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‘Mischievous Political Spin’: Madras High Court Slams DMK Minister Regupathy, Calls His Remark On Thirupparankundram Karthigai Deepam Issue ‘Severely Condemnable’

By
The Commune
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‘Mischievous Political Spin’: Madras High Court Slams DMK Minister Regupathy, Calls His Remark On Thirupparankundram Karthigai Deepam Issue ‘Severely Condemnable’

The Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court on Monday, 2 March 2026, strongly criticised remarks attributed to Tamil Nadu Minister for Minerals and Mines S. Regupathy in connection with the hilltop lamp-lighting issue, even as it declined, for now, to summon him in the contempt proceedings.

Hearing Sub Application (MD) No. 94 of 2026 in Contempt Petition (MD) No. 3657 of 2025, Justice GR Swaminathan examined a plea seeking to implead the minister as the fourth respondent/contemnor based on a statement reportedly published in the Dinamalar daily on 7 January 2026.

During the hearing, Additional Advocate General J. Ravindran submitted that courts ought not to take cognisance of unauthenticated newspaper reports. The court described this as “a welcome suggestion,” but observed that whether the minister actually made the statement could be verified only by issuing notice to him.

Noting that Dinamalar is a well-known newspaper with wide circulation, Justice Swaminathan recorded that when queried, the Additional Advocate General stated he had no instructions from the minister on the issue.

The court made strong observations on the reported remarks, stating that the statement attributed to the minister “deserves severe condemnation.” The judge emphasised that once a matter enters the judicial domain, parties must abide by the outcome of court proceedings.

“It is not for any other authority, let alone a State Minister, to dare to say that such lighting cannot be permitted,” the order said, adding that after a verdict is pronounced, the only option available to parties is to pursue appeal or review.

The court further remarked that while judgments may be criticised, one cannot assume the role of a regulatory authority after the court has spoken. Justice Swaminathan said it was “shocking” if such elementary knowledge was lacking on the part of a person who held the high office of Law Minister.

The judge also noted that no rebuttal had been issued by the minister so far and observed that his related comments had “evoked widespread derision.” The order recorded that despite the minister’s earlier claim that the government would file an appeal against the Division Bench order dated 6 January 2026, no such appeal appeared to have been filed to date.

However, the court ultimately decided not to summon Regupathy at this stage. Justice Swaminathan said he was desisting from issuing summons because the Madurai District Collector, who authored the prohibitory order, had filed an additional affidavit clarifying that the order was not intended to frustrate the court’s earlier directions.

Quoting the Collector’s affidavit, the court recorded that the prohibitory order under Section 163 of the BNSS, 2023 was issued keeping in mind law-and-order concerns in the hillock area and “did not contemplate hindrance” to temple authorities lighting the lamp in accordance with the High Court’s earlier judgment dated 1 December 2025.

Justice Swaminathan concluded that the minister appeared to have given “a mischievous political spin to the turn of events,” while noting that the question of whether the Collector’s prohibitory order amounts to contempt remains the subject matter of the main proceedings and is sub judice.

“In view of the stand taken by the District Collector that he rejects the theory propounded by the Minister, I deem it fit to close this Sub Application,” the judge ordered, while making it clear that the court would not hesitate to reopen the application if circumstances so warranted.

The sub-application was accordingly closed.

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Nanguneri Horror: Two Killed, Five Injured After Armed Gang Goes On Violent Rampage In Perumbathu Village

By
The Commune
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Nanguneri Horror: Two Killed, Five Injured After Armed Gang Goes On Violent Rampage In Perumbathu Village

A brutal and shocking incident near Nanguneri in Tirunelveli district has triggered widespread panic after an armed gang carried out a coordinated violent attack across multiple locations, leaving two persons dead and five others seriously injured.

The incident occurred in Perumbathu village, a suburban locality near Nanguneri on the road to Kalakkad, where people from various communities reside. According to reports, several individuals were seated and conversing in front of a tea shop when the violence unfolded.

At that moment, a gang, reported in one media channel as nine persons arriving on three two-wheelers and in another preliminary account as six persons on two-wheelers, suddenly reached the spot. The assailants were armed with deadly weapons including sickles and machetes.

