to lecture the country on what constitutes “meaningful” storytelling, has looked at Dhurandhar 2: The Revenge and chosen, with extraordinary discipline, to say absolutely nothing.

The contrast with Tollywood is brutal and telling. Mahesh Babu, Allu Arjun, Jr NTR, Vijay Deverakonda, Ram Charan, Telugu cinema’s biggest names, watched the film on opening day, first show, and immediately took to social media with effusive, unprompted praise.

SS Rajamouli, who has no personal stake in the film’s success, called it a triumph.

The Telugu industry, knowing full well the ‘ideological controversy’ that surrounds a Kashmiri Pandit director making a film about intelligence operations and national security, chose courage over calculation.

Tamil cinema chose the opposite.

Rajinikanth is not a man who struggles to find his phone when a film moves him. In April 2017, he called Baahubali 2 “Indian cinema’s pride” and SS Rajamouli “God’s own child” within hours of watching it. In October 2022, he watched Kantara and immediately told the world: “You gave me goosebumps, Rishab. Hats off to you as a writer, director and actor.” In June 2024, he watched Kalki 2898 AD and typed “WOW! What an epic movie!” before the ink on his ticket stub could dry. This is a man with a proven, documented reflex for public celebration of Indian cinema when it achieves something extraordinary. That reflex has now mysteriously jammed. Dhurandhar 2: The Revenge, one of the biggest Indian films of 2026, is playing to packed houses including in his own base. The man who called a Telugu film “Indian cinema’s pride” cannot find it within himself to offer even a perfunctory acknowledgement. The Superstar, it turns out, only has a conscience when the film in question does not threaten his relationship with the Dravidian establishment.

Vijay, now TVK chief and aspiring Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, spent an entire film career playing the righteous common man standing against the corrupt establishment. He understood audience sentiment well enough to build an electoral movement on it. But Vijay has not found a single word to say about a film that his own presumed voters have turned out to watch in droves – can he not speak up for the industry he belongs to (or is it belonged to?) Vijay seems to want to “aura farm” with silence as his weapon. Sorry, not working. Well, he has been maintaining silence even for his own film Jana Nayagan after it faced hurdles with the censor board. A man who cannot speak for himself certainly will not speak for Dhurandhar 2. His silence on this film is, at minimum, consistent with his broader political cowardice and at maximum, a deliberate signal to the Dravidianist ideology that he knows which films Tamil Nadu is and is not permitted to celebrate.

Ajith Kumar is often positioned as Kollywood’s most apolitical superstar, the one man who stays out of the ecosystem’s virtue wars. His fans celebrate his studied indifference to industry politics as a form of integrity. And yet, when his own Good Bad Ugly released in April 2025, the industry closed ranks around it – screening it, promoting it, rallying for it. That solidarity flows one way. When a Hindi film, directed by a Kashmiri Pandit, starring Ranveer Singh, a Sindhi and R. Madhavan, fills Tamil Nadu’s single screens with paying audiences – Ajith’s studied silence is not aloofness. At the very least, he can support a fellow Sindhi after all, Sindhi blood flows through his veins. And in celebrating Dhurandhar, audiences are not doing hero worship – there is an awakening, a sense of patriotism and genuine love for well-made cinema. Can Ajith not support that?

This is not an accident or an oversight. These are people who tweet about everything under the sun while praising the Dravidian party at the helm while also posting for each other’s birthdays, foreign film awards, social causes, rainfall. The idea that Dhurandhar 2, one of the biggest Indian films of 2026, simply escaped their notice is laughable. The silence seems deliberate, coordinated, and cowardly. It reflects the iron grip that the Dravidian political-cultural ecosystem exercises over its artists – an unwritten code that says: you may celebrate anything except that which the party and its allied intelligentsia have not pre-approved.​

And what has that ecosystem decided about Dhurandhar 2? The hostility was visible even before the film released. When Tamil Nadu theatres cancelled shows on opening day, ostensibly over technical delays, the online Dravidian ecosystem barely concealed its satisfaction. Prakash Raj, the ecosystem’s ever-reliable attack dog, took a “subtle dig” at the wave of Telugu stars praising the film, insinuating that their appreciation was motivated by “obligations.”

The film’s content, its theme of intelligence and national security, its Kashmiri Pandit authorship – all of it makes it radioactive for a cultural establishment that has spent decades positioning Tamil identity as inherently sceptical of Indian nationalism.

But the audiences of Tamil Nadu never got that memo.

They turned up in Tirunelveli, in Pollachi, in Dindigul, in Tiruppur. They filled seats in interior towns. They watched a Hindi film in Tamil dubbing and they left satisfied. The disconnect between Tamil cinema’s English-social media-verified gatekeepers and the actual Tamil-speaking public has never been more starkly visible. Ordinary Tamils do not hate India. They are not reflexively suspicious of patriotism. They are not, as the Dravidianist echo chamber insists, ideologically quarantined from the rest of the country. They simply want good cinema, and when good cinema arrives, they recognise it, with or without their industry’s permission.​

What Dravidianwood’s silence reveals is not sophistication. It is fear. Fear that acknowledging a film like Dhurandhar 2 would invite the wrath of the political establishment that funds, protects and validates their careers. Fear that a single tweet of appreciation might cost them their next government award, their next state-sponsored premiere, their next comfortable seat at a DMK cultural event.

Telugu stars were brave enough to tweet. Tamil film industry Dravidianwood’s members were not. That single fact says more about the state of creative freedom in Dravidianwood than any press conference ever could.

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Dravidian Model Tamil Nadu: Plea Made In Madras High Court To Ban ‘Dhurandhar 2’

Advocate Seeks Ban On ‘Dhurandhar 2’ In Madras High Court Over Election Code Concerns

The Aditya Dhar film Dhurandhar 2: The Revenge seemed to have a smooth ride in Tamil Nadu so far, until Monday, 23 March 2026.

As reported by The Hindu reporter Mohamed Imranullah, a woman advocate named Sheela made an oral mention before the Madras High Court, urging action against the release of the Ranveer Singh-starrer Dhurandhar 2: The Revenge.

The mention was made before Chief Justice Sushrut Arvind Dharmadhikari and Justice G. Arul Murugan. She submitted that the film deals with political issues and should be banned in Tamil Nadu in view of the model code of conduct currently in force due to the impending Assembly elections.

Taking note of the submission, the Bench asked the advocate to file an appropriate petition if she wished to pursue the matter further.

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