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Hindus Not Allowed To Light Deepam, Muslims Allowed To Hoist Flag At Thirupparankundram: Residents Slam DMK’s Brazen Dravidian Model Appeasement & Hypocrisy, Stage Dharna

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A heavy police deployment at Thirupparankundram in Madurai on Sunday, 21 December 2025, triggered sharp protests from local residents, who accused the DMK government of enforcing unequal religious permissions. The unrest followed police-facilitated movement of a flagpole and flag to the hilltop for the Sandanakoodu ritual at the Sikandar Dargah, even as Hindu devotees alleged, they were repeatedly denied permission to light the Karthigai Deepam at the Deepathoon on the same hill despite a subsisting court order allowing the ritual.

Residents said the flashpoint was the police decision to escort a flagpole and flag to the hilltop under heavy security, despite sustained objections from the local Hindu population. This, they alleged, was done even as authorities continued to deny permission to light the Karthigai Deepam at the Deepathoon (stone lamp pillar) on the same hill, notwithstanding a court order permitting the ritual.

According to residents, the Dargah flag and flagpole linked to the Sandanakoodu ritual were taken through Palani Andavar Koil Street and Kottai Street by more than 20 Muslim men, escorted by a large police contingent. Locals said their objections were ignored and that the procession continued despite vocal resistance.

Earlier in the day, residents, predominantly women, had staged protests accusing the Tamil Nadu government of wilfully failing to implement the court’s order on the Deepam. They alleged that prohibitory orders under Section 144 of the CrPC were imposed “within seconds” to prevent Hindus from ascending the hill, while no such restrictions were applied for the Dargah-related activity.

Several women protesters alleged that during the afternoon agitation, police detained multiple women, including pregnant women, elderly women, and mothers carrying infants. They were taken to a private marriage hall and held for hours. One woman said detainees were picked up around 1 pm and released only close to 6 pm, while some women were allegedly kept until 8.30 pm, far beyond permissible limits. She alleged that the police did not provide food, forcing detainees to depend on others outside.

Residents further alleged that police officials told them that the detained women would be released only after the Dargah flag was taken up the hill and hoisted. Protesters said they were initially informed that only four people would be allowed to go up. However, they later witnessed more than 30 people being escorted uphill under full police protection.

 

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They contrasted this with the restrictions imposed on Hindus earlier. Residents said that when they attempted to light the Deepam on Karthigai Deepam day, they were told that only four people could go up, after which they were barred altogether. According to them, this marked the beginning of the dispute, which has now dragged on for over a month and “crossed all limits” on Sunday.

One lady stated that the administration had imposed Section 144 on Hindu localities almost instantly, after which residents were effectively confined to their homes. She stated water tankers and garbage collection vehicles were stopped, children were unable to go to school, and the area functioned under curfew-like conditions for two days. When questioned, residents were allegedly told that a curfew had been imposed.

Another woman said a senior official had assured her that the Deepathoon belonged to the devotees and promised to personally accompany them to light the lamp. She said the official claimed the demand would be fulfilled and the women released. However, she alleged that shortly thereafter, the Dargah flag was taken and hoisted, while permission to light the Deepam was again denied.

 

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Residents repeatedly stressed that their demand was not to block the Sandhanakoodu festival. They said Muslims should be allowed to conduct their rituals, but Hindus must be granted the same rights. Protesters stated that Hindus and Muslims in Thirupparankundram had lived together peacefully for generations and that the present tension was the result of selective enforcement by the administration.

As evening approached, women were seen holding earthen lamps, oil, and wicks, attempting to proceed towards the hill despite police barricades. Protesters said that if police security could be provided for one religious procession, it should also be provided for lighting the Deepam. They questioned why Hindus were never given similar protection.

 

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Police blocked multiple access routes to the hill and erected barricades, leading to heated arguments and scuffles. Residents alleged that police restrained women protesters and confiscated mobile phones to prevent recording. They also stated that even elderly women were prevented from enquiring about the condition of those detained and that visitors were questioned, asked to produce Aadhaar cards, and interrogated about their place of residence.

Locals said that while more than 20–25 people were allowed to climb the hill under police escort to hoist the Dargah flag, Hindus were repeatedly denied permission even when they themselves offered to restrict their number to four. They questioned whom the police were “cooperating with” and asked why the administration appeared fearful of enforcing the law equally.

Another resident highlighted the plight of families of those detained, stating that men were taken away around noon and not released for hours, leaving small children stranded at home. In one case, a one-and-a-half-year-old child was allegedly left behind while the father was detained. Residents said police told them detainees would be released only after “their work” was completed.

By nightfall, the flag had been hoisted at the Sikandar Dargah atop the hill under full police protection. Released detainees returned to the protest site and reiterated that they would continue to agitate until they were allowed to light the Karthigai Deepam and access temples such as the Kasi Vishwanathar Temple.

Madurai City Deputy Commissioner of Police Inigo Divyan was present on site, leading police efforts to control the situation and hold talks with residents. Protesters, however, said the discussions yielded no outcome and accused the DMK government of practising what they called “brazen Dravidian Model appeasement”.

Residents concluded by stating that their protest was not political but rooted in equal rights. They warned that continued denial of permission to light the Deepam, while allowing other religious activities under state protection, risked creating divisions in an area that had historically remained peaceful.

 

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Congress Ally DMK Govt Prevents Hindus To Light Deepam, Go To Kasi Vishwanathar Temple Atop Thirupparankundram Hill But Provides Full Protection For Muslims To Hoist Flag At Sikandar Dargah

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Tension escalated in the Thirupparankundram area of Madurai on Sunday, 21 December 2025, as local residents staged protests accusing the DMK-led Tamil Nadu government of selectively enforcing law and order by denying Hindus permission to light the Karthigai Deepam or even access hilltop temples, while simultaneously granting full police protection to Muslims to conduct the Sandhanakoodu festival and hoist a flag at the Sikandar Dargah.

It is alleged that the immediate trigger for the protest was the administration’s decision to permit the Dargah authorities to take the Sandhanakoodu flagpole to the hilltop under heavy police escort, even as Hindu devotees were barred from ascending the hill for religious purposes. Protesters emphasised that they were not opposing the Sandhanakoodu festival and had no objection to Muslims conducting their religious observances.

