Sterlite Copper, a unit of Vedanta Ltd oversaw the operations of a copper plant with an annual capacity of four lakh tonnes in Tuticorin, Tamil Nadu until 2018 when the protests broke out.
Until 2018, India was a net exporter of copper, but the closure of Vedanta’s Sterlite Copper plant in Thoothukudi led to a decline in domestic production and exports. Commerce and Industries Minister Piyush Goyal attributed the drop in refined copper exports to the Sterlite plant’s closure, which accounted for 40% of the country’s total copper production.
The latest news is that the Adani Group is constructing a $1.2 billion single-location copper manufacturing plant in Mundra, Gujarat. This move aims to reduce India’s reliance on copper imports and support the country’s energy transition. The facility, operated by Kutch Copper Ltd (a subsidiary of Adani Enterprises), will have a 1 million tonnes capacity by March 2029. Adani intends to establish itself as a global leader in copper, aligning with the energy transition’s demand for the metal in technologies like electric vehicles, solar PV, wind, and batteries.
India’s per capita copper consumption is currently at 0.6 kg compared to the global average of 3.2 kg. Adani’s investment in copper production comes amidst the country’s growing demand, with the hope to double domestic copper consumption by 2030 due to clean energy systems and increased electric vehicle penetration.
The plant’s Phase I is expected to be operational by 2024, producing 500,000 tonnes of refined copper per annum, along with valuable by-products such as gold, silver, selenium, platinum, sulphuric acid, and phosphoric acid.
When the #Sterlite agitation was at its peak, many said that if a Cooper plant was so safe, let them have it in Gujarat. Well, they just decided to. The loss is Tamil Nadu's and India's as from being a net exporter, India became a net importer of Copper. https://t.co/IbFtPPNOb7
Critics argue that when the Sterlite plant was shut down, many in Tamil Nadu asked for a copper manufacturing plant to be set up in Gujarat. That is exactly what happened now with Adani Group setting up the Mundra copper manufacturing plant.
The Sterlite Protests
It is an open secret that the protests against Sterlite Copper in Tuticorin had the involvement of several antinational forces which led to the unrest and subsequent shutting down of the plant.
As India’s net copper imports grew, a significant surge was seen in Pakistan’s copper exports to China, raising questions about the influence of social unrest in Thoothukudi. The closure of Sterlite Copper was marked by protests orchestrated by NGOs and activists, including The Other Media (TOM). The Ministry of Home Affairs in April 2023 started examining complaints against TOM for alleged misuse of foreign funds in organizing protests against Sterlite. TOM, an FCRA-NGO founded in 1992, has faced scrutiny for its funding sources, including entities like the World Association For Christian Communication, the Christian Conference of Asia, CORDAID of Netherlands, and Trócaire.
These NGOs, operating under the guise of environmental and social justice, have been accused of manipulating social unrest for their agendas. The Sterlite protests, involving figures like Fathima Babu, Nityanand Jayaraman, Mohan C. Lazarus, and Samarendra Das, received political patronage and media coverage. The protesters, supported by these NGOs and activists, demanded the permanent closure of Sterlite, resulting in the loss of thousands of jobs.
The role of media in amplifying the narratives of these NGOs and activists also came under scrutiny. Portals like The News Minute and The Wire published articles and interviews featuring Nityanand Jayaraman without disclosing his association with TOM. The media played a crucial role in manufacturing opinions and building narratives that contributed to social tensions.
The Sterlite episode highlights the interconnectedness of foreign-funded NGOs, activists, and media outlets, forming what is referred to as the NGO-Activist-Media (NAM) troika. This ecosystem, driven by a certain political and ideological position, aims to influence public opinion and policy decisions. The government’s recent crackdown on FCRA licenses has disrupted the funding flow to these organizations.
What was Tamil Nadu’s loss is now Gujarat’s gain.
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On 2 February 2024, actor Vijay made his official foray into politics with the launch of his party, Tamizhaga Vettri Kazhagam. The announcement was made through his @tvkvijayoffl X handle. However, Vijay refrained from providing an in-depth discussion on his party’s ideology or its stance on various socio-political and economic issues in Tamil Nadu. Instead, he left it open-ended, creating suspense for his followers and other political parties to contemplate.
As fans celebrated the party’s launch and speculated about his potential victory in the 2026 state legislative elections, they engaged in fan wars with supporters of other prominent leaders such as Annamalai from the BJP, Seeman from the NTK, and particularly Udhayanidhi Stalin from the DMK.
Recently, social media witnessed the resurfacing of old posts featuring Udhayanidhi Stalin praising and expressing support for actor Vijay, addressing him as “Anna” and identifying himself as a great fan. However, fans quickly recollected instances when actor Vijay’s political messages in his movies, such as “Thalaiva” “Sarkar,” and “Leo” faced criticism and challenges during their release, particularly from the DMK side.
A fan of actor Vijay shared a throwback post from 2011 on his X handle featuring Udhayanidhi Stalin, stating, “Don’t joke brother! Am I a fool to compete with Vijay Anna?“
Another fan of Vijay, in his comment, reminisced about Udhayanidhi Stalin’s post, “Vada Chennai” special show for the second time”. This post coincided with the official release of the movie “Sarkar” in theaters, leading the fan to believe that Udhayanidhi Stalin shared it with a specific intention.
sarkar – u.stslin degrade the movie during the release date. pirated version out in net before 1st show started in usa DUE TO SPECIAL SCREENING FOR U.STALIN by ar.murugadas pic.twitter.com/IhBkWUAFt7
Another Vijay fan reminisced that in the same year 2011, the movie “Kaavalan” faced delays in its release schedule due to simultaneous releases of other films. Notably, the movie was produced by a production house associated with the DMK family, and the limited availability of screens also contributed to the challenges it faced.
