We all know of the swag and suave Subrahmanyam Jaishankar—his sharp responses, piercing gaze, and viral one-liners have made him an internet sensation. But what about his son Dhruva Jaishankar? While his father dominates headlines and Instagram reels, Dhruva has quietly built his own space in the world of foreign policy and strategic affairs. Like his father, he’s deeply involved in the world of diplomacy—but more from behind the scenes. Whether he’s authoring a book, shaping discussions in think tanks, or engaging in Track-2 diplomacy, Dhruva Jaishankar operates where strategy meets substance.
In this candid chat, he talks about growing up in a family of civil servants, why he never took the UPSC plunge, and whether his father’s towering reputation ever weighs on him. He also dives deep into India’s evolving China strategy, the idea of the “Deep State,” and how ancient Indian texts influence modern statecraft along with insights from his latest book, Vishwa Shastra.
A conversation packed with insights, humor, and some unexpected stories—read on!
1. There are cases where the son is more popular than the father in public life. In the case of politicians, both the son and father become well known. In your case, atleast in Instagram and YouTube, your father definitely is more popular than you with his suaveness and laser eyes. Do your father’s fame and achievements weigh heavy on you?
Not at all. It is remarkable how my father has become well known by the general public in India and elsewhere, but this has mostly occurred after 2022 or so when some of his statements went viral online. I also think it would be a mistake to think of quick soundbytes as the main work of a diplomat, something he has been since 1977. There is a lot of important diplomatic work – with very important and direct implications for the well-being of average Indians – that happens on an almost daily basis but which is still poorly understood. Nevertheless, if viral reels are what excite public interest in the practice and understanding of diplomacy in India, that can only be a good thing. For my part, I’m more of a journalist and historian by background and orientation, and prefer to be an observer rather than participant in international relations: one who tells the story rather than one who becomes the story. I don’t see why anyone else’s achievements should weigh on me at all.
2. You come from a family of civil servants? Why didn’t you give it a try?
I did think about it, but the preparation for the UPSC exam is very hard and would have taken a lot of time, which I felt reluctant to invest in until it was too late. In hindsight, I also realise I would not have made a very good civil servant, and I enjoy the relative autonomy and entrepreneurial nature of what I do now. I suppose I was also fortunate that there were professional and educational opportunities that were available to Indians of my generation that were not available to those in my parents’ or grandparents’ generation.
3. Can you manage a few words or sentences in Tamil?
இல்லை 🙂
4. What’s the most unexpected thing that’s happened to you during a diplomatic or policy event?
Well, unexpected occasions are a regular occurrence in the policy world: it keeps you on your toes. I think one amusing occasion was in January 2016 when I was entering the Japanese prime minister’s office to interview one of his aides about India-Japan relations, a few hours after North Korea tested a nuclear device. The local press chased me down, visibly confused about why an Indian-looking person pertained to North Korea’s nuclear programme!
5. Coming to your latest book Vishwa Shastra, you reference Puranas, Vedic texts, as well as works like the Arthashastra and Manusmriti to highlight India’s ancient strategic traditions. How do you see these historical frameworks influencing India’s contemporary foreign policy and statecraft?
Overall, I think India’s pre-Independence history remains pertinent in a variety of ways, including for modern India’s economy, diaspora, geographical boundaries, religious composition, and political character, and I attempt to demonstrate how. But I also try to remind many readers both of India’s tradition of statecraft and also shed light on historical links that many Indians may be less familiar with. Finally, as I write explicitly, the pre-Independence period is a reminder of the timelessness of competitive power politics, of commercial enterprise and exchange, and of competition over norms for international engagement. These all have important and immediate lessons for India today.
6. Are you a China hawk or a US hawk? Is the rhetoric about the Deep State valid or overhyped?
I don’t like to conform to labels and would leave it to others to draw their own conclusions. I do write – and try to demonstrate clearly – in the second part of my book that China is a major obstacle to India’s international ambitions, whether it is India’s economic transformation, its neighbourhood policy, the regional balance of power, relations with Pakistan, or matters of global governance. Indians should have clarity about that. Meanwhile, India’s relationship with the United States is complex. There are many areas of cooperation covering virtually every domain, which many critics in both countries frequently overlook. But there remain continuing differences, as over Russia, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, trade, immigration, and social issues, and these should be addressed candidly. In fact, I find Americans are generally receptive if India’s position is explained clearly and they appreciate candour. On assessments of the United States, I find a lot of Indian commentary frankly embarrassing. The U.S. is – like India – a competitive democracy with multiple formal and informal interest groups advocating for a variety of positions, some supportive of and some critical of India. These must be analyzed objectively. I find those that buy into a simplistic ‘deep state’ narrative suffer from the same problems – specifically, an over reliance on certain Western media narratives – that they accuse their critics of.
7. You stress the need for India to manage competition with China proactively. Do you see any realistic areas for cooperation between the two nations?
It shouldn’t be complicated. There should be cooperation with China – as with any country – if that cooperation advances India’s interests while mitigating costs and risks. Such cooperation could extend, for example, to some economic exchange in non-sensitive areas, if balanced, and we perhaps need more people-to-people exchanges and understanding. But the fact is that China has shown a consistent disregard for India’s sensitivities over many decades, and this is reflected quite clearly in even recent engagements with Chinese counterparts.
8. While India has strengthened ties with QUAD and other regional players, China continues to expand its influence aggressively—both militarily and economically. Do you believe India’s current approach to countering China is sufficient, or does it require a more disruptive strategy?
China’s influence has actually decelerated a little bit, and moved into new domains. But for the foreseeable future, Beijing retains a resource advantage vis-a-vis New Delhi. What I try to point out is that China’s influence – including in the Indian Subcontinent – is not new, in some cases dating back to the 1970s and 1980s in Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh. I do outline a number of steps that India must take, including in terms of military preparedness, industrial and trade policy, neighbourhood initiatives, maritime security, and balancing with like-minded powers. In some areas, including on the border and maritime domain, this will require new approaches to deny Chinese adventurism at the border, maritime control in the Indian Ocean, and exploitation in the cyber and space domains.
9. One of the key themes in Vishwa Shastra is strategic patience. Do you think India’s diplomatic approach sometimes leans too much toward patience rather than proactive assertion?
I’m not sure I would agree with that. In fact, it calls for a great deal of urgency, particularly when it comes to some areas of domestic transformation such as defense procurement and technology policy. I also document many cases of India being more assertive, historically and more recently, with mixed results. It is worth reflecting when it pays to be more assertive, in what ways, and what are the potential risks and costs.
10. If you could have a casual coffee chat with any historical leader, who would it be and why?
This is hard, but I’ll restrict myself to five fascinating figures from Indian history, all of whom feature in my book: the Emperor Ashoka, Maharaja Ranjit Singh, Ahilyabai Holkar, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, and General K. Sundarji. Why? Each was ahead of their times in their worldviews and meaningfully shaped statecraft, governance, or matters of war and peace.
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