It is alleged that the grievance lay in what the locals described as the government’s refusal to extend the same permissions to Hindus. Protesters said the demand was simple: if permission was being granted to one community, it should be granted equally to others. They stressed that Hindus and Muslims in the area had lived together harmoniously like relatives for generations, and that the unrest was being created solely due to administrative discrimination.

Residents alleged that the police had sealed access to the hill entirely for Hindus. They stated that devotees were not even allowed to visit the Kasi Vishwanathar Temple, a longstanding place of worship located on the hill. Protesters questioned whether the Karthigai Deepam dispute had anything to do with that temple or any other department and asked why ordinary devotees were being punished irrespective of the specific legal issue.

 

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Locals stated that while the Dargah administration was being allowed to freely move up and down the hill under police protection, Hindu women who questioned the unequal treatment were allegedly detained without regard to their age or condition. Protesters alleged that women were picked up from the roadside “as if they were international criminals” while they were peacefully standing and raising questions.

They further alleged that even women who attempted to go and speak to or comfort those detained were blocked by police. According to the locals, police personnel discouraged people from approaching the detention site, warning them that they would face consequences if they tried to intervene. Elderly women were also allegedly prevented from even enquiring about the welfare of those detained.

Residents claimed that police confiscated mobile phones and prevented anyone from photographing or recording the situation. They alleged that access was restricted to such an extent that even visitors were interrogated, asked to produce Aadhaar cards, and questioned about whether they belonged to the locality before being allowed to proceed.

Protesters stated that more than twenty women, including elderly women, were present at the site and were not permitted to move freely. They alleged that women arrested earlier in the day were kept inside for hours, and that even relatives and neighbours were barred from seeing them.

Several speakers alleged that the situation illustrated a broader pattern of what they described as increasing police excesses in Madurai. They cited a recent incident in which people were allegedly arrested for lighting a lamp in memory of a deceased individual named Poornachandran, questioning how such an act could be considered unlawful.

Residents questioned why permission to light the Karthigai Deepam continued to be denied despite a court order allowing it. They reiterated that they were not demanding the cancellation of the Sandhanakoodu festival and had no objection to Muslims conducting it. However, they insisted that Hindus must be allowed to light the Deepam or, at the very least, be permitted to visit the Kasi Vishwanathar Temple.

Speakers accused the administration of treating Hindus as a minority despite being numerically large in the country, alleging that none of their religious rights were being protected in the area. They claimed that access to temples, freedom of worship, and even the right to question authorities were being systematically curtailed.

One protester invoked a saying on justice, stating that the words of the powerful were being elevated while the voices of the weak were being ignored. They warned that such a situation would not continue indefinitely and that public resentment was steadily building.

The protesters described the events at Thirupparankundram as a reflection of what they called the “Dravidian Model” of governance under Chief Minister M. Stalin, alleging that the administration’s actions demonstrated an anti-Hindu bias. They asserted that equal application of law was being denied and that selective permission was deepening divisions in an area that had otherwise remained peaceful.

By evening, the Sandhanakoodu flagpole had been successfully taken to the hilltop and installed at the Sikandar Dargah under full police protection. Hindu devotees, meanwhile, remained barred from lighting the Karthigai Deepam or accessing the Kasi Vishwanathar Temple, with protesters declaring that their agitation would continue until equal religious rights were restored.

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Demography Is Destiny: In Dindigul Villages, Minority Hindus Have To Fight For Their Religious Rights

Several villages in and around Dindigul district are witnessing prolonged tension over land use, religious rights and alleged encroachments, with Perumal Kovilpatti village emerging as a flashpoint.

Perumal Kovilpatti is home to around 1,000 families, of which approximately 850 are Christian households and about 150 are Hindu households, making Hindus a numerical minority in the village. Disputes have centred on government-allotted land meant for religious purposes.

Records indicate that in 1985, the government allotted 12.5 cents of land for Hindu religious use and, on the same date, allotted 22 cents of land to Christians for the construction of a church. A church was subsequently built on the 22 cents allotted to Christians. In addition to this land, allegations have been raised that further government land was occupied, including the construction of compound walls extending beyond the allotted area, the closure of three streets, and the digging of two wells on government poramboke land.

The 12.5 cents allotted to Hindus contains three places of worship – Kaliamman temple, Mandu Karuppanasamy temple and Bhagavathi Amman temple along with a neem tree revered locally as Veppamaram Mariamman. Sources note that Hindus have confined themselves strictly to the land allotted to them and have not encroached beyond it.

Tensions escalated when boundary stones were erected on the 12.5 cents following court orders permitting Hindus to enjoy the land allotted to them. It is alleged that the boundary stones were removed in the presence of police personnel and that Hindus were subsequently attacked, resulting in several injuries. Those injured reportedly underwent treatment for days at the Dindigul Government Hospital. No arrests are stated to have been made in connection with the alleged assault.

Disputes related to religious observances at the Mandu Karuppanasamy temple are said to have continued for more than 25 years. Around 25 years ago, a Deepathoon near the temple was allegedly destroyed after a vehicle was driven into it, following which complaints were lodged with the police. Since then, Hindus have repeatedly sought permission to light lamps at the temple entrance on Karthigai Deepam day, but authorities have cited law-and-order concerns to prevent the practice.

Despite there being no reported restrictions on activities at the church, Hindus have been required to approach courts for permission to carry out lamp-lighting rituals at the temple entrance. On December 1, the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court passed an order directing that the lamp be lit. It is alleged that even after the order, the practice was prevented, leading to contempt proceedings currently pending before the Madurai Bench.

Similar issues have been reported from other villages in the region. In Panchampatti, Hindus were initially prevented from conducting annadanam on common land and were able to do so only after obtaining court permission. Even after the court order, it is alleged that a large group of Christians gathered at night and obstructed the setting up of the annadanam pandal.

In Perumal Kovilpatti, it is also alleged that a Hindu temple priest was killed around 20 years ago and that Hindus in the village have since faced repeated instances of violence and restrictions on religious practices.

Concerns have been raised that several villages around Dindigul, where Hindus are minorities are witnessing a pattern of disputes that could result in demographic and cultural displacement. Allegations have also been made that political parties and organisations have downplayed or diverted attention from these issues by portraying Hindu assertions of religious rights as attempts to create law-and-order problems.

