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“Go Ahead, File Cases Against Me, I’m Not Afraid”: ADMK Chief EPS Hits Back At DMK MP A Raja Over Audio Leak

By
The Commune
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“Go Ahead, File Cases Against Me, I’m Not Afraid”: ADMK Chief EPS Hits Back At DMK MP A Raja In Salem

AIADMK General Secretary Edappadi K Palaniswami on Tuesday, 7 April 2026, launched a sharp attack on the DMK leadership while campaigning in Salem, asserting that attempts to intimidate him with legal cases would not deter him from raising questions over recent political developments.

Campaigning for the AIADMK candidate in the constituency, Palaniswami referred to reports of cases being filed against him and defended his remarks concerning an audio released by DMK leader A Raja. He also questioned the response of Chief Minister MK Stalin to the issue.

He said, “I saw in the newspapers today that cases are being filed against me – go ahead, file them, whoever wants to. I have come after facing many such cases. Recently, A. Raja released an audio. A Union Minister, former Union Minister, now a Member of Parliament, and the Deputy General Secretary of the DMK – he released an audio. In that audio, a particular point is spreading everywhere – not just to me, not just in Tamil Nadu, but across India, it has become a widely discussed matter. I only spoke about that information. They could not give a bold reply to it. Not only that, they are saying action should be taken against whoever released that information. Because if action is taken, he will release the next audio. If action is taken against A. Raja now, does he have the next audio ready? He might release it. Out of that fear, they are unable to take action against him. What is the use of getting angry with me, Mr. Stalin? The information that came out in that audio, could it not be true? In the same DMK election manifesto of 2021, when you released it, what did you say? Standing next to you, you said there is a mystery in the death of Puratchi Thalaivi Amma and that whoever it is, you will not spare them. I am saying the same thing now. Mr. Karunanidhi may be our political opponent, but he was the Chief Minister of this state. So, should what was said about him be repeated or not? If I say it, he will get angry. The information that came in that audio, we did not release it. Mr. A. Raja released that information. In that, it was said that when Mr. Karunanidhi’s health was fine, he was kept under house arrest. When the AIADMK comes to power, this will be investigated. Legally, action will be taken against whoever is responsible. You spoke about our Amma, saying there was a mystery and that it should be investigated. In the same way, I am asking that this also be investigated. If the information that former Chief Minister Mr. Karunanidhi was kept under house arrest is true, then legal action must be taken against whoever is responsible. It does not matter who they are.”

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After Vijay Cutout In Trichy, TVK Kolathur Candidate Uses Vijay Lookalike For Canvassing

By
The Commune
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After Vijay Cutout In Trichy, TVK Kolathur Candidate Uses Vijay Lookalike For Canvassing

As Tamil Nadu gears up for the 2026 assembly elections, Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) candidates across the state are fighting a lonely battle – armed not with their party founder’s presence, but with life-size cardboard cutouts and hired lookalikes of actor-turned-politician C. Joseph Vijay.

On 6 April 2026, TVK’s Tiruverumbur candidate Navalpattu S. Viji alias Vijayakumar paraded a cardboard cutout of Vijay through streets in Tiruchi district to drum up voter support.

For a party contesting its very first assembly election, this is not the optics its candidates would have hoped for.

The crisis deepened further in Kolathur, where TVK’s candidate VS Babu is taking on none other than DMK chief MK Stalin himself – arguably one of the most high-stakes constituency battle in the state.

In a contest demanding maximum firepower, TVK deployed a Vijay lookalike to stand beside their candidate during canvassing.

The spectacle drew ridicule rather than reverence. While lookalikes are a supplementary cultural fixture for established parties: AIADMK uses Jayalalithaa and MGR stand-ins, DMK invokes Karunanidhi’s image – those parties have decades of organisational muscle to fall back on. TVK does not. For a first-time electoral outfit riding entirely on Vijay’s star power, a lookalike is not a bonus; it is an admission of failure.

Vijay, meanwhile, has canvassed in fewer than ten constituencies statewide, offering vague excuses of scheduling conflicts and security concerns. These explanations ring hollow when grassroots candidates are knocking on doors daily, trusting that the star who inspired them would show up. He has not.