Another channel reported that the mysterious gang of nine persons arrived there in a Scorpio car and on bikes, carrying weapons.

The gang first hurled petrol bombs indiscriminately in front of the tea shop, creating chaos and forcing people present there to scatter and flee. The attackers then chased those who ran and brutally hacked anyone they could catch. Multiple victims collapsed at the scene with severe cut injuries.

In the immediate attack, two persons died on the spot. One of the deceased has been identified as a North Indian migrant worker who was employed in a brick kiln, while the other victim is John Mark of Indira Colony in Perumbathu.

It is reported that John Mark, who died in the attack, is survived by a wife who is speech- and hearing-impaired, and the couple has two daughters.

Five others sustained serious injuries in the assault. The injured have been identified as Nelson, Prabhakaran, and Ramasamy from Perumbathu; Ganesan from Veerangulam; and Sasikumar from Puliyangulam.

Among those injured in the sickle attack, 58-year-old Nelson and 53-year-old Ganesan were rescued and sent to Tirunelveli Government Medical College Hospital for treatment, where they are receiving intensive care in critical condition.

The wounded were rescued by local residents and rushed to the Tirunelveli Government Medical College Hospital, where several are reported to be in critical condition, with at least three said to be in a very grave state.

After the initial attack, the assailants, reportedly carrying blood-stained sickles and showing no visible panic, remounted their two-wheelers and proceeded toward Kadamboduvalvu village. There too, they allegedly attacked people they encountered indiscriminately. The gang fled only after local residents began gathering in large numbers.

Preliminary information suggests the attackers may have been under the influence of alcohol and ganja at the time of the incident. It has also been reported that during the assault the gang shouted slogans praising Naveen (A1), who is an accused in the earlier murder of one Deepak Raja, indicating a possible link to prior criminal rivalries.

Police sources describe Perumbathu as a “crime-prone village,” a classification used by law enforcement based on the frequency of criminal incidents. The Nanguneri region, particularly Perumbathu, is considered sensitive, with caste-based clashes reportedly occurring there from time to time.

Following news of the killings, residents of Perumbathu staged a road blockade protest demanding swift arrests. Police officials held talks with the protesters to defuse tensions.

The district police have since formed special teams and launched search operations to apprehend the attackers. The precise motive behind the coordinated assault has not yet been officially established, and investigations are ongoing.

Officials note that Tirunelveli city and surrounding southern districts had recently been relatively calm. However, over the past 10–15 days, authorities have observed a troubling uptick in violent incidents, including murders, petrol bomb attacks, and property damage in parts of Tirunelveli and Thoothukudi districts. These developments have heightened fears of escalating caste tensions.

Nanguneri police have registered a case under eight sections, including murder and attack with deadly weapons, and intensified the probe, with five special teams already formed and an additional technical team deployed. Senior officers, including the Tirunelveli SP, Tenkasi SP, Nellai Range DIG and Southern Zone IG, are supervising the investigation, while over 400 police personnel have been deployed across the region and efforts to nab the accused continue at full pace.

The latest attack has sent shockwaves across Tirunelveli district, with heavy police deployment now in place across the Nanguneri region. Public pressure is mounting on law enforcement to quickly identify and arrest those responsible and restore normalcy.

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Kadungon: The Pandya King Who Ended Tamil Nadu’s 300-Year Dark Age

By
The Commune
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Kadungon: The Pandya King Who Ended Tamil Nadu’s 300-Year Dark Age

At a recent NDA rally, AMMK chief TTV Dhinakaran thundered: “Then it was the Pandya king who drove out the dark rulers, today it is Modi who will do the same.” The king he was referring to was Kadungon, the 6th-century Pandya monarch who ended nearly 300 years of oppressive foreign rule over Tamil Nadu. Here is the story of that remarkable king.

Tamil Nadu’s Forgotten Dark Age

Most people know Tamil history through its golden eras – the Sangam age of great poetry, the Chola empire of magnificent temples, the Pandya dynasty of maritime glory. But tucked between the Sangam age and the medieval period lies a chapter that Tamil history textbooks rarely dwell upon: the Kalabhra interregnum.​

Around the 3rd century CE, a mysterious dynasty called the Kalabhras swept through Tamil Nadu and overthrew all three crowned kings – the Cheras, the Cholas, and the Pandyas. Who exactly the Kalabhras were, remains debated among historians. Some believe they were a clan from the northern Deccan; others argue they were a local group that rose to power exploiting a political vacuum. What is clear, however, is what they did once they seized power.