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From Dhurandhar To Gangs Of Wasseypur: 10 Indian Films Banned In Gulf Countries Over ‘Political’ And ‘Religious’ Sensitivities

The film Dhurandhar was released in India and international theatres on 5 December 2025. However, film certification boards in several Gulf countries such as Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE refused to permit its release, citing alleged anti-Pakistan content and sensitive geopolitical themes.

This report examines ten major Indian films between 2012 and 2025 that were banned in Gulf countries on grounds of Islam-related, religious, or broader social sensitivities.

#1 ‘Dhurandhar’ Banned Over Alleged Anti-Pakistan Content – 11 December 2025

Region: UAE, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, Oman, Bahrain

The film Dhurandhar, released on 5 December 2025, was denied theatrical release across several Gulf countries after certification boards objected to its alleged anti-Pakistan content and sensitive geopolitical themes. Authorities cited concerns that the film could disrupt social harmony, given the large Pakistani and South Asian expatriate population in the region. When the film’s makers approached the censor boards, extensive cuts were reportedly demanded. The team declined, stating the edits would compromise the film’s narrative. As a result, the film was not cleared for release in the Gulf despite its international rollout.

#2 ‘Sky Force’ Barred in Multiple Gulf States – 24 January 2025

Region: UAE, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Oman, Kuwait

The Akshay Kumar–Veer Pahariya starrer Sky Force was banned in several Gulf countries over its depiction of conflict involving Pakistan. Certification authorities reportedly objected to the film’s portrayal of India–Pakistan military tensions, deeming it politically sensitive. The film, which centred on aerial combat and cross-border hostilities, was not granted theatrical permission in the region. Officials cited the potential for diplomatic and social sensitivities, particularly among expatriate communities, as the reason for refusing certification.

#3 ‘Fighter’ Blocked Over India-Pakistan and IAF Content – 26 January 2024

Region: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, Bahrain, UAE

Hrithik Roshan and Deepika Padukone-starrer Fighter was denied certification in five Gulf countries less than 24 hours before its scheduled release. Authorities cited politically sensitive content linked to the Indian Air Force and India–Pakistan relations. In the UAE, the film initially received a PG-15 rating but was withdrawn from cinemas the following day. Censor boards stated that the subject matter could trigger political or social tensions among diverse national communities living in the region.

#4 ‘Article 370’ Banned Across Gulf Countries – 26 February 2024

Region: Iraq, Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman, Qatar, UAE

The film Article 370 was banned by Gulf censor authorities due to its focus on the abrogation of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir. The boards classified the film as politically sensitive and controversial, citing concerns over its depiction of constitutional and security issues related to Kashmir. As a result, theatrical release permission was denied across several Gulf states, despite the film’s release in India.

#5 ‘Tiger 3’ Restricted Over Portrayal of Muslim Characters – November 2023

Region: Kuwait, Oman, Qatar

Salman Khan and Katrina Kaif-starrer Tiger 3 was banned in Kuwait, Oman and Qatar over allegations that the film portrayed Muslim characters negatively. Authorities raised objections to certain characters and plot elements involving terrorism and geopolitics. The presence of a Muslim antagonist, played by Emraan Hashmi as the leader of a global terror organisation, was cited as a contributing factor. The countries said the content could be politically and religiously sensitive.

#6 ‘Kaathal – The Core’ Blocked Over Homosexuality Theme – 21 November 2023

Region: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar

The Malayalam film Kaathal – The Core, which explores a homosexual relationship, was denied release in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Qatar. Censor authorities said the film’s LGBTQ theme conflicted with cultural and social norms in those countries. Directed by Jeo Baby, the film was described as a romantic thriller examining personal relationships. Officials stated that the subject matter could challenge prevailing social sensitivities, leading to a complete ban on theatrical screening.

#7 Vijay’s ‘Beast’ Banned in Kuwait and Qatar – 5 April 2022

Region: Kuwait, Qatar

The Tamil film Beast, starring Vijay and directed by Nelson Dilipkumar, was banned in Kuwait and Qatar over its depiction of Islamic terrorism. The film centres on a former RAW agent rescuing hostages from terrorists inside a shopping mall. Authorities objected to what they described as the portrayal of Islamic characters as extremists. The decision triggered controversy and led to the film being barred from release in both countries.

#8 ‘Samrat Prithviraj’ Denied Release in Kuwait and Oman – 2 June 2022

Region: Kuwait, Oman

The historical film Samrat Prithviraj, starring Akshay Kumar, was banned in Kuwait and Oman ahead of its release. Certification boards cited concerns that the film, which depicts King Prithviraj Chauhan’s battles against Muhammad Ghori, could hurt Muslim sentiments. Authorities classified the content as religiously and politically sensitive and declined to permit its theatrical release.

#9 ‘Bell Bottom’ Banned Over Alleged Distortion of History – 23 August 2021

Region: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar

Akshay Kumar-starrer Bell Bottom was banned in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Qatar. The film, based on a 1980s aircraft hijacking, was accused by censor boards of distorting historical facts and portraying Islam negatively. Authorities said the treatment of the hijacking incident was sensitive and controversial, leading to the denial of certification in the region.

#10 ‘Gangs of Wasseypur’ Banned in Kuwait and Qatar – 22 June 2012

Region: Kuwait, Qatar

Anurag Kashyap’s Gangs of Wasseypur was banned in Kuwait and Qatar due to alleged objectionable content involving Muslim characters, excessive violence and abusive language. The censor boards said the film contained material that could offend religious and cultural sensibilities. Kashyap publicly expressed surprise at the decision, questioning the lack of neutrality, and noted that the film continued to perform well in the UAE without complaints from distributors.

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The Environmental And Safety Costs Of Christmas–New Year Celebrations Around The World

Christmas and New Year celebrations are widely portrayed as seasons of joy and festivity. However, behind the celebratory narrative, multiple incidents across the world have repeatedly highlighted serious public safety and environmental concerns. This report compiles seven major incidents linked to Christmas and New Year celebrations between 2021 and 2025, focusing on dangerous air pollution levels, waste accumulation, and health risks caused largely by fireworks, firecrackers, and associated activities.

#1 Makati Records Worst Air Quality on New Year’s Eve

On 2 January 2025, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) reported that air pollution levels in Makati City, Metro Manila, reached their highest point during New Year’s Eve celebrations. According to the DENR, the widespread use of firecrackers and fireworks led to a sharp deterioration in air quality, pushing pollution levels into the “very unhealthy” category. Officials attributed the spike primarily to particulate matter released from fireworks.