Sorry bro… antha year starting la thaan #Kaavalan uku ivanga ena velai pathanga nu theriyum…. #Kaavalan thavirthu other 3 films um Ivanga Production cum family related movies naala romba kammiyana screens athuvum 60% small screens ah thaan kaavalan uku kidaichathu…
As the fan rivalry escalated, DMK attempted to scrutinize TVK’s press release statements, assigning a score of 3 out of 10 for perceived errors. In a spirited response, Vijay fans countered by rectifying Chief Minister Stalin’s press release and humorously awarded him a score of 2 out of 10, quipping, “7 mistakes is better than 12 mistakes that too in mother tongue Tamil by so-called CM.”
Vijay’s Film Journey Of Political Turmoil with Dravidian Parties
Kaavalan (2011)
A dispute arose over the film “Kaavalan,” featuring actor Vijay when the DMK raised objections to the caption “Bodyguard – Serving to Protect the People,” considering it political. Despite the removal of the caption, tensions heightened as distributors demanded ₹2.93 crores for the underperformance of Vijay’s previous movie, “Sura.” The Tamil Nadu Theatre Owners Association also insisted on ₹1.71 crores and placed Vijay on a red list, preventing the release of his films. Subsequent negotiations and political interventions led to an agreement, wherein Vijay refunded ₹1 crores to distributors and resolved issues with Sun Pictures. “Kaavalan” eventually premiered on 15 January that year facing competition from “Aadukalam,” a rival film distributed by Sun Pictures.
Thalaiva (2013)
The release of Vijay’s movie “Thalaivaa” in Tamil Nadu encountered substantial obstacles due to controversies surrounding its tagline, ‘Time to Lead,’ and the receipt of bomb threats by theaters in Chennai. The film’s title track, featuring lyrics like ‘Thalapathy engal thalapathy, Neethan Endrum Thalapathy’ (our leader, you are always the leader), became embroiled in controversy, especially as DMK President Stalin is also addressed as Thalapathi. In response to these challenges, Vijay released a video seeking assistance from the then Chief Minister for the film’s release. Eventually, the movie was released on a global scale.
Sarkar (2018)
Vijay’s announced his political aspirations during the launch of the Sarkar soundtrack caused discomfort among major political parties in Tamil Nadu, particularly the DMK. The film not only underscored the political void but also mirrored contemporary and past political situations, satirizing inefficiencies in governance and the distribution of popular freebies. The movie’s depiction sparked reactions, with additional political tension arising from Vijay’s association with the title “Thalapathi,” a term also used for DMK President Stalin. While Sarkar hit the big screens, Udhayanidhi Stalin, on his X handle, posted about watching the Vada Chennai movie for the second time. Additionally, there were allegations of a pirated version of the movie Sarkar circulated during this period.
LEO (2023)
The Tamil Nadu government imposed limitations on the screening schedule of actor Vijay’s film “Leo” for six days. Between 19 October 2023 and 24 October 2023, only five shows were permitted, with restricted timings from 9 am to 1.30 am. This decision sparked protests from film producers who advocated for a special show at 7 am. The matter has taken on political undertones, with allegations of the DMK seeking retribution and placing obstacles in Vijay’s path, amid speculations of his potential candidacy in the 2026 elections.
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Leftist liberal historians tried their level best to bury the truth in the Ram Janmabhoomi case. Their propaganda fell flat as truth stared everyone in the face. They tried their level best to keep the communal tension simmering but Ram Lalla had to return to Ayodhya and we all know how things unfolded.
Now with the advent of social media, several self-proclaimed historians, and archaeologists have sprung up on YouTube. The leftists are making use of this platform well to further the unfinished agenda. Among these newly sprouted “historians” and “archaeologists” is a former comedian Akash Banerjee.
A clipping of a video on a YouTube channel named The Deshbhakt run by former comedian Akash Banerjee surfaced on social media platform X. In the clipping, he claims, “The history of Gyanvapi is complicated. People have different views about its history. There are several different researches also done on this. What was there before the mosque came to be? A lot of research has gone into that too. Was a temple already there before the mosque came into being? Or were there ruins of a temple? Or was that building that of Akbar’s Deen-e-Ilahi, a composite culture, was it a symbol of that, was it a structure of that composite culture?”
Meet top historian Akash Banerjee
ASI report found Hindu temple under Gyanvapi mosque in Varanasi
But Akash seems to think there was a "composite temple" of Akbar's unified Hindu-Muslim religion under the mosque
Upon checking out the full video, we come to realise that Banerjee’s video is made on assumptions about what he claims and places Hindu faith and beliefs (historical truth) as claims. He starts by establishing that the Kashi Vishwanath temple was “believed” to be built by Maharaja Vikramaditya. He also pulls in the Places of Worship Act and says you cannot mess with a structure. He says, “In 1991, Vijay Shankar Rastogi filed a suit in Varanasi district court on behalf of Kashi Vishwanath temple trust Claiming that 2050 years ago, there was a temple constructed by Maharaja Vikramaditya in place of Gyanvapi mosque today. And because there was already a temple there, the Places of Worship Act of 1991 is not applicable there. Now, what is the Places of Worship Act? In short, this is the act of the Parliament under which you cannot mess with any place of worship, religious character, and structure This act is a strong argument for the mosque side. So, as it is said in this petition of 1991, there was such a belief, among common people, among common citizens, there is a popular belief that Maharaja Vikramaditya had built the Kashi Vishwanath temple.”