The Kalabhras dismantled the existing social and religious order. Hindu temples were neglected or destroyed. The royal patronage that had sustained Tamil poets, scholars, and artists during the Sangam age dried up entirely. The magnificent courts that had once resonated with the verses of Thiruvalluvar, Ilango Adigal, and the Sangam poets fell silent. This dark period lasted not a decade, not a century, but nearly 300 years.

The Man Who Rose Against the Darkness

Around 560 CE, in the lineage of the ancient Pandyas, a king was born who would change the course of Tamil history. His name was Kadungon – a name that translates roughly as “the fierce one” or “the relentless one”. The name would prove fitting.

Kadungon understood something that many before him had not: that the Kalabhras could not be defeated by one kingdom alone. He forged a strategic alliance with Simhavishnu, the powerful Pallava king who ruled from Kanchipuram in the north. This was a masterstroke of political diplomacy. The Pallavas were expanding their influence southward anyway, and joining forces with the Pandyas gave them a powerful southern ally. For Kadungon, it meant a two-pronged military campaign that the Kalabhras could not withstand.​

From the north came the Pallava armies. From the south came Kadungon and his Pandya warriors. Caught between two powerful kingdoms, the Kalabhra grip over Tamil Nadu collapsed.

The Liberation of Madurai

The single most important historical record of this victory is the Velvikudi Copper Plates – inscriptions commissioned by a later Pandya king, Parantaka Nedunchadaiyan, that look back and credit Kadungon as the founder of the revived Pandya dynasty. According to these inscriptions, the lands that had been seized and gifted away by the Kalabhras were reclaimed. The Pandyas were back – not as vassals, not as subordinates, but as the undisputed rulers of the Tamil south.​

Kadungon carried the grand title of Pandyadhiraja, meaning Emperor of the Pandyas. Madurai, the ancient city of temples and Tamil learning, was freed from foreign rule and restored as the glittering capital of a reborn kingdom.

More Than a Military Victory

What made Kadungon’s triumph truly historic was that it was not merely a change of ruler – it was a civilisational restoration:​

  • Shaivite temples were reopened and reconstructed, with worship rituals revived after generations of suppression​
  • Tamil poets and scholars once again found royal patronage and protection at the Madurai court​
  • The ancient Pandya lineage, which traced itself back to the earliest Sangam-era kings, was formally re-established with all its ceremonial glory
  • Trade routes, which had weakened during the Kalabhra period, were revitalised as Madurai reasserted its commercial dominance

​Kadungon was also a deeply religious king who personally championed Shaivism, helping lay the groundwork for the great Bhakti movement that would later produce saints like Thirugnana Sambandar and Sundarar – figures who would go on to transform the religious landscape of the entire subcontinent.

The Dynasty He Built

Kadungon did not just liberate Tamil Nadu – he founded an empire. His son Maravarman Avanisulamani consolidated the gains, and the kings who followed – Sendan, Arikesari Maravarman, and others, expanded Pandya power across South India.

The Pandya dynasty that Kadungon revived would go on to outlast the Pallavas, compete with the Cholas, and at its medieval peak under Maravarman Sundara Pandyan and Jatavarman Sundara Pandyan, become one of the wealthiest and most powerful dynasties in all of Asia – exporting pearls, cotton, and spices across the Indian Ocean world.​

  • Before Kadungon: 300 years of darkness.
  • After Kadungon: over 1,000 years of Pandya glory. That single fact captures the magnitude of what he achieved.​
​The Political Parallel TTV Drew

When TTV Dhinakaran invoked Kadungon at the NDA rally, comparing him to Prime Minister Modi ahead of the 2026 Tamil Nadu assembly elections, he was reaching for one of Tamil history’s most resonant symbols – a king who ended 300 years of foreign domination and restored native rule to Madurai.