#2 Hazardous Air Quality in Phoenix Valley After New Year

Air quality in the Phoenix metropolitan area, commonly referred to as the Valley, deteriorated to hazardous levels on New Year’s Day, 2 January 2025, according to local authorities. Officials reported elevated concentrations of fine particulate matter (PM2.5) following New Year celebrations. The pollution was attributed largely to fireworks, residential burning, vehicle emissions, and stagnant weather conditions that trapped pollutants close to the ground. Authorities warned residents of the health risks posed by the hazardous air quality, especially to vulnerable groups, as pollution levels remained elevated at the start of the new year.

#3 Jakarta Sees Surge in Waste After New Year Celebrations

Following the 2025 New Year’s Eve celebrations, the Jakarta Environmental Agency reported the collection of 132 tonnes of waste across the city. While the figure was lower than the initially predicted 150 tonnes, it still marked an increase of two tonnes compared to waste collected after the 2024 New Year’s Eve celebrations. The agency deployed approximately 3,900 cleaning personnel ahead of the festivities to manage the anticipated surge in waste.

#4 Fireworks Push Palos Verdes Air Quality Into ‘Unhealthy’ Range

On 31 December 2024, New Year’s Eve fireworks worsened air quality in the Palos Verdes Peninsula in California, according to the South Coast Air Quality Management District. Following the celebrations, particulate matter levels rose into the “unhealthy” range. Health experts issued advisories urging residents, particularly children, the elderly, and individuals with respiratory conditions, to limit outdoor activities while air quality remained poor.

#5 Fireworks Trigger Severe Pollution Spike Across Germany

On 3 January 2017, reports indicated that New Year’s Eve fireworks caused dangerously high pollution levels across several German cities. In Munich, particulate matter concentrations briefly surged to 1,346 micrograms per cubic metre, approximately 26 times higher than the European Union’s daily limit of 50 micrograms. National data showed that fireworks released nearly 4,000 tonnes of particulate matter during the celebrations, accounting for about 15% of Germany’s annual particulate emissions from vehicles.

#6 Munich Pollution Levels Soar Far Beyond EU Limits

In a related report dated 3 January 2017, Munich recorded particulate matter levels reaching 26 times the EU-recommended daily limit following New Year’s Eve fireworks. According to environmental reports, the celebrations ejected approximately 4,000 tonnes of particulate matter into the atmosphere, equivalent to about 15% of Germany’s annual vehicle-related particulate emissions. The spike was driven by intense fireworks displays across the city.

#7 Beijing Suffers Heavy Pollution During New Year Celebrations

Beijing experienced one of its worst New Year pollution episodes on 1 January 2017, as heavy smog engulfed China’s capital following New Year celebrations. Concentrations of hazardous particles were reported to be 20 times higher than acceptable levels. PM2.5 readings in many areas of Beijing, as well as parts of Tianjin and Hebei Province, exceeded 200 as early as the afternoon of 30 December 2016.

Last Word

These incidents collectively underline how Christmas and New Year celebrations have evolved into a global event of mass waste generation and environmental stress. What is marketed worldwide as a season of joy now routinely results in severe air pollution from fireworks, mountains of plastic and packaging waste, and short-term but intense public health risks across cities in Asia, Europe, and North America. The pattern is not confined to one country or culture; it is replicated annually wherever large-scale, consumer-driven celebrations take place. The data shows that modern Christmas festivities are no longer just cultural or religious observances, but industrial-scale events that leave behind polluted air, overburdened waste systems, and lasting environmental damage—raising serious questions about the sustainability of how the season is celebrated globally.

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DMK’s Divisive Politics: Calls For ‘Eradicating Sanatana Dharma’ But Lists Crores-Worth Schemes For Christians And Muslims

A recent speech by DMK scion Udhayanidhi Stalin at a gathering organised by the party in line with Christmas celebrations, shed light on the range of welfare schemes and financial assistance programmes targeted at various minority communities, especially the Christian and the Muslims.

Let us take a look at all the schemes offered by the DMK government under the Dravidian Model of governance for these minorities.

Christian Community

Educational Scholarships and Student Support

Udhayanidhi Stalin stated in the speech that the state government has provided ₹7 crore in educational scholarships to around one lakh minority students, including Christians, over the past 4.5 years. However, existing documents do not establish this.

In addition, students from families of members of the Christian Priests and Church Employees Welfare Board receive ₹1,000 per month as educational assistance.

Pension and Welfare Board Benefits

The Christian Priests and Church Employees Welfare Board, established in 2022, offers a range of welfare benefits. Old-age pension is provided at ₹1,000 per month. The annual pension amount for church employees who are board members has been enhanced from ₹12,000 to ₹15,000, as mentioned by Udhayanidhi Stalin, however, there is no proof of this increment.

Assistance for natural death has been increased to ₹30,000 as claimed by Udhayanidhi Stalin, while compensation for accidental death goes up to ₹1,00,000. The claim of ₹30,000 is available to landless agricultural workers and not Christians specifically.

The board also provides:

  • Educational assistance for children of members (₹1,000–₹1,750 for school students and ₹1,500–₹8,000 for college students depending on the course),
  • Marriage assistance (₹3,000 for men and ₹5,000 for women),
  • Maternity assistance of ₹6,000 (₹1,000 per month for six months),
  • Funeral assistance of ₹5,000, and
  • Medical reimbursement of ₹500 for spectacles.

Pilgrimage and Religious Travel

Christian pilgrims are eligible for a ₹37,000 subsidy for pilgrimages to Jerusalem. Nuns and sisters receive enhanced assistance of ₹60,000. The scheme covers 600 pilgrims annually, with 50 seats reserved for nuns and sisters.

Institutional Recognition and Infrastructure

The government has granted permanent recognition to all minority educational institutions, including Christian institutions. Funding for church renovation has been substantially increased under revised guidelines:

  • Churches aged 10–15 years: ₹10 lakh (earlier ₹2 lakh),
  • Churches aged 15–20 years: ₹15 lakh (earlier ₹4 lakh),
  • Churches over 20 years old: ₹20 lakh (earlier ₹6 lakh).

Currently, 44 churches are undergoing renovation at an estimated cost of ₹3 crore.