He then begins his tirade about other beliefs as to how the temple was demolished. He says, “But there are different opinions on how the temple was demolished. Some say that the temple was demolished and a mosque was built instead. Others say that the mosque was next to the temple and no temple was demolished.”
He lists the following points:
12th-century Persian poet Hassan Nizami reported that General Qutubuddin Aibak of Muhammad Ghori defeated Jai Chandra, leading to the demolition of many temples in Varanasi.
In 1296, during Iltutmish’s rule, Hindu businessmen rebuilt the temples in Varanasi after a demolition drive.
Around the 13th century, another demolition drive occurred in Varanasi.
During Akbar’s Mughal rule, Raja Todarmal and Raja Man Singh constructed the Kashi Vishwanath Temple.
The controversial period of Aurangzeb saw large-scale temple demolitions.
Maasir-I-‘Alamgiri, written by Saqi Mustad Khan, is considered an authentic source on Aurangzeb.
According to Maasir-I-‘Alamgiri, after Aurangzeb’s orders, many temples, including Vishveshwar temple in Kashi, were demolished.
Maasir-I-‘Alamgiri mentions Aurangzeb’s orders leading to temple demolitions in Tatta, Multan, and Kashi.
Akash claims that the temple side asserts that the Vishveshwar temple was demolished during Aurangzeb’s rule, and the Gyanvapi Mosque was built in its place. Now comes the leftist liberal caveat. He says, “Now there is no debate on this that during the rule of Aurangzeb, temples were destroyed and many mosques were built in their place. Is Gyanvapi one of those mosques or not?”
According to Akash Banerjee, the Mosque side claims that the Gyanvapi has been present since the time of Akbar. He adds that the Secretary of Anjuman Intezamia Masjid Committee, Sayyed Mohd Yasin, claims Gyanvapi’s presence since Akbar’s time.
Akash goes on to explain what Dee-e-Ilahi means – “Deen-e-Ilahi was an experiment by Akbar to make a synthetic religion by combining good elements of all religions”. He adds that the Deen-e-Ilahi centre beside the mosque during Akbar’s time, was removed during Aurangzeb’s rule, with visible remains near the mosque, and many people consider this to be the remains of the temple.
Some other points he states include:
Two graves near the mosque are cited as evidence that the place was a centre where all religions were allowed, not a temple, and that its architecture was also synthetic.
After Aurangzeb’s death, the Mughal dynasty declined, and Maratha rulers, led by Queen Ahilyabai Holkar, rebuilt the Kashi Vishwanath temple in 1776.
Here’s How Does He Establish the Deen-E-Ilahi Nonsense
Displaying the picture of the Gyanvapi mosque structure, he says, “You can clearly see a structure on the side of the mosque. According to the mosque side, this structure is from the Deen-e-Ilahi centre from the times of Akbar. It is said that there are many Hindu deities’ and artifacts around it.”
Blames Hindu Organisations For Problems In the Case
He starts by explaining how Hindus and Muslims were “amicably” conducting the puja of the Shringar Gauri side. He says, “What is this about worshipping Shringar Gauri? Did Hindu devotees have daily access to it? The answer to this question is Yes, Hindu devotees were allowed to worship daily. Till 1993, worship of the gods and goddesses on the wall behind the mosque was done on a daily basis. No one had any problem. The Hindu and Muslim sides had no problem … as everyone was doing their own prayers.”
Here is where he starts blaming Hindu organisations for the change. He says, “But in this case, VHP leader Sohan Lal himself says that once some VHP and Bajrang Dal workers threw 300-400 pots of Ganga jal towards the Gyanvapi mosque. After which the administration placed a 10 ft barricade. VHP and Bajrang Dal did the same thing again, this time the administration put up a 20 ft barricade, as well as limited the access to Shringar Gauri to once a year. In 1998, Allahabad High Court took a big decision that for the next 22 years, stopped hearing about the dispute in the lower courts.”
Fails At Attempt To Establish Mosque’s Name
Banerjee first mentions Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s statements on the meaning of the word Gyanvapi. He says, “How can a mosque be called Gyanvapi? Chief Minister Yogi ji has also commented on this. Gyanvapi means well of wisdom, reference of which can be easily found in 8th-century scriptures, in Skanda Puran.” Now comes the caveat. He adds, “In BHU, a professor of heritage study, Dr. Rana P.B. Singh, said that the mosque was initially called Alamgiri Mosque, but due to being located near the Gyanvapi area, it is now called Gyanvapi Mosque. And this became its name.”
And that’s how leftist liberals establish that the temple never existed!
In fact, upon checking the video where Prof Rana Singh talks about this, he says it is not known when the name Gyanvapi got attached to what was originally the Alamgir Mosque. The locality is called Gyanvapi and over time it came to be known so and that the mosque and the temple are attached by a wall, so they are not different. The mosque is built on the pillars of the temple. In fact, Prof Singh also adds that one can suppress history and the truth but cannot change it.
So Banerjee’s propaganda falls flat. The full video can be watched here:
Now how does he “bust” the Nandiji’s direction point? Here’s what he says, “Many people argue that Nandi’s face is in the direction of the mosque. According to Hindu belief, it is generally seen that the direction in which Nandi’s face is, is the direction of Shivaling. And in the Kashi Vishwanath Complex, one side claims that Nandi’s face is pointing in the direction of Gyanvapi mosque But on this claim, Dr. Rana P.B. Singh says that Nandi was donated to the temple by the king of Nepal in 1824. This claim does not stand.”