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Congress Is Simping For Khamenei Today, Here’s How The Islamic Regime Of Iran Treated India

By
The Commune
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Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was killed in a joint US-Israeli airstrike on 28 February 2026. As the world processes the death of one of its most consequential, and controversial, theocratic rulers, Iran stands at a crossroads. And predictably, as India recalibrates its posture toward a post-Khamenei Tehran, Congress has found its voice – criticising the Modi government’s handling of the India-Iran relationship and offering unsolicited wisdom on strategic autonomy and diplomatic balance.​

Congress leader Pawan Khera made two incendiary claims following the killing of Ayatollah Khamenei on 28 February 2026.

First, he accused Modi of “abdication of moral leadership” for not immediately condemning the US-Israel strike, declaring that “India has never before looked this weak” and that “this silence will be registered in history.”

Then came the more explosive charge – Khera claimed that Israel “used Modi’s Knesset visit as a cover” to plan the assassination, calling Modi a “puppet of America and Israel” with “no free will.”

Most revealingly, Khera referred to Khamenei as “India’s friend” and “the spiritual guide of millions.” This is the same Ayatollah who in 2020 publicly demanded India stop “massacring Muslims” and called it an “enemy of Islam” – and whom Congress never once stood up to defend India against.

Khamenei’s Record On India: Not The “Friend” Congress Claims

For all the romantic language now being deployed about Ayatollah Khamenei being “India’s friend,” his public record tells a very different story.

Silence on Pakistan’s Role in 26/11

After the 2008 Mumbai terror attacks — carried out by Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba — Tehran conspicuously avoided directly calling out Pakistan’s state complicity. While India marshalled global pressure against Islamabad, Iran chose diplomatic ambiguity.

At no point did Khamenei publicly condemn Pakistan’s role with the clarity India expected from a supposed strategic partner.

For a country that lost 166 lives in 26/11, that silence mattered.

Interference During Anti-CAA Protests (2019–20)

In December 2019, during protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act, Khamenei publicly commented on India’s internal affairs, urging the Indian government to “confront extremist Hindus” and warning about the condition of Muslims in India.

This was not a routine diplomatic remark. It was a direct intervention in India’s domestic legislative process.

No sovereign nation welcomes external religious leadership framing its internal debates as civilisational oppression. Yet Congress today speaks of him as a moral authority.

“Enemy of Islam” Remark (2020)

In 2020, Khamenei posted that Muslims in India were being “massacred” and suggested that the country risked becoming an “enemy of Islam” if it did not change course.

This was inflammatory language — especially from the Supreme Leader of a theocratic regime — aimed at stirring global Muslim sentiment.

India formally rejected these remarks and advised countries to “look at their own record.”

Kashmir Commentary

On multiple occasions, Khamenei publicly referenced Kashmir in the same breath as Palestine and Yemen — framing it as part of a global Muslim grievance narrative.

That framing directly echoes Pakistan’s international positioning of Kashmir.

For a country claiming strategic partnership with India, this was hardly neutral.

The irony is not lost. Because the party now lecturing India on Iran is the same party that spent an entire decade systematically dismantling India’s standing in Tehran – voting thrice against Iran at the IAEA, surrendering a 25-year energy deal, and ultimately bowing before American pressure to cut Iranian oil imports. If India’s relationship with Iran carries any baggage today, Congress packed most of the suitcase.

Three Votes. One Collapsed Deal. A Legacy of Capitulation.

Let us begin with the facts that Congress would rather you forget.

Under the UPA government led by Dr. Manmohan Singh, India voted three times against Iran at the International Atomic Energy Agency – in September 2005, February 2006, and November 2009 to declare Iran in “non-compliance” with its nuclear safeguards obligations. Each vote helped build the case for referring Iran to the UN Security Council, exactly the outcome the United States and its Western allies were pursuing. Each vote was a direct blow to India-Iran bilateral trust, executed not out of any Indian strategic compulsion, but to curry favour with Washington, specifically, to smooth the path for the India-US civilian nuclear deal.

Iran’s response to the September 2005 vote was swift and unambiguous. A 25-year LNG deal signed just months earlier in June 2005, which would have supplied five million tonnes of liquefied natural gas to India annually, was declared no longer valid. Iranian officials coldly stated that future energy cooperation would depend on “new, less favourable terms.” A quarter-century of energy security, signed and sealed, was torn up because the UPA chose American approval over Indian national interest.