Muslim Community

The Muslim community has been the recipient of several welfare measures of the Tamil Nadu government.

Educational Support

After the Union government discontinued pre-matric scholarships for classes 1–8 in 2022–23, the Tamil Nadu government stepped in to provide scholarships to Muslim girl students in classes 1–8 through the Tamil Nadu Waqf Board, benefiting around 1,26,256 students. Minority students are also eligible for educational loans up to ₹5 lakh through cooperative banks.

The Pudhumai Penn scheme, which provides ₹1,000 per month to support girls’ higher education, has been extended to government-aided minority schools, benefiting Muslim girls as well.

Ulema and Religious Worker Welfare Board

The Ulema and Religious Worker Welfare Board, established in 2009 and reconstituted in 2024, covers Aalims, Pesh-Imams, Arabic teachers, Mothinars, Bilals, Mujawars and other mosque and madrasa employees. The board has 14,696 registered members.

Benefits include:

  • Accident relief: ₹1,25,000 for death and ₹10,000–₹1,00,000 for disability,
  • Natural death assistance: ₹30,000,
  • Funeral expenses: ₹5,000,
  • Scholarships ranging from ₹1,000 to ₹8,000 depending on course level,
  • Marriage assistance: ₹3,000 for men and ₹5,000 for women,
  • Maternity assistance: ₹6,000 (₹1,000 per month for six months),
  • Old-age pension: ₹1,000 per month,
  • Two-wheeler subsidy of ₹25,000 or 50% of the cost, whichever is less.

For 2024–25, ₹78.76 lakh has been allocated to this board.

Ulema Pension Scheme

A separate pension scheme, in place since 1981, provides ₹3,000 per month (enhanced from ₹1,500) to retired Pesh-Imams, Mothinars, Arabic teachers and Mujawars aged 60 and above with 20 years of service, or aged 40 and above with 10 years of service in the case of differently abled beneficiaries. Around 1,461 Ulemas receive this pension, with a 2024–25 allocation of ₹540 lakh.

Pilgrimage Subsidy

For the Haj pilgrimage, the state government provides a ₹25,000 subsidy per first-time pilgrim. In 2025, ₹14.12 crore was allocated to support 5,650 first-time Haj pilgrims.

Muslim Women Aid Societies

The government supports 43 Muslim Women Aid Societies across districts, which assist destitute widows and elderly women. Matching grants of up to ₹20 lakh per society per year are provided. In 2023–24, ₹658.99 lakh was sanctioned for these societies.

Waqf Board and Property Rights

The government has granted 30-year lease permissions to the Waqf Board to promote educational, medical and social initiatives. A Waqf Tribunal has also been established in Madurai to handle disputes related to Waqf properties.

Hindu Community

The DMK government maintains that it has implemented various schemes for the Hindu majority, though these are structured differently from religion-specific minority schemes. The benefits are largely disbursed reportedly based on caste.

In its 2021 election manifesto, the DMK promised ₹1,000 crore for temple renovation. However, actual allocations have been significantly lower. For 2024–25, the state budget earmarked ₹100 crore for the renovation of ancient temples.

Pension/Wedding Benefits

Since assuming office, Chief Minister MK Stalin has rolled out a series of welfare and incentive schemes aimed at temple priests.

In September 2021, he launched an incentive scheme under which 12,959 archakas and bhattachariars were provided a monthly honorarium of ₹1,000.

In January 2022, the Chief Minister unveiled a further set of welfare measures, including marriage assistance with 8-gram gold coins for women and an enhanced pension for retired temple priests.

This was followed in January 2022 by the formal launch of the enhanced pension scheme, which was extended even to retired priests not under the control of the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Department, benefiting a total of 1,904 retired priests across the State.

In May 2022, the State government issued a standard operating procedure (SOP) for archakas, stating that 60% of the archanai ticket fare collected in temples administered by the HR&CE Department would be paid to priests performing archanai in Tamil, a move announced in the name of promoting Tamil in temple rituals.

Religious Tourism Fund

The 2021 manifesto also promised to support up to one lakh Hindu devotees annually with ₹25,000 per person for pilgrimages to major temples such as Rameswaram, Kasi, Kedarnath, Badrinath and Tirupati. The current status of implementation and disbursement figures for this scheme remain unclear.

The scheme has since been expanded to include Buddhist, Jain and Sikh pilgrims, who receive ₹10,000 each.

Together, these measures reflect the DMK government’s approach to welfare and financial assistance especially towards minority communities, with distinct schemes, allocations and implementation mechanisms tailored to the two main groups.

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Red Economics, Red Alert: Communist Model Drives Kerala To The Brink As Mounting Debt Forces Centre To Cut State’s Borrowing

Centre Cuts Kerala’s Borrowing After State Nears Legal Debt Limit

The Union government has sharply reduced Kerala’s borrowing limit for the January–March quarter, triggering a political and financial dispute between the State and the Centre over fiscal discipline and development spending.

Kerala Finance Minister KN Balagopal said the Union finance ministry had cut the State’s borrowing permission by ₹5,944 crore, reducing it from the earlier approved ₹12,515 crore to ₹5,672 crore for the last three months of the financial year. This effectively limits Kerala’s monthly borrowing capacity to around ₹2,200 crore, which the State says is far below its operational needs.

Balagopal described the move as a major blow, especially at a time when the final quarter typically sees high government spending. He said Kerala requires nearly ₹20,000 crore to clear pending public works bills and around ₹15,000 crore to meet salary and pension commitments. He warned that welfare schemes, including recently enhanced social security pensions, could also be affected.

Centre’s Position: FRBM Rules Apply To All States

From the Centre’s perspective, the borrowing cut is linked to compliance with the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (FRBM) Act, which caps a state’s net borrowing at 3% of its Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP). Open market borrowings are part of this overall ceiling.

Kerala’s GSDP is about ₹14.27 lakh crore, which allows a maximum annual borrowing of roughly ₹42,800 crore under FRBM norms. According to fiscal data, Kerala has already used or been approved borrowings close to this limit, leaving little room for additional market loans in the final quarter.

Kerala’s fiscal deficit is estimated at around 3.2% of GSDP, already above the FRBM benchmark, while its net borrowing level is close to 2.86% of GSDP, limiting further headroom under central rules.

