The Real Story of Aurangzeb’s Hindu Mansabdars: Compulsion, Not Strategy As Claimed By YouTuber Akash Banerjee

Fake news peddler and propagandist YouTuber Akash Banerjee is back with another misleading video, this time discussing the impact of the film Chhaava. He attempts to downplay Aurangzeb’s well-documented brutality and Hindu resistance against his tyrannical rule, accusing the film of oversimplifying history into a “good vs. evil” narrative. Banerjee further claims that Aurangzeb’s actions, often perceived as religiously motivated, were purely political and that Hindu and Muslim rulers alike engaged in similar tactics.

However, the real distortion occurs when Banerjee goes as far as portraying Aurangzeb as a secular leader, even hinting at him being Hindu-leaning!

Akash says, “It is also a fact that in the entire Mughal history, if there were more Hindu mansabdars in any ruler’s court, it was in Aurangzeb’s court that he had 33% of them. It was not a compulsion for him. But from the point of view of politics, this was a good strategy to keep Rajput’s support base intact.”

He cites these figures from Athar Ali’s book, The Mughal Nobility Under Aurangzeb, to support his argument, claiming that Aurangzeb had more Hindu mansabdars (officials) than any other Mughal ruler. According to Banerjee, Aurangzeb had 33% Hindu nobles in his court, which he suggests was not due to compulsion but rather a calculated political strategy to maintain Rajput loyalty.

The Reality: What Athar Ali’s Book Actually Says

While Banerjee cherry-picks figures to push his agenda, a closer look at the very same book reveals a different picture. Here’s the actual breakdown of Hindu representation in the Mughal nobility over time:

  • Akbar’s rule: 22.5%
  • Shah Jahan’s rule: 22.4%
  • Aurangzeb’s first phase (1658-1678): 21.6% (a decline!)
  • Aurangzeb’s second phase (1679-1707): 31.6%

At first glance, it might seem that Hindu representation increased under Aurangzeb in his later years. However, as Athar Ali clarifies, this increase was not due to Aurangzeb’s benevolence or political strategy but rather compulsion. The surge in Hindu nobles was driven by the influx of Marathas, who began to outnumber Rajputs in the nobility. This was not due to Aurangzeb’s “tolerance”—Marathas forced their way in as Aurangzeb struggled in the Deccan, compelling him to recruit them in a desperate bid to maintain control.

Athar Ali explicitly states, “The number of Hindus in Aurangzeb’s second regime is inflated because of the influx of Marathas who began to outnumber the Rajputs in the nobility. They were not recruited to the service on account of religious tolerance. Marathas had practically forced their way in. Before Aurangzeb’s fatal involvement in the Deccan had compelled him to begin admitting Marathas wholesale in order to secure nobles, he had in fact tried to reduce the number of Hindu nobles. This is clear from the figures for 1658-78.”

This directly contradicts Banerjee’s claim that Aurangzeb was skillfully maintaining Rajput support. In reality, Rajput representation declined during his second phase, as the Marathas replaced them. The book says, “As we have seen, the number of the Rajputs began to decline towards the end of the period, and continued to go down in the next.” Aurangzeb did not “choose” to increase Hindu representation—it was an act of desperation to salvage his failing campaign in the Deccan.

The Bigger Picture: Who Really Dominated Mughal Nobility?

Even with the increase in Hindu mansabdars towards the latter part of Aurangzeb’s reign, their representation never exceeded 31.6%, despite Hindus making up two-thirds or near about that figure of the regional population. The majority of Mughal nobility was composed of Iranians, Turanians, and other foreigners who had no linguistic, cultural, or historical ties to India. This shows the deeply discriminatory nature of Mughal governance, where native Hindus remained underrepresented even in their own land.

Banerjee’s attempts to whitewash Aurangzeb’s rule by selectively citing statistics is yet another example of his deceptive tactics. The full context of Athar Ali’s research clearly disproves his narrative. The increase in Hindu mansabdars was not a result of Aurangzeb’s tolerance or strategic genius but a forced concession due to his military failures. Far from being a “secular” ruler, Aurangzeb actively sought to diminish Hindu influence in his administration whenever possible and only relented when circumstances forced his hand.

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