This was Congress trading India’s energy future for a diplomatic pat on the back from Washington.

2012: The Image That Says Everything

Then came 2012. The cartoon from that year – Uncle Sam in his top hat, pointing at a barrel of Iranian oil while a turbaned, hands-folded Manmohan Singh stands meekly beside it, is not political satire. It is a documentary record. The Times of India headline from 16 May 2012 was unambiguous: “India bows to US pressure, cuts Iran oil import by 11%.”

At the time, Iran was India’s second-largest oil supplier. Cutting imports by 11% was not a minor adjustment – it was a significant surrender of energy leverage, executed because the Obama administration was tightening its sanctions regime around Iran and threatening to penalise countries that continued significant oil purchases. The Congress government had a choice: stand by India’s energy interests and strategic autonomy, or fold. It folded.

This is the same Congress party that today, in the aftermath of Khamenei’s killing and amid India’s careful repositioning toward a new Iranian leadership, lectures the Modi government on the meaning of strategic autonomy and balanced foreign policy.

What Modi Actually Did

Compare that record to the present government’s. Rather than abandoning Iran under Western pressure, the Modi government deepened the Chabahar Port partnership — a project of enormous strategic value giving India a direct trade route to Afghanistan and Central Asia, bypassing Pakistan entirely. India continued to engage Tehran even as Western sanctions tightened, protecting Indian interests through carefully calibrated diplomacy rather than reflexive capitulation to Washington.

When Khamenei made hostile remarks about India, calling it an “enemy of Islam” in 2024, and in 2020 demanding India stop “massacring Muslims”, the Modi government’s MEA responded with sharpness and confidence: “Countries commenting on minorities are advised to look at their own record before making observations about others.” That is not the posture of a government afraid of Iran. It is the posture of a government that knows its own weight.​

Congress, by contrast, spent its tenure in office both antagonising Iran diplomatically and being bullied economically. It got the worst of both worlds.

The Irony That History Will Not Forget

The Congress party voted against Iran at the IAEA three times. It collapsed a 25-year energy deal through those votes. It cut oil imports from Iran by 11% on American instruction. And it is now, in the week that Khamenei lies dead and Iran faces its most uncertain moment in four decades, positioning itself as the party that understands Iran better than Modi does.

There is a word for this. It is not diplomacy. It is not strategic thinking. It is the audacity of a party that believes Indians have short memories.

They do not.

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Rahul Gandhi Unfollows MK Stalin On Insta And X?

By
The Commune
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Rahul Gandhi Unfollows MK Stalin On Insta And X?

In what is being read as a significant political signal just months before the Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, screenshots circulating widely on social media today indicate that Congress leader and Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi has unfollowed Tamil Nadu Chief Minister and DMK president MK Stalin on both X and Instagram. The move is notable because Stalin continues to follow Rahul Gandhi on Instagram – making the unfollow decidedly one-sided.

On Instagram
On X

Neither Congress nor the DMK has issued an official statement on the development as of the time of writing.

A Friendship That Was Loudly Proclaimed

The social media unfollow stands in sharp contrast to the public display of warmth between the two leaders in recent months. As recently as 10 February 2026, Stalin had described his relationship with Rahul Gandhi as one of “brotherly attachment,” telling the India Today Tamil Nadu Roundtable that the DMK–Congress alliance would contest the 2026 elections together. “Rahul Gandhi looks at me as a brother beyond politics,” Stalin had said, calling his bond with the Congress leader “ideological, not just political”.

Even as recently as last October, Stalin had gone further, saying, “I never call any political leader a brother, but I call Rahul Gandhi my brother as he considers me his elder brother”.​

The Cracks Were Already Showing

But beneath the warm rhetoric, relations between the two parties have been under severe strain for months. The core dispute is over power-sharing. Congress has been pushing for cabinet berths and a larger seat share in the upcoming assembly election. DMK, however, has been unyielding – with Stalin making it clear that a coalition government “does not suit Tamil Nadu” and that the DMK would form the government on its own.

Senior DMK leader and Forests Minister RS Rajakannappan had bluntly stated that “DMK did not run on the strength of alliances”. Meanwhile, Congress leaders clashed publicly over how to respond, prompting Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge to step in and warn party leaders against airing internal dissent publicly.