The Centre has also included off-budget borrowings, such as loans raised by the Kerala Infrastructure Investment Fund Board (KIIFB) and Social Security Pension Ltd, while calculating the State’s borrowing capacity. This “netting out” approach, introduced earlier, has been strongly opposed by the Kerala government but is defended by the Centre as necessary to present a realistic picture of state debt.

Additional Financial Pressures

Apart from borrowing limits, Kerala has flagged other financial pressures. It estimates a potential loss of ₹8,000–₹10,000 crore in the next financial year due to GST rate rationalisation. Changes in MGNREGS funding, which reduce the Centre’s share from 90% to 60%, could impose an additional burden of ₹1,600–₹2,000 crore annually on the State.

The Centre has also withheld about ₹3,300 crore linked to public sector undertaking guarantees, pending procedural clearances, despite Kerala setting up a “Redemption Fund” to meet central requirements.

Red Alert

While the Kerala government has accused the Centre of “squeezing” state finances and undermining federal principles, critics argue that the State’s repeated fiscal slippages and reliance on borrowing have pushed it close to the FRBM limit, leaving the Centre with little choice under existing law.

As the financial year draws to a close, the dispute has intensified, with Kerala warning of administrative stress if funds remain constrained, and the Centre maintaining that fiscal discipline norms apply uniformly to all states, regardless of political considerations.

Source: The New Indian Express

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How Anti-Hindu Hate-Spewing Dravidianist YouTuber Whom Stalin Met, And Was Felicitated By DMK Govt, Has Been Abusing Bharathiyar

The recent resurfacing of a vile monologue by a Dravidianist YouTuber, known as “Minor” of the U2 Brutus YouTube channel, is a damning indictment of how the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) ecosystem actively enables, legitimises, and rewards systematic denigration of Hindu faith and icons, particularly Brahmins while pretending to occupy the moral high ground of rationalism and social justice.

Calling Bharathiyar A Coward, ‘Ganjakudiki’

In his videos, ‘Minor’ does not offer historical criticism or ideological disagreement. Instead, he descends into gutter-level slander against Subramania Bharathi, one of India’s most revered nationalist poets. Bharathiyar is mocked as a ‘ganja addict’, a ‘coward who trembled at the sight of khaki’, and a hypocrite on women’s emancipation. His revolutionary poetry is reduced to intoxicated hotel-bill rage, his courage to farce, and his ideals to fraud.

He says, “Bharathiyar is a ganjakudiki (ganja addict), and this fellow (Seeman) is a OC (free) drinker. Both of them match correctly. Nivedita asks “What Subramani? You have come alone? Did you not invite everyone at home and bring them? You are a big women’s empowerment hero, right? Did your wife not come? Did your mother, elder sister, younger sister, uncle’s wife, aunt, mother‑in‑law, sister‑in‑law, all of them not come?’ he was asked so. ‘No, no, all that is just empty talk, bro; you are expecting actions. You are talking here the way it is in your country. In our house we will not allow all that. According to them, beyond a certain point, women are like “pathinis” (chaste wives).’ This is what Bharathiyar has spoken. For us, even Bharathiyar is a salli (cheapo). Bharathiyar is a (sappa) useless piece; Who is this Seeman for us?”

Further denigrating Bharathiyar, Minor says that Bharathiyar wrote “Accham Illai Accham Illai Achham Enbadhillaiye” (No fear no fear, there’s no fear at all) when he was ‘hiding’ in Pondicherry ‘fearing’ arrest by British. “Think and see: while he was writing that, if the police had come there, how would he have reacted?”, he says.

He also goes below the belt to slander saying that Bharathiyar would get so afraid that he would piss in his pants. “Ticket examiners, inspectors will get in and get down, passengers will get in and get down. When the train stops and someone gets in, Bharathi would get terribly, terribly scared; he would shiver and tremble all over, it seems. He would keep watching: ‘Ayyo, who is coming? If by chance someone in khaki uniform climbs in, that’s it, everything is finished.’ It would be like that whole carriage has been sprayed with cold water, like how our Vadivelu is bathed in that comedy scene. ‘Hey, why is it stinking! I thought it would get camouflaged with the water flow’ – like that scene you have seen in the film. In that way, that whole carriage would feel like it had been soaked and stinky. Good thing nobody in khaki shirt got in.”

Further denigrating him, he says “You would have seen the film ‘Pudhupettai’. You would’ve seen how Dhanush travels in that right? Afraid that someone might see him, he sits near the bus window and travels. You would have seen him sitting like that, right? Like that, until he (Bharathiyar) got down from that train, he travelled in fear. This is not something that we are saying, Chellamma: his wife has recorded this.

Adding to the slander he says ‘If there is no food for a single man, we will destroy the whole world’ — do you know when he actually wrote that? Actually, when he was hiding in Pondicherry, after “Savukku” Shankar supplied him nicely with good stuff to smoke, you know after blowing well, you feel hungry. People who take ganja will say, ‘After smoking ganja, you will feel terribly hungry.’ After rolling it well and smoking well, in that hunger he must have gone to a hotel in Pondicherry and eaten. When he came out, the shop owner was sitting on a stone. He will ask for money, right? He will give the bill, right? The moment he gave the bill, the leader got angry in that intoxicated state, and then he said, ‘If there is no food for a single man, we will destroy this world.’ That era’s Kishore K Swami is exactly Bharathiyar, no one else. You are following one Kishore K. Swami, right?”

Continuous Hate Propaganda Against Bharathiyar 

In a recent speech, he is seen peddling lie after lie about Bharathiyar and quoting random documents and articles. Let us take a look at his lies one by one.

On “சாதிகள் இல்லையடி பாப்பா” (There are no castes, dear child), Minor says that “Bharathiyar did not write “சாதிகள் இல்லையடி பாப்பா” (There are no castes, dear child).”

He says he allegedly wrote “சாதி பெருமை இல்லையடி பாப்பா” (There is no caste pride, dear child). The version “சாதிகள் இல்லையடி பாப்பா” is claimed to be a printing error introduced in 1917 by Nellaiyappar Press. According to Minor, the original poem was published in 1913 in Gnana Bhanu magazine as “சாதி பெருமை இல்லையடி பாப்பா”. The 1915 March collected edition (pages 287–288) allegedly also carries “சாதி பெருமை”.

Therefore, Minor claims that Bharathiyar accepted the existence of caste but opposed only caste pride.