This surely does not answer why the Nandi is facing a direction completely opposite to the present Kashi Vishwanath temple. Gift or no gift, the direction of Nandiji is always facing his master, Lord Shiva.
Stresses On Places Of Worship Act
Next Banerjee goes on to establish why the Places of Worship Act came into being, why it is so important, and that nothing can be done to it.
He says that in 1984, VHP organised a Dharma Sansad, initiating the Ram Mandir movement, and that similar events occurred in Udupi in 1985, addressing demands related to Krishna Janmasthan and vacating the Kashi Vishwanath temple complex.
The Ram Mandir movement heightened communal tensions in the country during the 1990s. In 1991, the PV Narasimha Rao government passed the Places of Worship Act to prevent new controversies and maintain control over the situation. The Act was deemed “crucial” during the peak of the Ram Mandir movement, led by Advani’s rath yatra and increased communal tension due to shootings in Uttar Pradesh.
Knowingly or unknowingly, Banerjee acknowledges that the Mughals did demolish temples. He says, “As per this act, any place of worship as it existed on 15 Aug 1947, cannot be interfered with; whether it is a temple, a mosque, a church or a Gurudwara. Because if you sit and search, if you dig into history, you will find many such cases of how Mughals built mosques after demolishing temples.”
But he also slips in the propaganda that “Research also shows that the kings built temples on Buddhist structures.” He, however, fails to mention that these accounts could be exaggerated as mentioned in the same screenshot:
“Pushyamitra (ruled c.185-c.149 BC) is said to have destroyed as many as 84,000 Buddhist stupas, demolished many Buddhist monasteries and learning centres, and wantonly slaughtered Buddhists. However, these accounts might be exaggerated, Romila Thapar points out in Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas (1961).”
Towards the end, he also tries to instill fear among his viewers by saying this will be a never-ending issue if we continue looking for temples under mosques. He says, “How many temples were destroyed, how many mosques were built, if we start to follow up on this, this will continue for the next 700 years. Let’s assume that the ASI survey proves that there are some religious and temple remains under the mosque. Still, you cannot change the existing mosque and its character according to the law of 1991. Then, if we talk about the Supreme Court and according to its order, the government should clear its stand by 31st October, then what will be the take of the central government in this matter? If the Modi government repeals this act or tries to do so, then the issues of Kashi and Mathura will again start surfacing. And along with that, I don’t know how many more such demands will come up. So, all this time and effort will go only into this. But it is possible that the government which loves bulldozers, thinks that the Places of Worship Act can also be removed. Organizations like VHP and Bajrang Dal keep on saying that Kashi Mathura Baaki Hai. Will the government be able to handle these organizations after the repeal of this act? Will we have to face the extreme communal environment like in the early 90s again? The act was made to tackle exactly this. Whatever the court’s decision is will be final. But when will we talk about the real issues? China’s threat, unemployment, inflation, law and order.”
Leftist liberals are so short-sighted that they fail to realise that in the era of social media and high-speed internet, any propaganda will go bust because resources are just a search away. For people like Akash Banerjee who thrive on spreading divisive agenda of the leftist historians, please remember, Ayodhya To Bas Jhanki Hai, Kashi Mathura Baaki Hai!
Hydra is a freelance columnist.
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Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman was at the thick of the action when the DMK-led Tamil Nadu State government’s Police department denied permission to devotees to livestream the Pran Prathishta ceremony proceedings. Among various topics she spoke about in an interview recently with News18 network’s Rahul Joshi, she also touched upon her stand against the DMK in Tamil Nadu.
The interviewer asked, “You’ve said that Stalin’s DMK is an anti-Hindu party and that they were forbidding the live telecast of the Ram Mandir Pran Prathishta ceremony. What do you have to say to that?”
Nirmala Sitharaman replied, “100%, I’ve not said loose words. I did mean what I said and I do truly believe that repeatedly the attack on Hindus in Tamil Nadu in layers which are seen and in layers which are not seen, have been felt for a long time. I speak very many times about Tamil Nadu with lived experience and therefore I don’t talk too soon nor do I speak too indiscreetly. So when I say something, I mean it because I feel it also. I do corroborate with data, with actual ground activities, and then only comment. Unfortunately, if that is the politics of state party, which has had a lot of ideological support extended to separatist politicians of years gone by, whether they support it even today, I do not know but there are periodic voices which come out which are very separatist in tone and tenor.”
She further added, “My grief is that a national party like the Congress party has been decimated in Tamil Nadu, and till today, they are not in a position to win an election, a couple of seats on their own without being in an alliance with one of these parties. BJP is of course a beginner there. It’s been there since the Jan Sangh days and it’s gaining strength, we will continue to work with the people. But the grief that I want to express is, that a national party like Congress party, also joins that anti-Hindu voice, does not condemn the anti-Hindu voice of the party DMK, and even worse, goes in support of such voices which come from DMK and today not just in Tamil Nadu.”
She further said, “A Congress party member in the Lok Sabha today, meaning he is a sitting Lok Sabha member, and the brother of a deputy Chief Minister in Karnataka also speaks in separatist voice. So, anti-Hindu is one, and to Hindu activity is another, which also is happening in Karnataka incidentally, the Congress party in Tamil Nadu, supports this kind of anti-Hindu or separatist voices, and today that is a spirit with which the Congress also is aligning which is what I find utterly shocking.”