A party built on one man’s celebrity, now substituting that man with cardboard and impostors, signals a fundamental disconnect between TVK’s leadership and its ground reality. Candidates sweat it out in the April heat while their founder remains conspicuously absent, detached from the very voters he asked to believe in him.

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“I Couldn’t Do What I Planned For Madurai, There Are Many Reasons… But Can’t Speak Openly”, Says DMK’s PTR Palanivel Thiagarajan

By
The Commune
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dmk ptr palanivel thiagarajan

As the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly election campaign gathers momentum, remarks by DMK candidate and minister P. T. R. Palanivel Thiagarajan have triggered widespread discussion in political circles.

Thiagarajan, the sitting MLA from Madurai Central, is once again contesting from the constituency as the DMK nominee. With the nomination process concluded, candidates across parties have intensified their campaign efforts ahead of the April 23 polling date.

As reported in Dinamalar, during a campaign in Madurai Central on 7 April 2026, Thiagarajan addressed voters and expressed regret over his tenure, stating: “If I have to speak honestly, I had said when I came into politics that I would enter at 50 and retire at 60. Now it has been 10 years, and I should have retired by now. But there have been two unexpected outcomes. One… I never imagined I would gain this level of recognition and identity at the state, national, or even global level. I have received recognition beyond my dreams, that is the good part. The downside is that my main goal was to do a lot for Madurai. I accept this myself; I was not able to achieve as much as I had wished. There may be many reasons for that, but those in politics cannot speak very openly about everything.”

His remarks have since become a subject of debate, with political observers linking them to administrative challenges and past portfolio changes during his tenure.

Thiagarajan is considered to have a significant influence among voters in Madurai Central. However, whether his candid admission will generate sympathy among the electorate or be leveraged by political opponents remains to be seen when results are declared.

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Eradicate Sanatana Dharma: DMK Scion Udhayanidhi Stalin Wipes Off Kumkum From His Forehead

By
The Commune
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Eradicate Sanatana Dharma: DMK Scion Udhayanidhi Stalin Wipes Off Kumkum From His Forehead

First, he said ‘Eradicate Sanatana Dharma’, then more recently he refused to accept Vel that was offered to him by his cadre. And now, after visiting a temple, he wipes off the kumkum on his forehead. This is none other than DMK scion Udhayanidhi Stalin.

While canvassing for votes for the upcoming Assembly elections, Udhayanidhi has visited a temple and the temple priest applied kumkum on his forehead.

Staying true to his Dravidianist roots, Udhayanidhi wiped off the kumkum on his forehead almost instantaneously.

It is noteworthy that he offered special prayers at the Sengeni Amman temple near his constituency before launching his election campaign in the Chepauk-Thiruvallikeni Assembly constituency, from where he is seeking re-election in the upcoming 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections.

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From UPA Ministries To Meta’s Policy Rooms: How Congress-Linked Individuals Came To Control What India Sees On Facebook, Instagram And WhatsApp

By
The Commune
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Scrutiny over individuals associated with Meta has unravelled a lot of connections to the Congress party. A detailed examination of Meta India’s public policy leadership reveals a pattern that goes well beyond coincidence. Individuals who have shaped or currently shape content policy, regulatory compliance and public affairs at Meta India all carry documented associations with the Indian National Congress, its leaders and its ecosystem. Together, they occupied or occupy roles that decide what content is suppressed, what is amplified, what counts as misinformation, and how platform rules are applied to 500 million Indian users.

Prianka Rao-Khan – The Oxford Activist Who Became Meta’s Policy Gatekeeper

Prianka Rao-Khan served as Public Policy Manager at Meta Platforms India from June 2022 to March 2026. An alumna of NUJS Kolkata, the University of Oxford and the Blavatnik School of Government, she spent her Oxford years not only studying policy but actively participating in anti-CAA and anti-government protests.

Her LinkedIn activity showed her tagging her husband in political legal updates, including a post about Supreme Court proceedings against Shashi Tharoor.

That husband is Muhammad Khan, who identifies himself on his own X profile as: “Advocate in the Supreme Court of India, Media Team- Indian National Congress, Author ‘Legislating for Justice’ (OUP, 2015).”

He is not a passive sympathiser – he is a functioning member of the Congress Media Team. When this connection was reported online, Khan responded in comments: “Oye you cowardly piece of garbage. This is my wife. Let’s see how brave you are when faced with a criminal investigation for harassment.”