On Bharathiyar being a caste-abolition leader

Minor says, “Writing a few anti-caste lines does not automatically make Bharathiyar a caste-abolition leader. You cannot elevate someone to the status of a full social justice warrior only on that basis. Bharathiyar is excessively glorified as a radical reformer without proportional evidence. There were reformers in the same period who spoke far more sharply and extensively on caste”

On Bharathiyar’s alleged references to Paraiyars

Minor alleges that Bharathiyar used the term “ஈனப் பறையர்கள்” (“low/ignoble Paraiyars”). Minor claims this shows derogatory language toward Paraiyar communities. He cites Ayothithassa Pandithar as having directly questioned Bharathiyar on this usage.

Minor adds, “If Bharathiyar had written “low Brahmins,” Brahmins would never accept it. Then why should Paraiyars accept being described that way? Anger from Paraiyar communities toward Bharathiyar is therefore justified. Celebrating Bharathiyar ignores this insult.”

On Bharathiyar and Brahmin identity

Minor denies that Bharathiyar is criticised only because he was a Brahmin. He insists, “Bharathiyar is not criticised merely because he was a Brahmin. However, he never fully detached himself from a Brahminical worldview. His writings do not dismantle caste structure at the root. He retained caste consciousness even while speaking about equality.”

On Bharathiyar and Hindu scripture (Vedas)

On this, Minor says, “Bharathiyar lamented that the British did not respect the Vedas. He feared that foreigners would insult Vedic texts. He portrayed this as a civilisational loss. But British rejection of Vedas enabled education, rights, and reforms. Bharathiyar seeing this as a tragedy shows attachment to Vedic authority. This places him closer to religious orthodoxy than liberation politics.”

On Bharathiyar’s portrayal of “foreigners”

Minor claims Bharathiyar reportedly used the term “மிலேச்சர்” (Mleccha / barbarian / foreigner) for the British. He says, “Bharathiyar referred to the British as “mlecchas” (foreign barbarians). He framed them as a threat to civilisation. This framing mobilised people through fear. It did not focus on dismantling internal caste oppression.”

On Bharathiyar and beef / cow symbolism

Minor claims Bharathiyar portrayed cow slaughter as a civilisational danger. He says, “Bharathiyar warned that foreigners would slaughter cows. He portrayed cow slaughter as a civilisational danger. This reflects hostility toward beef consumption. Beef was historically consumed by Dalits and Muslims. Bharathiyar showed no sensitivity to those communities. His rhetoric positioned them implicitly as cultural outsiders.”

On Bharathiyar and temple destruction rhetoric

Bharathiyar wrote lines warning that temples would be destroyed by foreigners, says Minor. He adds, “Bharathiyar warned that temples would be destroyed by foreigners. This was used to instil fear and mobilise people. It is fear-based politics, not social reform. This mirrors later Hindu mobilisation narratives.”

On Bharathiyar’s selective praise of historical figures

Minor claims Bharathiyar was selective in his praise of historical figures. He says, “Bharathiyar wrote extensively praising Shivaji. He did not write poems praising Kattabomman, Maruthu brothers, Tipu Sultan, VO Chidambaram Pillai, When praising Shivaji, Bharathiyar focused on military strength and kingdom. He did not highlight Shivaji’s humiliation by Brahmins. He did not present Shivaji as an oppressed Shudra. This reflects ideological selectivity.”

On Bharathiyar vs Periyar/Ambedkar

Minor claims Bharathiyar never attacked Hinduism’s internal hierarchy. He says, “Bharathiyar never attacked Hinduism’s internal hierarchy. He never challenged the Vedas. He never attacked Manusmriti. He never questioned the religious foundations of caste. His anxiety resembles Savarkar’s—uniting Hindus against outsiders. Periyar and Ambedkar attacked internal oppression; Bharathiyar did not.”

On how Bharathiyar should be treated today

Minor says, “Bharathiyar is not sacred. Bharathiyar can and should be criticised. No leader is beyond criticism. If any of these claims are proven false with evidence, correction is possible. Counter-books and evidence are invited.”

It is these kind of people that the DMK government praises and felicitates. Remember in 2022, at a Dravidar Kazhagam–aligned event, Minor was felicitated alongside other ideologically aligned YouTubers and presented with an idol of EV Ramasamy. The event carried political legitimacy because it was endorsed by a serving DMK minister Ma. Subramanian.

This matters because Bharathiyar is not just a poet. He is the symbol of Tamil self-respect, linguistic pride, anti-colonial resistance, and social awakening. He wrote in Tamil when English education was the elite norm. He sang of women’s liberation, national freedom, and spiritual confidence when submission was fashionable. DMK politics routinely appropriates this Tamil pride—while honouring someone who tears Bharathiyar down using gutter language.

The message is unmistakable: Celebrating Tamil is acceptable only when it fits Dravidian orthodoxy. A Tamil icon who does not fit that frame can be mocked, defamed, and erased.

This pattern does not stop with Bharathiyar. The same YouTuber publicly abused Lord Shiva, mocked Goddess Kaali, vulgarised the Nataraja form of Chidambaram, said Vedas had porn and insulted temple priests. None of this triggered moral outrage within the DMK ecosystem. Instead, the offender was elevated.

The contrast is revealing. Others have faced police action, arrests, and even preventive detention for far less, sometimes for content involving Hindu deities that did not align with party ideology. Here, open abuse was not merely tolerated but rewarded.

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When Newslaundry Does Bootlicking It Is Gold Standard Of Journalism

Indian “independent media” has perfected the art of moral exhibitionism. It preaches ethics, scolds television journalism, and positions itself as the last remaining conscience of the profession. But scratch the surface and a far uglier truth emerges: its principles are conditional, its outrage selective, and its ethics partisan. Nowhere is this rot more clearly exposed than in Newslaundry’s shameless double standards on so-called “soft” questions.

When India Today Asked Putin If He Was Tired

When India Today reporters asked Vladimir Putin whether he ever gets tired after long days of work, Newslaundry went into full sneer mode. On NL Tippani episode 264, the hosts mocked the exchange as cringe, servile, and emblematic of “godi media” sycophancy.

The host said, “First, listen to sister Anjana Om Modi.”

Anjana is seen saying to Kalli Purie, “So this is the strength of the India Today Group [music] that we don’t stop anywhere. We don’t get tired anywhere. And even after midnight, if you see the entire team standing strong in front of you like this, there is a passion behind it, which you and Arun ji have created with great hard work at the India Today Group. And before this, India Today Group owner Kalli Purie was surrounded by questions about fatigue.”