On the one hand, members of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in Tamil Nadu call for the eradication of Sanatana Dharma, on the other, members of the same party are seen to be performing pujas in different temples. The party members have been repeatedly disrespecting Hindu beliefs, equating Sanatana Dharma to dengue, malaria, corona, mosquitoes, and even HIV AIDS and leprosy. The party also has been routinely seen engaging in the systematic deterioration of Hindu temples by cutting down finances, interfering in temple customs and openly advocating against Sanathana Dharma. Interestingly, the party’s cadre, leaders, ministers, and their family members portray a contradictory stance, more often than not.
The recent viral photograph of a DMK minister at the Subramaniya Swamy Temple in Tiruchendur has sparked widespread criticism and anger among critics.
Anitha R Radhakrishnan, the DMK Minister for Fisheries, Fishermen Welfare, and Animal Husbandry in Tamil Nadu, visited the Tiruchendur Subramaniya Swamy Temple on 4 February 2024. During this visit, he conducted the Shatru Samhara Puja, seeking success for the DMK in the upcoming elections and seeking spiritual remedy for the legal challenges initiated against him.
This temple visit and sudden display of devotion coincide with two significant events. Firstly, the performance of DMK in the upcoming Lok Sabha polls, and secondly, the looming money laundering case against Minister Anitha Radhakrishnan by the Enforcement Directorate.
During a recent consultation meeting on Lok Sabha elections in Tuticorin Anita Radhakrishnan cautioned party officials against election mistakes, stressing the potential removal from the party. He underscored the importance of forming a robust alliance (I.N.D.I. Alliance), maximizing DMK votes, and fostering collaboration among union secretaries. He also emphasized that it was necessary for them to vote for Kanimozhi (DMK MP) once again and that she had to win by a margin of 6 lakh votes.
Furthermore, in November 2023, Justice S.S. Sundar of the Madras High Court opted not to preside over the Minister’s writ petition contesting a money laundering case. The case revolves around allegations of disproportionate assets amounting to ₹2.68 crore between 2001 and 2006. This situation is particularly disconcerting for the Minister, especially considering the recent trend of other ministers being successively arrested in money laundering cases.
Netizens React
A sarcastic comment from a netizen questioning the need for the puja reads, “Why perform Shatru Samhara Puja? To win the case. What is the case? It is the case filed for saying that they will abolish Sanatana.“
Another netizen expressed frustration with a comment stating, “Dravidian bunch thieves…. they can do everything…. if ordinary Hindu worships his deity for his hardship and life it is communalism?”.
திருட்டு திராவிட கூட்டம்…. அவர்கள் எல்லாம் செய்யலாம்…. சாதாரண இந்து தனது கஷ்டம் மற்றும் வாழ்கைக்கு தனது தெய்வத்தை வழிபட்டால் அது மதவாதம் ??.
The Shatru Samhara Puja, a ceremonial practice within the Kaumaram subsect of Hinduism, is dedicated to honoring Kartikeya (also known as Lord Muruga). This ritual is notably performed at the Tiruchendur Murugan Temple, with the belief that participating in it offers safeguarding against malevolent influences for the practitioners.
In August 2023, during Aadiperuku day, the Minister for Food and Civil Supplies, R Sakkarapani, conducted a special pooja at the Subramaniya Swamy Temple in Tiruchendur. Notably, this special pooja took place amidst an ongoing investigation by the enforcement department into DMK ministers. A few days earlier, the wife and family of the former Higher Education Minister of Tamil Nadu, Ponmudi, also performed special pujas to the Shatru Samhara deity (Murthy). In August 2022,
Chief Minister Stalin’s son-in-law, Sabareesan, visited the Tiruchendur temple and conducted a Shatru Samhara yagam.
Despite the inclination of DMK and specific political figures, the party cadres and ministers are often seen partaking in Hindu rituals often, claiming it was personal. However, they abstain from acknowleding their Hindu side when it comes to activities related to the party.
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BJP leader CTR Ravi shared a video of a group of women doing Sankeertane at an airport while they were waiting to board their flight to Ayodhya. Several women seemed to have joined in the singing and this was done peacefully without causing disturbance to any other people there.
Salute our Nari Shakti for proudly displaying Sanatana Dharma and its glorious Culture 🙏 pic.twitter.com/RS9CTwRo42
Alleged fact-checker Mohammed Zubair soon came to grab the spotlight and posted a comment on the video. He wrote, “According to BJP supporters, It’s a Public nuisance if a Muslim reads Namaz in some corner in the park or in an isolated place. But here”
According to BJP supporters, It's a Public nuisance if a Muslim reads Namaz in some corner in the park or in an isolated place. But here 👇 https://t.co/nHozKmuqd8
Netizens called out the hypocrisy of Zubair and pointed out to him that the women were doing this without causing any disturbance to others, not obstructing movement.
Corner, park, isolated place 🤔, be a less hypocrite and liar 🙄
Truth is known to all, but still the regular victimhood card to show others down 🤷♂️.
56 Islamic nations but do people pray on roads anywhere ? But only in non islamic nations such scenes are visible, so if… pic.twitter.com/GjDT45KBoP
Hindus are spiritual and so they just just chants Bhajan-Kirtan like any songs which never ever disturbed anyone as it creates positive environment. If Muslims offer Namaz(Prayer) in some corner is a false statement. In the middle of the road it happens.👇See pic.twitter.com/AGEY59qAZq
Some also pointed out that Muslims have prayer rooms allocated for their prayers and Hindus are not given even that space.