Adding fuel to the fire, Rahul Gandhi pointedly dropped the word “brother” from his birthday greeting to Stalin on 1 March 2026, an omission that triggered fresh buzz over the state of their ties.

With seat-sharing talks formally beginning only as recently as 22 February 2026, and the Tamil Nadu election on the horizon, the timing of this unfollow raises urgent questions: Is this a deliberate pressure tactic by Rahul Gandhi to extract better terms from the DMK? Or does it mark the beginning of a more serious rupture in one of the opposition’s most important state-level alliances?​

For now, the screenshots are doing the political talking, and both parties would do well to respond before the silence speaks louder.

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Thirupparankundram Deepam Row: Madras High Court Questions Delay, Collector Tenders Unconditional Apology

By
The Commune
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Madras High Court Madurai Bench Allows Karthigai Deepam To Be Lit At The Original Spot At Thirupparankundram Hill

The Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court on Monday, 2 March 2026, heard the contempt proceedings related to the Thirupparankundram hill Deepam issue, during which Madurai District Collector Praveen Kumar appeared in person and tendered an unconditional apology.

The matter came up before Justice GR Swaminathan. During the hearing, the judge observed that the temple property in question does not belong to the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Department. He indicated that the case could be closed if the District Collector accepts responsibility and facilitates compliance with the court’s directions.

Appearing before the court, the Collector’s side submitted that the administration had no intention of deliberately disobeying the court’s order. It was argued that the prohibitory orders under Section 144 had been imposed purely in view of the prevailing law-and-order situation.

The government further contended that the restrictions were enforced after assessing the possibility of clashes between Hindu and Islamic organisations during the Teppam festival. Officials maintained that all decisions were taken in good faith to prevent any breakdown of public order and without any ulterior motive.

Justice Swaminathan, however, noted that the court’s earlier order did not insist that the Deepam be lit at the exact earlier location but had permitted lighting in an area belonging to Hindus. He then asked whether the District Collector would grant permission for five persons to go up the hill and light the Karthigai Deepam, stating that he would close the case if a clear answer was given.

In response, the government counsel sought time, stating that instructions from higher authorities would be required before furnishing names. The judge questioned the need for such consultation and asked why the court’s order had not yet been implemented.

Subsequently, the state sought two days’ time to file a detailed affidavit specifying the persons who would be deputed and the manner in which the court’s directions would be carried out. The court is expected to pass further orders after examining the government’s response.

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Drunken Brawl On Royapettah Road: Youths, Woman Clash In Public

By
The Commune
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Drunken Brawl On Royapettah Road: Youths, Woman Clash In Public

A scuffle allegedly involving intoxicated youths and a young woman triggered commotion on Royapettah High Road in Chennai, prompting police to launch an investigation after visuals of the incident surfaced online.

According to initial information, a verbal altercation broke out among a group of youths on the busy Royapettah stretch. The argument soon escalated into a physical clash, with the individuals seen attacking one another.

During the confrontation, a young woman present at the spot intervened after one of the youths, believed to be her friend, was assaulted. She reportedly engaged in a heated exchange and subsequently joined the scuffle, grappling with the others involved.

The incident, which was captured on video and circulated widely on social media, caused a brief stir in the area. Police from the Anna Salai station have taken note of the footage and initiated an inquiry to ascertain the circumstances surrounding the clash.

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ASI Begins Major Excavation At 2,000-Year-Old Iron Age Site In Kumarikkalpalayam In Tiruppur

By
The Commune
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ASI Begins Major Excavation At 2,000-Year-Old Iron Age Site In Kumarikkalpalayam In Tiruppur

The Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) has commenced a systematic excavation at the ancient site of Kumarikkalpalayam in Uthukuli taluk of Tiruppur district, Tamil Nadu, a location identified as a significant Iron Age and Early Historical settlement.

According to officials, the first season of excavation began in February 2026 and is currently in progress. The initiative follows an archaeological exploration carried out in 2023 by the ASI’s Trichy Circle, which had revealed cultural materials dating back to the Iron Age and Early Historical periods, prompting a full-scale excavation.