Purie asks Putin, Sir, we have been shadowing you for three days and we see how hard you have been working, as hard as our Prime Minister. Do you ever take a break? And are you going to get a break in the New Year and Christmas?”

The fatigue question was framed as proof of journalists prostrating themselves before power, mistaking flattery for inquiry. The message was unambiguous: this is not journalism; this is bootlicking.

Yet when Newslaundry’s own reporter asked KK Shailaja, a sitting CPI(M) cabinet minister and global Left darling, “are you a little tired by any chance?”, the entire moral framework flipped. The very same kind of question — personal, empathetic, bordering on admiration — was suddenly recast as sensitive, humanising, even courageous journalism. Her exhaustion was treated as proof of virtue. Her workload became a badge of sincerity. Audiences were told they were witnessing “truth to power”.

Amazing hypocrisy:

The ridicule was relentless. The implication was clear: asking a powerful leader about fatigue is not journalism – it is fawning.

A fatigue question does not magically transform from sycophancy into journalism depending on the accent, ideology, or party affiliation of the person being asked. It becomes one or the other solely based on who is in the chair. When the subject is a BJP leader, a foreign strongman, or a geopolitical adversary, such questions are derided as grovelling. When the subject is a Left icon or a progressive mascot, the same questions are celebrated as empathy. In Newslaundry’s universe, power is not defined by office, authority, or responsibility — it is defined by political convenience.

What makes this hypocrisy especially grotesque is Newslaundry’s relentless posture of moral superiority. This is an outlet that has built its brand on ridiculing others for access journalism, for soft framing, for admiration disguised as inquiry. And yet, when it interviews its ideological allies, it cushions them with reverence, context, and emotional warmth. Even when serious issues arise — such as political killings in Kerala — accountability is blurred into abstractions, responsibility dissolved into history lessons, and power gently excused as circumstance. The questions may sound tough, but the answers are never cornered. Scrutiny is simulated, never enforced.

Contrast this with the standards Newslaundry applies to everyone else. A television anchor nods too much and is accused of selling his soul. A foreign leader is asked about exhaustion and it becomes a punchline. But when Newslaundry itself indulges in the same rhetorical tenderness, it is applauded as feminist, independent, brave journalism. This is not a minor contradiction. It is a structural lie at the heart of its editorial identity.

Even The Wire’s Karan Thapar, whose interviews often lean sympathetic in framing, does not pretend otherwise. His recent interview on Zohran Mamdani seems to drift into soft hagiography.

Newslaundry does. It condemns in others what it excuses, even celebrates, in itself.

This is not “speaking truth to power”. It is deciding which power deserves scrutiny and which deserves sympathy. Friendly power is humanised. Unfriendly power is moralised against. And the audience is expected not to notice.

But once you notice it, the entire performance collapses.

What remains is not independent media, but ideological media with better branding, enforcing one standard for enemies and another for friends and calling that ethics.

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Justice GR Swaminathan Quotes Prophet Mohammed In Judgement Flagging ‘Scandalously High’ Fees To Law Officers

justice gr swaminathan

For all the talk about Madurai Bench of Madras High Court’s single judge Justice GR Swaminathan being a ‘sanghi‘, RSS man, and what not, here comes a judgement where he quoted the Prophet Mohammed (PBUH).

Justice GR Swaminathan on Friday (19 December 2025) directed the Madurai City Municipal Corporation to settle long-pending professional fee claims of its former standing counsel, while sharply criticising the practice of appointing a large number of Additional Advocate Generals and paying exorbitant legal fees from the public exchequer.

Pronouncing orders in W.P.(MD) No. 26707 of 2022, the judge began by invoking a saying attributed to Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), stating that a worker should be paid before his sweat dries. He said, “Pay the worker before his sweat dries” is an instruction attributed to the Holy Prophet (PBUH).”

The court held that this principle, rooted in fairness, was applicable not only in labour jurisprudence but also in cases involving unpaid professional dues.

The petitioner, who had served as standing counsel for the Madurai City Municipal Corporation for over 14 years between 1992 and 2006, had approached the court seeking payment of ₹13.05 lakh, claiming that while his total bills amounted to over ₹14 lakh, only about ₹1.02 lakh had been paid. Earlier directions issued in 2006 required the Corporation to consider his representation, following which an adverse order was passed, prompting the present writ petition.

During the hearing, the Corporation submitted that it was willing to honour the claim provided the fee bills were supported by certified copies of judgments and decrees. It was alleged in the counter affidavit that non-submission of such documents had caused losses to the local body in certain cases, leading to the petitioner’s removal from the panel.

Justice Swaminathan noted that the petitioner had appeared in as many as 818 cases and recorded submissions that he was in penurious circumstances and unable to afford the cost of obtaining certified copies. Accepting this position, the court directed the Legal Services Authority attached to the Madurai District Court to verify the list of cases, obtain certified copies, and provide them to the petitioner within two months. Upon submission of the verified fee bills, the Corporation was directed to settle the dues within a further two months, without interest, citing the long delay in raising the claim and procedural deficiencies in earlier submissions.

While disposing of the petition, the judge made strong observations on the broader issue of legal fees paid by government and quasi-government bodies. He remarked that the petitioner’s claim appeared to be a pittance when compared to the volume of work performed and expressed concern over what he described as “scandalously high” fees paid to certain law officers and senior counsel.

Referring to instances from his judicial experience, Justice Swaminathan noted that institutions pleading financial distress had paid several lakhs of rupees per appearance to senior counsel. He also disapproved of the routine appearance of Additional Advocate Generals in minor matters, observing that such cases could be handled by junior government counsel.

The judge stated that good governance required public funds to be spent in a measured manner and not distributed capriciously to a favoured few. He further observed that Tamil Nadu currently had close to a dozen Additional Advocate Generals, contrasting this with the position when he entered the Bar in 1991, when there was only an Advocate General.

Justice Swaminathan expressed hope that such practices would cease at least in the Madurai Bench from 2026 and referred to similar concerns raised earlier by the Allahabad High Court. The writ petition was disposed of accordingly, with no order as to costs, and connected miscellaneous petitions were closed.

Source: Madurai Bench of Madras High Court Order

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