Aman Jain – UPA Government Advisor, Sam Pitroda Associate, Now Meta’s Top Policy Executive

Aman Jain was appointed Senior Director and Head of Public Policy for Meta in India in December 2025 – the highest public policy position in the country for the platform.

​What his official Meta bio omits is what his career trail reveals. Between July 2013 and June 2014 – the final year of UPA-II’s rule, Jain served as Advisor at the Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports, Government of India. This was a Congress-run ministry during Congress-led government. He did not merely brush past it; it was a substantive advisory role.

His closeness to Sam Pitroda – the Congress ideologue, confidant of Rahul Gandhi and Chairman of the Indian Overseas Congress is evidenced by a repost on his own social media: Jain amplified a March 2013 tweet from Pitroda promoting the UPA’s 12th Plan hackathon at data.gov.in. This is not a neutral policy-professional retweet. Sam Pitroda is one of the most politically identified figures in the Congress ecosystem.​

More damning still is the now-deleted post in which Jain called an article “interesting” – the piece was titled “Two nightmares foretold” by James Manor, and the quote he highlighted read: “Modi will be an unyielding narcissist among unyielding narcissists. That is no recipe for survival in power.” This was December 2013 before Modi had even become Prime Minister.
​

Image Source: X

 The post has since been deleted but screenshots are in wide circulation.

Shashank Shah – LAMP Fellow To Congress Law Minister, Now Meta’s Content Policy Manager

The third name to surface is Shashank Shah, who serves as Content Policy Manager for Regulatory Compliance at Meta India.

His LinkedIn profile reveals that between June 2014 and May 2015, he was a LAMP Fellow – a prestigious Parliamentary Assistantship awarded by PRS Legislative Research assigned to Dr. Ashwani Kumar, a senior Congress leader and former Union Law Minister from the Rajya Sabha. His own description of the role states: “I served as LAMP Fellow to Dr. Ashwani Kumar, a former Union Law Minister and senior parliamentarian from India’s Upper House or Rajya Sabha. I delivered research inputs for his speeches in Parliament, op-eds in national dailies and speaking engagements at international conferences.”

He further describes managing Kumar’s Twitter and YouTube debut and relaunching his official website. Shashank Shah did not just work near Congress – he worked for a Congress leader, writing his speeches, crafting his media presence and building his digital brand. That individual now manages content policy and regulatory compliance at the platform that determines what 500 million Indians can and cannot say.

 

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In 2020, Congress Pressured Facebook – And Won

This controversy does not exist in a vacuum. In 2020, Congress reportedly pressured Meta India, which led to the exit of Facebook India’s Managing Director Ajit Mohan. What followed, critics now argue, was the systematic replacement of neutral policy professionals with individuals carrying Congress ecosystem credentials – laundered through Oxford fellowships, UPA ministries and Parliamentary assistantships.

The question that Indian users, 500 million of them, are now asking is not complicated: How are individuals with documented Congress affiliations, who wrote speeches for Congress ministers, advised Congress-run ministries, and married Congress Media Team members, entrusted with roles that demand absolute political neutrality over India’s largest information infrastructure?

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How Congress Used India’s Foreign Policy To Bury The Bofors Scam Trail

By
The Commune
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During the Congress regime, India witnessed one of its most brazen political cover-up attempts — one that forced an External Affairs Minister out of office, rattled Parliament, and left permanent questions about whether the Congress government of the time had weaponised India’s foreign policy to protect itself from one of the biggest corruption scandals in the country’s history.

On 30 March 1992, External Affairs Minister Madhavsinh Solanki confessed before Parliament that he had personally handed over a note to Swiss Foreign Minister René Felber during a visit to Davos in February 1992.

Solanki claimed the note had been given to him by a private lawyer, but in a stunning admission, acknowledged that he did not remember the lawyer’s name. He expressed regret over the matter in a written statement to Parliament.

The Note That Shook Parliament

The document handed to Swiss authorities was what diplomats call a “non-paper” – an unsigned, unofficial memorandum. Its content, however, was explosive. According to court records from Delhi High Court, the note urged Switzerland to go slow on sharing bank details linked to the ongoing Bofors investigation.