A press note from the ASI stated that the excavation was undertaken following a reference from Tiruppur MP K. Subbarayan. The site, located in Kaavunthampalayam village about 15 km north of Uthukuli and 26 km northeast of Tiruppur, lies within agricultural fields roughly 0.5 km from the present habitation and represents an extensive early settlement complex.

Archaeologists have identified two major components at the site, a habitation mound and an adjoining megalithic burial complex, suggesting the presence of a well-established settlement with associated funerary practices.

Preliminary findings from the mound, characterised by prominent ashy soil deposits, have yielded a rich ceramic assemblage including red ware, black-slipped ware, black-and-red ware, russet-coated ware with decorative motifs, and brown-slipped ware. The recovery of melted iron ore and slag indicates active iron smelting and sustained occupation during the Iron Age and Early Historical phases.

Officials noted that the site gains added significance due to its proximity to Kodumanal, an important early historic industrial and trade centre, raising the possibility of cultural and commercial linkages in the Kongu region.

ASI Superintending Archaeologist P. Aravazhi indicated that the excavation could potentially uncover further evidence relating to the Megalithic and historic periods and may even yield clues pointing to Roman trade connections in the region. ASI Joint Director General Nandini Bhattacharya Sahu said the initial phase would involve digging trenches to establish the chronological framework of the artefacts, which is a key objective of the project.

The excavation, which is expected to continue until July 2026, also follows sustained demands from local residents to protect the ancient site. Villagers had earlier urged authorities to declare the area protected after discoveries of stone circles, burial urns and pottery fragments in the vicinity.

Members of the Kumarikkal Archaeological Protection Movement, a residents’ group formed to safeguard the site, welcomed the development, describing the commencement of excavation as the outcome of years of persistent efforts.

Archaeologists believe the ongoing work could provide important insights into the cultural sequence, settlement patterns and burial practices of Iron Age and Early Historical communities in western Tamil Nadu.

Source: Times of India

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AICC-In-Charge Girish Chodankar’s ‘Power-Sharing’ Pitch Reportedly Stirs Fresh Unease In DMK-Congress Alliance

By
The Commune
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dmk girish chodankar alliance congress

Fresh tensions have surfaced within the DMK–Congress alliance ahead of the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections after remarks by Tamil Nadu Congress in-charge Girish Chodankar on power-sharing triggered political ripples, even as both parties publicly maintained that the partnership remains intact.

The Congress has been pressing for a larger share of Assembly seats in the upcoming polls. Having contested 41 constituencies in 2016 before its tally was reduced to 25 in 2021, the party is now understood to be seeking between 39 and 41 seats, viewing the demand as a restoration of its earlier position. The DMK, however, is reportedly inclined to increase the Congress quota only marginally, by two or three seats at most, citing the need to accommodate a broader alliance.

According to sources, the DMK has conveyed to the Congress that it is prepared to allot only 25 Assembly constituencies — the same number given in 2021 — despite the Congress seeking at least 38 seats. The Congress leadership has indicated that it is not willing to be restricted to 25 seats this time and is pressing for a higher allocation.

Reports suggest the DMK leadership is particularly upset that details of the ongoing alliance negotiations were discussed publicly by Chodankar. Party sources indicated that the remarks caused discomfort within the DMK, which prefers that seat-sharing discussions remain confidential during negotiations.

During the initial round of talks, the Congress is said to have submitted a list of more than 75 constituencies where it believes it has electoral prospects and urged the DMK to allot at least one seat in each of Tamil Nadu’s 38 districts. The DMK, however, has maintained that it cannot increase the Congress quota beyond 25 seats, citing the need to accommodate a larger number of alliance partners in the upcoming election.

Reports indicated that the Congress high command is also keen on securing DMK support for a Rajya Sabha berth in order to protect its claim to the Leader of Opposition post in the Upper House, currently held by party chief Mallikarjun Kharge. The Congress presently has 27 members in the Rajya Sabha, just two above the required strength of 25 to retain the LoP position. The terms of eight Congress MPs, including Kharge, are due to expire between April and June this year, adding urgency to the party’s efforts to shore up numbers.