In Airports we have prayer rooms, mainly for MUSLIMS, not for Hindus fyi… how can you miss this Fact???? Coz you are a first class Hate Monger !! pic.twitter.com/Sefq1HsZTv
Others even called out the false comparison – namaz is done 5 times a day while a bhajan, or kirtan is sung only rarely and is not something that Hindus do on a daily/regular basis.
This is a false binary – first, offering Namaaz and singing bhajans is not the same thing. Secondly, these people aren't taking-up space beyond what they're meant to. If anyone feels inconvenienced by their singing, he/she can put in a complaint and get them to lower their voice… https://t.co/O9Oh41QGHT
Some other netizens called him out for the incorrect “fact” he mentioned. Muslims never did namaz in the “corner of a park”; there are several instances of them occupying the entire road and blocking traffic!
It is noteworthy that the Tamil Nadu government recently conferred the Kottai Ameer Communal Harmony Award for “rendering various services to promote communal harmony” to the self-styled fact checker.
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A resident of Mylapore received calls from members of Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) after he complained about encroachment in Arundale Street through the Namma Chennai app administered by the Greater Chennai Corporation (GCC).
A temple under construction at the intersection of Arundel Street, Paripoorna Vinayagar Koil, and Nachiappan Street in Mylapore has encroached upon a significant portion of the area. The temple’s expansion, undertaken without proper authorization from the Greater Chennai Corporation, has led to a complaint filed via the Namma Chennai app in December 2023. Despite initial inaction from the Corporation, a notice was issued on 22 January 2024, stating the lack of planning permission. The complainant, R Ramesh, a civic activist, revealed that the temple claimed to have invested over ₹20 lakh in construction and requested the withdrawal of the complaint. Privacy concerns arose when the complainant’s number was disclosed after filing the complaint. The encroachment aggravates congestion in the area, causing traffic disruptions and hindering essential services like ambulance and metro water lorries, particularly during increased commuter traffic due to metro works.
#Chennai resident files complaint on @chennaicorp’s Namma Chennai App on an encroaching temple in Mylapore’s Arundale Street. He soon gets a call from local #DMK functionary to withdraw the complaint. The functionary in the call to the resident said it was @chennaicorp officials… pic.twitter.com/L7Rc3Y9Lhz
On 24 December 2023, R Ramesh, residing in Mylapore, filed a complaint against a temple in Ward 125 located on Arundale Street, Mylapore. His complaint on the app stated that the temple had erected scaffolding that extended into the road.
Despite Ramesh repeatedly reopening the complaint, it was closed without any action being taken. Subsequently, the corporation issued a notice to the temple, requesting planning permission or a permit for the deviation by 22 January. They warned of strict measures if the required documents were not provided.
Following the notice, Dass, a local ward representative of the DMK, contacted the resident. According to call recordings shared by the resident, Dass threatened him to withdraw the complaint, stating that the local GCC official had instructed him to convey that they would overlook the notice if the complaint was withdrawn. In response, Ramesh questioned Dass about his interest in the temple and the reason for calling from a nearby ward.
Dass, a DMK member, explained to TOI that he called to clarify that there was an upcoming event at the temple, assuring that it wouldn’t cause any inconvenience. MLA D Velu confirmed that Dass was associated with the DMK and mentioned that the scaffolding was erected for an upcoming event. He added that if the scaffolding obstructed the road, it would be removed.
This isn’t the first time sensitive information has been disclosed. In March 2023, R Ramesh, who had previously complained on the Namma Chennai app about a chicken stall selling ‘decayed meat,’ was summoned by the police. In his earlier complaint, he had called for immediate action against Anburaj Chicken Stall for violating food safety rules. Following this, Mylapore inspector M Ravi contacted Ramesh, referring to a complaint from the chicken stall owner regarding the mental distress caused by Ramesh. Another individual, Kumar, claiming to be associated with the stall owner, invited Ramesh to resolve the issue. Ramesh raised concerns about the revelation of his identity to the vendor and questioned the officials’ decision to share his details.
A user re-posted the news, expressing concern said, “The frequent intimidation we residents of Chennai face while using the Namma Chennai app is terrible. It’s not just an ‘app’; it’s a ‘trap’.”
This is such a horrible intimidation that we residents of Chennai are frequently facing if we use the Namma Chennai app. It's not an "app" it's a "trap" https://t.co/rsdMqLwzGI
Another Chennai resident stepped forward to disclose their details and share their experience. He commented “I am willing to provide insights into my encounter with GCC’s Namma Chennai App, wherein my family and I faced threats from both local politicians and the offenders themselves after filing an encroachment complaint.”
Hi @omjasvinTOI
I am open to share details of my experience with @chennaicorp ’s NammaChennai App in which my family members and I got threatened by local politicians and the Offenders themselves for raising an encroachment complaint.
Another netizen sarcastically remarked, “It’s not “Namma Chennai” App, it’s “Namma Chennai” cleat (Aapu)!! In a direct transaction between the government and the citizen, The Dravidian model is using the politician to withdraw the complaint. The New York Times should write a pun on this.”
அது "நம்ம சென்னை" App இல்லை, "நம்ம சென்னை" ஆப்பு!!
அரசுக்கும் குடிமகனுக்கும் இடையிலான நேரடி பரிவர்த்தனையில் அரசியல்வாதியை பயன்படுத்தி புகாரை வாபஸ் வாங்க வைப்பதுதான் திராவிட மாடல். நியூயார்க் டைம்ஸ் பத்திரிக்கை இதை சிலாகித்து எழுதினால் நல்லது.