The timing could not have been worse or more revealing. At the very same time, India’s CBI had formally submitted a court-issued Letter Rogatory to Switzerland, legally requesting cooperation and banking documents connected to the alleged ₹64 crore kickback trail from the 1986 Bofors howitzer deal. A baffled Swiss federal justice department, receiving both a court-backed CBI request and Solanki’s informal note contradicting it, handed the note directly to the CBI, effectively blowing the cover on the entire operation.

The Indian Express then published details of the note, triggering immediate pandemonium across both Houses of Parliament on 31 March 1992.

Why the Bofors Case Was So Politically Sensitive

The Bofors scandal centred on alleged kickbacks paid by Swedish arms manufacturer AB Bofors to unnamed Indian middlemen in exchange for securing a ₹1,437 crore deal to supply 155mm howitzers to the Indian Army. The scandal had already cost the Congress party the 1989 general election, with then-Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi at the centre of the controversy.

Under Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao’s Congress government, rather than pursuing the investigation aggressively, the government was now seen as actively interfering with its own, court-directed probe – a detail that enraged the opposition and shocked legal observers.

Parliament Erupts

The Rajya Sabha debate record of 30 March 1992 confirms that opposition members demanded Solanki’s resignation, calling his conduct “gross misdemeanour” and “outrageous.”

A subsequent Rajya Sabha debate on 2 April 1992 further established that a CBI delegation which was scheduled to travel to Switzerland cancelled its visit after Solanki had handed over the letter – directly impeding an active investigation.

PM Narasimha Rao’s own statement to Parliament confirmed: “I was not aware of the note handed over by Shri Solanki, nor did I authorise any note being handed over to the Swiss Foreign Minister.”

Resignation and Unanswered Questions

Madhavsinh Solanki resigned on 31 March 1992. The legal battle, however, dragged on for decades. The CBI registered an FIR against Solanki in April 2003 for producing false evidence under IPC. In 2018, a Delhi court ordered criminal prosecution of Solanki for handing over a “fabricated” and “misleading” memorandum to Swiss authorities — 26 years after the original offence. The court stated plainly: “This court will not allow anyone to interfere with judicial proceedings, whosoever he or she may be.”

Solanki fought the FIR all the way to the Delhi High Court, arguing the note was given to him by a lawyer and that no facts in it were false. The High Court rejected his plea to quash the FIR in 2014. He died in January 2021 without ever revealing the lawyer’s identity.

The Question That Lingers

The Solanki affair remains a defining case study in institutional betrayal. A sitting External Affairs Minister used an international diplomatic forum to privately undermine a court-directed criminal investigation – on Indian soil, against Indian interests, at a time when India’s judicial machinery was formally and correctly pursuing evidence abroad.

Was India’s foreign policy being deployed to defend the nation’s interests or to bury a scandal? The courts said it was the latter. Parliament said it was the latter. And Solanki never said otherwise.

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When UPA Govt Blocked Twitter Handles For Being “Right Wing”

By
The Commune
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Looking back to August 2012, India saw one of its first major confrontations between government power and social media, when the UPA‑II regime ordered a sweeping block on Twitter handles and web links, including those of journalists and right‑wing groups, even as then Home Minister Sushilkumar Shinde insisted nothing more than “objectionable” content was being targeted.

The Night The Handles Went Dark

Between August 18 and 21, 2012, internet service providers quietly received directions from the Centre to block roughly 250–300 URLs: individual tweets, images, videos and several full Twitter accounts. The stated trigger was the exodus of people from the North-East after Assam violence, which the government blamed on morphed images and incendiary rumours circulating online.

In the dragnet fell accounts of journalists and commentators such as Kanchan Gupta and Shiv Aroor, along with right‑wing websites and handles associated with Sangh‑Parivar circles and portals like Haindava Keralam. Economic Times’ headline captured the mood: “Government blocks Twitter handles of journalists, right-wing groups.”

Shinde’s Defence: ‘Only Objectionable Accounts Blocked’

As outrage grew over what many saw as a digital gag order, Sushilkumar Shinde stepped out to calm tempers. His line of defence has since become part of India’s free‑speech folklore: “Only those social media accounts which have posted objectionable and inflammatory content are being blocked.”

Shinde insisted there was “no censorship at all”, arguing that the state was merely acting against rumours and provocative posts using doctored images from Myanmar and elsewhere to inflame tensions in India. Ordinary users, he said, had nothing to fear if they were not spreading hate.