Against this backdrop, Chodankar stated in a recent interview that discussions on power-sharing, particularly at the grassroots level covering panchayats, municipalities and corporations, had formed part of high-level talks between leaders in Delhi and Chennai. He indicated that meetings, including one between Congress general secretary (organisation) K.C. Venugopal and Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, had touched upon these issues. He further suggested that, in principle, the DMK had not expressed objections to power-sharing at the local body level.

On the broader question of seeking power, Chodankar remarked that every political party naturally aspired to political authority and noted that the Congress was focused on strengthening its organisational position in Tamil Nadu.

He also referred to actor Vijay’s Tamizhaga Vetri Kazhagam (TVK), observing that the new party was gaining traction among youth and had shown interest in working with the Congress at the grassroots level. However, he clarified that formal negotiations were currently underway only with the DMK, the Congress’s long-time ally.

The remarks triggered controversy within political circles, prompting senior Congress leaders, including state president K. Selvaperunthagai, to play down the comments as either misinterpretations or personal views rather than the party’s official stand. Selvaperunthagai strongly defended the DMK–Congress partnership, describing it as ideological and natural, and asserted that the alliance remained firm.

Political observers noted that while earlier interactions between the two parties had appeared smooth following Venugopal’s visit and Chief Minister Stalin’s dismissal of power-sharing talk as a conspiracy, Chodankar’s comments had once again stirred unease. Analysts emphasised the need for message discipline within the Congress during sensitive negotiations, even as they pointed out that the alliance has historically benefited both parties electorally.

Selvaperunthagai later reiterated that seat-sharing discussions were progressing smoothly, stating that the first round of talks had concluded and that the next round at the DMK headquarters, Anna Arivalayam, was expected shortly. He maintained that there were no serious issues in the negotiations.

On the Rajya Sabha question, indications have emerged that the DMK leadership may be open to accommodating the Congress, though not without reservations. Senior DMK figures were reported to have expressed dissatisfaction with the idea of allocating a Rajya Sabha seat to an “outsider” from the Congress, reflecting internal reluctance to nominate a non–Tamil Nadu figure. However, reports suggested the DMK high command could reconsider if the proposed nominee is from Tamil Nadu, a move that may ease alliance tensions.

 

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Source: The Federal

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“DMK Offered Us 25 Seats, But That Is Not Acceptable to Us”, Congress-DMK Rift Widens

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The Commune
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The Congress has signalled tough bargaining in its ongoing seat-sharing talks with the DMK ahead of the Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, with AICC in-charge for Tamil Nadu Girish Chodankar stating that the offer of 25 seats from the ruling party is “not acceptable.”

Speaking to the press, Chodankar said discussions between the two allies were held in a positive atmosphere but indicated that the Congress expects the DMK to meet its demands for the alliance to move forward.

“Our committee and their committee we had a hour long discussion yesterday. It was very good atmosphere, very positive atmosphere. We only hope that our wish list that we have submitted will be accepted by the DMK then only we can continue with this,” he said.

Emphasising the Congress’s electoral priorities, Chodankar added, “Right now our priority is assembly election so that we have sufficient numbers in the assembly where we can have our own member of parliament from Rajya Sabha.”

He confirmed that the DMK had proposed 25 seats to the Congress but made clear the party was dissatisfied with the offer. “They offered us 25 seats but that is not acceptable to us,” he said.

Highlighting the long-standing relationship between the two parties, Chodankar remarked, “Whatever we want we have given to them because we have been associated with the DMK for a very long time. They are very old associate with us. Whenever they were in crisis, we helped them by reducing our quota. Now it is their turn to give it back to us.”

He added that the Congress was awaiting the DMK’s response and hoped for a quick resolution. “Should happen in a day or two then only we can proceed. We are waiting for their call. We have proposal we have given to them whatever we we had whether in terms of number of seats and other things,” he said.

Commenting on the emerging political landscape, Chodankar also referred to actor Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), saying the new party should not be underestimated. “It’s a new party we can’t underestimate them they are getting traction among the youngsters and they are also recognizing the strength of Indian national congress and our leader Rahul ji in Tamil Nadu,” he said.

He reiterated that the Congress remains focused on negotiations with its long-time ally. “Right now our talks are going on with the MK which are our old allies and we have submitted them what we desire in this election so that our rebuilding of our Congress party in Tamil Nadu is on the right track. So we don’t want to sacrifice..”

 

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