The recent NIA raids on Naam Tamilar Katchi’s office bearers has confirmed through the documents seized that YouTuber Sattai Duraimurugan, using Seeman’s name, received several crores of rupees from pro-LTTE organisations in foreign countries and attempted to take over the party. This incident has generated significant excitement within the Naam Tamil Party. Two individuals, arrested near Omalur in 2022 with explosives and firearms, provided a sensational confession to NIA officials, revealing that many executives, including Sattai Duraimurugan from the Naam Tamil Katchi, had covert contacts with the LTTE, a banned organisation in India, and illegally obtained hundreds of crores of funds.
They attested to establishing another organisation parallel to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) for conducting an armed struggle in Tamil Nadu.
Financial support from members of the banned organisation abroad was received for this purpose, with several administrators affiliated with the Naam Tamil Party allegedly supporting the armed struggle. Consequently, NIA officials dedicated months to investigating the sources and transactions related to foreign funds.
As per the statement from the arrested individuals, Sanjay Prakash and Naveen Chakravarthy, it was confirmed that Naam Tamilar Katchi’s State Secretary for Information Communication and Policy Propagation, Sattai Duraimurugan, along with other executives, including Ranjith Kumar (33), Ishai Madhivanan (40), Vishnu Pratap (25), and former administrator Balaji (33), were directly in contact with these activities.
Following the collection of documents by NIA officials, raids were conducted last Friday at the residences of Sattai Duraimurugan, Ranjith Kumar, Ishai Mathivanan, Vishnu Pratap, and Balaji. Authorities seized a laptop, 7 cell phones, 8 SIM memory cards, and 4 pen drives, along with materials related to LTTE and its leader Prabhakaran. Subsequently, upon examination of these documents, numerous shocking pieces of information were revealed.
According to NIA officials, funds were received from banned organisations abroad, and they mobilised their personnel for an armed revolution in Tamil Nadu. There is certainty that attempts were made to manufacture explosives and firearms. Sattai Duraimurugan, the Press Communication Policy Propagation State Secretary of the Naam Tamilar Katchi, is implicated in securing funds from foreign countries for the armed revolution. Allegedly using the name of party coordinator Seeman, Duraimurugan reportedly engaged in unauthorised communication with LTTE organisations abroad through banned cell phone apps, expressing intentions to initiate a revolution in Eelam without Seeman’s awareness.
Documents discovered in the investigation reveal the illegal receipt of funds amounting to several crores of rupees under the pretext of assistance. Furthermore, it has come to light that, using Seeman’s name, a specific sum of funds received from LTTE organisations was allocated as party development funds for the party’s growth. Allegedly, this substantial amount of funds has been misused against the government of Sattai Durai Murugan.
Additionally, concerning the acquisition of funds from banned organisations, Sattai Durai Murugan allegedly undertook covert activities to entrap Seeman and take control of the party. In the event of failing to seize leadership, he purportedly attempted to unite second-stage executives, with full LTTE support, to splinter the party against Seeman and establish a separate organisation.
Documents found in laptops and pen drives indicate that Sattai Durai Murugan sought to implement this plan through the collaboration of individuals such as Sanjay Prakash and Naveen Chakravarthy, who were apprehended with explosives and firearms, with support from Kapilar(a)Kapilan.
Unnamed NIA officials in Delhi stated that there is a high likelihood of arresting top executives of the NTK, as the raid has uncovered substantial evidence against individuals, including Sattai Duraimurugan. Allegedly engaged in illegal activities against internal security and advocating for an armed revolution in Tamil Nadu without Seeman’s knowledge. The revelation that administrators, including Sattai Duraimurugan, were involved in splitting the Nam Tamilar Party by collecting funds from banned organisations, has stirred significant controversy within the Nam Tamilar Katchi.
Captain Miller, the latest cinematic venture featuring Dhanush, has been embroiled in controversy since its release, with critics lambasting its plot as insipid and heavily laced with propaganda. Rumors abound that Dhanush was compelled to sign the movie in a desperate bid to finance his lavish 200-crore home in Poes Garden, a prestigious locale a street across his superstar father-in-law actor Rajinikanth’s house. The film also roped in Shivaraj Rajakumar, aiming to leverage his recent success in “Jailer” to bolster its appeal as a big-budget production with A-listers like Priyanka Mohan, Shree, and Aditi Balan in significant roles.
Directed by Arun Matheshwaran, who made his debut as a dialogue writer with “Irudhi Suttru,” directed by Sudha Kongara, also noted for its propagandist undertones in films like “Soorarai Pottru”.
The story begins with a lower-caste protagonist, Dhanush being denied entry into a temple, and escapes wearing a costume but gets caught only to be saved by a princess.
Dhanush’s character, after losing the love of his life (played by Priyanka Mohan), though one-sided, to a Christian communist doctor, joins the East India Company, declaring to his brother, portrayed by Kannada star Shivaraj Rajakumar, that Hindus in his town have only perpetuated caste discrimination. He views the British as harbingers of social justice, forging a new identity and self-respect among the oppressed. Dhanush, or “Miller” as he is rechristened by his British oppressors, embodies the colonial aspiration of renouncing one’s cultural identity, a theme that resonates throughout the film.
However, the movie’s depiction of the British as liberators starkly contradicts historical accounts of their treatment of Indians as inferiors, relegated to menial or clerical jobs despite their qualifications. The film glosses over the exploitation and cultural disdain that characterized the colonial era, presenting a narrative that has been criticized for its one-sided portrayal of historical events.