Opposition parties like the BJP condemned the move as “Emergency‑style” suppression and demanded restoration of journalists’ accounts. Digital‑rights groups pointed out that entire accounts, not just specific tweets, had been blocked, and that many directives did not clearly cite the legal grounds under the IT Act.

And today, the Congress cries that there is no ‘freedom of expression’ – irony died a million deaths.

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Meta’s Public Policy Manager In-charge Of Shaping Discourse On Social Media Is The Wife Of A Congress Media Team Member

By
The Commune
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Meta's Public Policy Manager In-charge Of Shaping Public Discourse Is The Wife Of A Congress Media Team Member

A controversy that began as social media chatter over anti-government content dominating Facebook feeds has rapidly snowballed into serious questions about the political neutrality of Meta India’s public policy leadership. Two names have emerged at the centre of the storm – Prianka Rao-Khan, former Public Policy Manager at Meta Platforms India who seems to carry visible political associations that are incompatible with her role.

Note: Her LinkedIn says she has quit Meta while her X bio says she is still with Meta.

Prianka Rao-Khan: The Profile That Raised Eyebrows

Prianka Rao-Khan is a lawyer and public policy researcher – an Oxford Blavatnik School of Government alumna who returned to India in June 2022 to join Meta as Public Policy Manager. Her LinkedIn profile indicates she served in that role until March 2026, though no official exit confirmation exists.

​Her X account (@PriankaRao), now locked, carried a header image taken at a protest outside Oxford – widely shared screenshots show placard-holders in the image with the words “Shah Modi Nazi” prominently visible. Her profile page description lists her as an alumna of Oxford and NUJS Kolkata and “Currently public policy @Meta”.

Her LinkedIn activity, screenshots of which have circulated widely, shows her reacting to and sharing posts on the CAA protests, the “Constitution in Danger” narrative, which became a centrepiece of the 2024 opposition campaign, and cases involving Congress leaders.

In one instance, she tagged her husband in a Bar and Bench post about the Supreme Court staying proceedings against Shashi Tharoor in the “scorpion” remark case.

Image Source: Anurag X handle
The Husband: Congress Media Team, Supreme Court Advocate

That husband is Muhammad Khan and his X profile (@lawyerkhanmd) leaves nothing to inference. His bio reads: “Advocate in the Supreme Court of India, Media Team- Indian National Congress, Author ‘Legislating for Justice’ (OUP, 2015).”

Khan is not a Congress sympathiser operating from the sidelines – he is an active, identified member of its Media Team, publicly self-described as such on his own social media handle.

When netizens began connecting these dots over the weekend, Khan did not stay quiet. He jumped directly into the comments thread and posted: “Oye you cowardly piece of garbage. This is my wife. Let’s see how brave you are when faced with a criminal investigation for harassment. Have taken screenshots of some of the other criminal content on your profiles as well. Look fwd to seeing you justify it in person.”

The aggression of that response from the husband of a public policy manager at one of the world’s largest platforms itself became a talking point.

The Core Question Meta Must Answer

With this information, the picture that emerges is this Prianka Rao-Khan, an Oxford-trained, openly displayed protest imagery calling elected Indian leaders “Nazis,” active on CAA-related content, married to a serving Congress Media Team member. Shaped Meta India’s public policy for nearly four years.

This is not a role at a think tank or advocacy organisation. This is an individual who decided what content gets promoted, what gets suppressed, what counts as “misinformation,” and how platform rules are applied – for 500 million Indian users, including during a general election.

Meta India has issued no statement. The Ministry of Information and Broadcasting and IT has not commented publicly on the controversy. The question being demanded of Meta by thousands of Indian users across platforms is simple and pointed: How are individuals with such visible political affiliations being entrusted with roles that demand strict, verifiable neutrality?

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From ‘Why Not Yet?’ To ‘Why Now?’: Leftist Rag The Wire’s Multiple U-Turns On Women’s Reservation Bill

By
The Commune
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From ‘Why Not Yet?’ To ‘Why Now?’: Leftist Rag The Wire’s Multiple U-Turns On Women’s Reservation Bill

For over a decade, pro-Congress leftist rag The Wire has positioned itself as the moral guardian of India’s liberal conscience. But on no issue has its editorial compass spun more visibly than Women’s Reservation – flipping from outrage at inaction, to suspicion of action, with barely a breath in between.