The antagonists of the film, including the king and his son-in-law (played by renowned actor John Kokken) align with the British, shocked only when a gemstone deity is found and taken by the British. Unbeknownst to them, it was Kanagasabhai, the king’s right hand, shown as a double agent all along, motivated by greed, who gives intel to the British to steal a gemstone idol of presumably a version of lord Shiva mentioned as a different name “Koranaar”. Kanagasabhai’s costumes and speech hint at his Shaivaite and Mudaliar identity hinting at a broader agenda to divide Hindus. The only agenda of the villains seems to be to let the lower castes die and sideline with the British (unlike real-world India where most of the Hindu kings fought for freedom from Britishers and took care of their people).
In the second half, after being banished from the town for killing his brother, Dhanush is shown as a looter who has a change of heart after a chance encounter with his ex-love nurses him back to life. She’s deeply shocked to know that her communist husband is no more. Dhanush, penitent for his actions of supposedly murdering his brother joins the communist regime to kill the Britishers. None of our freedom fighters were socialist or communist. Even Ambedkar was a renowned economist and had no affiliation with communism, an age-old German/English concept started by Karl Marx.
In a pivotal scene, Dhanush opens the temple to villagers seeking refuge from British gunfire, marking a significant moment in the film as it suggests that they had never been allowed entry before. This act, while depicted as heroic, sidesteps the complex realities of temple entry and the nuanced history of caste dynamics in India.
The film’s climax, involving an attempt to enter the sanctum sanctorum of the temple, further muddles its message. The portrayal of this act as vile fails to acknowledge the historical context of temple entry, where restrictions were not universally applied across all castes or periods and overlooks the reforms that have allowed broader access to sacred spaces.
Captain Miller attempts to tackle themes of caste, colonialism, and identity but does so with a heavy hand of propaganda, simplifying and skewing historical realities. By presenting a one-dimensional narrative, the film misses an opportunity to engage with the complexities of India’s past, offering instead a contentious portrayal that has divided audiences and critics alike.
In conclusion, Captain Miller serves as a reminder of the delicate balance required when cinema intersects with history and social commentary. While it seeks to illuminate the injustices of the past, its execution leaves much to be desired, raising questions about the responsibility of filmmakers in representing historical truths and the potential impact of their narratives on contemporary discussions of identity and justice.
Sruti is a University student whose work has been featured in student newspapers and lifestyle magazines.
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In a startling turn of events members of the Southeast India Union of Seventh-day Adventists in Vandulur, Chennai, accused the church administration of widespread misappropriation, derogatory comments, sexual abuse, and more. They organized a protest in front of the church to voice their grievances.
Fundraising Controversy of the Church
The Seventh Day Adventist Church near Iraniyamman Temple, which boasts twenty-seven schools and properties worth crores, is now under scrutiny for alleged fundraising irregularities. Some members, including Swaminadhan, Anbu, and Selvakumar, staged a sit in protest (dharna) in front of the church, accusing the administration of deceptive practices related to construction projects like schools and churches.
Police Intervention and Tensions Rise
Upon learning of the situation, Officer Rangasamy of the Otteri police arrived at the scene and urged protestors to come to the police station for resolution instead of protesting there in a threatening manner. The protestors, asserting their right to question the administration about alleged misappropriation and cheating in crores over the years, expressed frustration as the church refused to provide an explanation and barred their entry by locking the gate. Amid a tense exchange, one protestor identified as an advocate was told by the police that if he wanted to practice law, he should do so in court, warning that even as an advocate, filing an FIR was not beyond consideration, emphasizing that disrupting the police on duty could lead to legal consequences.
Esther Rani’s Disturbing Allegations
Apart from the misappropriation of funds, allegations of sexual abuse and derogatory remarks about caste were raised against the church by Esther Rani. She reported being forced to stay until 6 o’clock in the evening despite other ladies leaving earlier, being burdened with additional tasks, and receiving 500 rupees from the manager, White David for no purpose. She worked as a cleaner for 8 years, and both White David and Daniel Devadoss allegedly harassed her, with inappropriate remarks and questioning about her personal life. The situation escalated to the point where they falsely accused her of theft, leading to her dismissal. Rani filed a complaint at the Kutuvancheri all-woman police station, expressing frustration over the demand for evidence of sexual abuse, which she found challenging to provide.
Church Response and Counter-Allegations
Father Jonardhan, responding to NewsTamil’s inquiry, disclosed Esther Rani’s marital history and claimed that her children’s education was funded by church members. Counter-allegations emerged, suggesting that a church member named Kennedy incited Swaminathan, Anbu, Selvakumar and Esther Rani to seek money from the church . CCTV footage exposed Kennedy’s confrontational conduct during the negotiations, involving the destruction of chairs and hurling water bottles. Protestors are now urging higher authorities to conduct a thorough investigation into the allegations of misappropriation.
This unfolding controversy within the Seventh-day Adventist Church raises concerns about financial transparency, ethical conduct, and the safety of its members.
For the second time in Tamil Nadu, the church is under scrutiny, following the recent brutal killing of Xavier Kumar. The savage incident, unfolding in Eraniel, Kanyakumari, within a church father’s office, is allegedly tied to an inquiry into the church’s financial records, suggesting it as the primary motive for the heinous act.
Strikingly similar patterns of allegations regarding church finances and work suspensions can be observed in both cases. However, police involvement has been slow to materialize, even in the initial stages of the investigation.
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