2016: “Why Hasn’t It Been Passed Yet?”

When nothing was happening on the Women’s Reservation front under the BJP government, The Wire was indignant. On 16 September 2016, it tweeted not once but twice: “Why has the Women’s Reservation Bill been tossed around for 20 years?” and “The Women’s Reservation Bill completed 20 years of existence on Sept 12. Why hasn’t it been passed yet?”

​Their narrative was clear: the BJP was indifferent to women’s rights. Delay was betrayal. The government had no excuse. Women’s reservation was sacrosanct, and a government that didn’t deliver it was failing Indian women.

2023: “Not Before 2029 At Earliest”

Then came September 2023 – the BJP actually passed the Nari Vandan Adhiniyam. This should have been a moment The Wire welcomed, given seven years of demanding it. Instead, the platform pivoted instantly. Sravasti Dasgupta’s piece on 19 September 2023 bore the headline: “Women’s Reservation Bill Tabled but Earliest It Can Be Implemented Is 2029 LS Election.”

The framing had changed entirely. Emphasis shifted to the delimitation and census linkage clause – real concerns, to be sure but conveniently burying what The Wire had demanded for years. A bill it once screamed for was reduced to a technicality. The Wire told its readers: don’t get excited, Modi’s “historic” label is hollow.

2026: “Why Now? The Timing Is Political”

By March 2026, with Amit Shah actively pushing implementation through delimitation consultations, The Wire published Radha Kumar’s piece – “The Many Angles to Implementing Women’s Reservation in Politics.”

The article questions whether reservation is being used as a “peg” to expand the Lok Sabha to 816 seats, protect sitting male MPs and gerrymander constituencies. It warns of communal engineering, links the proposal to OBC and SC electoral anxieties, and urges opposition parties to resist “instrumentalisation.”​

Translated plainly: The Wire’s 2026 position is “Why Now?” — the same outlet that in 2016 asked “Why Not Yet?”

The Pattern Is The Point

This is not incidental inconsistency. It is a revealing pattern:

  • When BJP does nothing: The Wire demands action, frames inaction as anti-women betrayal.
  • When BJP acts: The Wire questions the motive, timing, methodology and hidden agenda.
  • When BJP moves to implement: The Wire warns of gerrymanders, seat expansions and constitutional dangers.

At every stage, the BJP is wrong. At every stage, The Wire’s conclusion is predetermined before the analysis begins. The reservation issue is not being evaluated on its merits – it is being used as a sustained instrument to attack the ruling government, regardless of what it actually does.

When nothing happens, The Wire complains. When something happens, The Wire panics. When implementation is being pushed, The Wire raises alarms. The only consistent thread across ten years is that the BJP must always occupy the wrong side of whatever argument The Wire chooses to run that week.

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MMK Leader Jawahirullah Reportedly Visited Sikkal Singaravelar Temple

By
The Commune
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MMK Leader Jawahirullah Reportedly Visited Sikkal Singaravelar Temple

A controversy has arisen over the visit of Manithaneya Makkal Katchi (MMK) leader Jawahirullah to the Sikkal Singaravelar Temple near Nagapattinam, with Hindu Tamizhar Katchi leader Rama Ravikumar alleging that proper procedures were not followed during the visit, as reported in Dinamalar.

In a statement, Ravikumar said that Jawahirullah, who is contesting from the Nagapattinam constituency as part of the DMK alliance, was taken to the temple by DMK members. He alleged that Jawahirullah, who follows the Islamic belief that “God is one,” does not traditionally recognise the Sikkal Singaravelar deity in the same manner as Hindu devotees.

Ravikumar further criticised what he described as a “photo shoot” conducted at the temple, stating that it was done for political purposes and was disrespectful to the sentiments of devotees who worship at the temple with faith.

He also alleged that established practices regarding entry of non-Hindus into temples had been violated. According to him, individuals from other religions are required to declare their faith in the temple deity in a register and provide their signature before entering. He questioned whether Jawahirullah had complied with this procedure during his visit.

The Hindu Tamizhar Katchi leader also called for action against the temple’s executive officer for allegedly permitting entry without ensuring that due procedures were followed.

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