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Vijay Glorifies Drinking, Smoking, Sexual Fantasies And Vulgarity In His Films And He Compares Himself To MGR

Ever since a part-time, work-from-home and now a weekend politician dared to compare himself to the legendary leader and fondly called as “Puratchi Thalaivar” M.G. Ramachandran (MGR), the backlash has been swift and widespread and rightfully so. MGR wasn’t just a political icon; he was a selfless figure who stood by the people during their toughest times. His life was marked by unwavering service, and even in death, he donated all he had to support children with special needs. In his films, MGR preached morality he uplifted the dignity of labor, celebrated farmers, and respected those who toiled for society.

In stark contrast, actor Vijay until very recently built his on-screen persona glorifying alcoholism, smoking, and objectifying women through vulgar lyrics and suggestive scenes. To equate such a legacy with that of MGR isn’t just tone-deaf it’s an insult to the values MGR actually lived by.

Here’s why even MGR’s shadow is beyond Vijay’s reach.

Political Journey: Earned Vs. Inherited Popularity

MGR’s political entry wasn’t sudden, nor was it opportunistic. He joined the DMK under C.N. Annadurai in 1952 and spent over two decades building a credible, ground-up political career. His influence was instrumental in the party’s victories in 1957, 1962, and 1967. He won the Dindigul by-election in 1973 and eventually became Chief Minister in 1977. MGR didn’t just arrive he earned his place in Tamil Nadu’s political landscape through tireless grassroots work and ideological commitment.

In contrast, Vijay’s sudden declaration to contest for the Chief Minister’s post in 2026 reeks of ambition without groundwork. He has no proven political history, no demonstrated ideological stance, and no tangible contribution to public service. Merely invoking MGR’s name and popularity is a superficial attempt to inherit a legacy he hasn’t worked for.

Integrity & Philanthropy: Legacy Built On Sacrifice vs. Showmanship

MGR stood firmly against corruption even if it meant confronting his own party. His ousting from DMK in 1972 was the result of calling out internal corruption. He openly declared that politics must serve the people, not enrich the politicians, famously stating that those who wish to make money should do business, not politics.

His generosity wasn’t symbolic; it was transformative. Before becoming Chief Minister, he founded a free hospital and a school for the underprivileged in his mother’s name. He donated ₹75,000 to the National Defence Fund in the 1950s a sum that would be worth over ₹100 crore today. His will further cemented his selfless legacy: he donated his Ramavaram Gardens home to a school for the deaf and mute, and directed the income from his Alandur property to maintain his memorial so the government wouldn’t bear the cost.

Meanwhile, Vijay’s public image tells a different story. There are allegations of arrogance including an incident where he reportedly expelled a visiting actor Napoleon from his caravan. Unlike MGR, his political activities are allegedly financed by others, and he has fought legal battles to avoid paying taxes, notably in the Rolls Royce import duty case.

His so-called charity like distributing gifts to students in selected constituencies seems more like political theatre than genuine service. Opportunism marks his trajectory: he’s praised Karunanidhi and Jayalalithaa when it was politically convenient, even kneeling before the latter to secure the release of his film Thalaivaa. Now, he tries to hijack MGR’s legacy to gain electoral traction.

Cinema As A Tool: Social Messaging vs. Glorification of Vices

MGR used cinema not just to entertain, but to educate and uplift. He consciously avoided smoking or drinking on screen. His songs carried moral, philosophical, and social messages:

“Thungathey Thambi Thungathey” urged youth to rise and work hard.

“Thirudathe Paapa Thirudathe” warned against theft and corruption.

“Kadavul Ennum Mudhalali” praised the farmer as God’s first creation, questioning why a rich land should beg before foreign powers.

MGR’s films were a medium to instil discipline, pride in labor, and social consciousness. Even at the peak of his cinematic career in 1954, he created a school for a poor lightman’s son an initiative funded from his own pocket, not a campaign stunt. That school still operates today as a government-aided institution.

Compare this to Vijay’s cinema, In the song “Naa Ready” from Leo, he glorifies alcoholism and smoking with lyrics like “Veral Idukkula Thee Pandham Naa Yethathathan, Pathaathu Bottle Naa Kudikka Andaala Konda Cheers Adikka Cheers”. (To light a torch in the gap between my fingers (Cigarette) A bottle is not enough for me to drink. Bring the large pot to make a toast. Cheers)

The infamous “Daddy Mummy” song features suggestive lyrics promoting sexual innuendo under the guise of fun. (Daddy and mommy are not home, there is no one to stop us; shall we play a game, my love? Hey, we don’t need a playground or an umpire, and no one will lose, my love.) Such content raises questions about the values he promotes, especially among impressionable youth.

Similarly, in the film Sura, a song called ‘Thanjavoor Jilla Kaari’ featured a controversial dance sequence where Vijay is shown repeatedly pulling the actress’s pants up and down, under the guise of dance move. The dance move blatantly crossed the line of decency, reinforcing the recurring pattern of vulgarity in the portrayal of women in his films.

In yet another example, Vijay lent his voice to a song in the film Periyanna, starring his co-actor. The song, “Naan Thamatikira Style Paathu,” openly glorified smoking and drinking with lines like: “Style is style. If I smoke, it’s stylish; even if I drink rum, it’s a style. Seeing my smoking style, Dhanalakshmi fell for me; seeing my rum-drinking style, Rakkamma fell for me.” Once again, the message was clear addiction and vice were portrayed not as harmful habits, but as traits to be admired and imitated, particularly by impressionable fans.

In the film Vishnu, Vijay sang the song “Thottabetta Road Mela”, which continues his trend of objectifying women through suggestive lyrics. Lines such as, “All the lorries yield when they see me. This girl is dazed and swooning just by looking at you,” followed by Vijay singing, “Oh, seeing your sways and shakes shows you’re ‘A1’. I’m just yearning for that. Now hungry, give me a tea bun,” reduce women to objects of visual pleasure and casual desire. The song not only trivializes female representation frames lustful commentary as humour or style.

And who can forget the utterly crass moment where he shamelessly grabs Kajal Agarwal, a female cop, by the back in the film Jilla or the vulgar way in which he dances with Tamannah in Sura.

In Vijay’s film Rasigan, where he was first credited with the title “Ilayathalapathy,” and he sung the song “Bombay City” featured lyrics like, “Bombay City, dry bread, here comes a fair-skinned girl. If the red light comes here, the girl will tell good night. Just looking at her brings a fever, and naturally, an urge to pounce.” Later in another segment, “The girl, wrapped in a Kandaangi sari, is a perfect voluptuous women who is gotten caught by the Kangeyam bull.” The song was laced with double entendre and objectification, setting the tone for how women would be portrayed in many of his films that followed.

From the very beginning of his career, Vijay has consistently featured indecent depictions of women through suggestive lyrics and problematic themes.

Even in the realm of education, the difference is striking. When a lightman once brought his child to a film set, MGR noticed the boy wasn’t in school and asked why. Upon learning the family couldn’t afford education, MGR used his own money to establish a school ensuring that underprivileged children had access to learning. In stark contrast, Vijay’s CBSE school reportedly charges ₹1 lakh just for LKG admissions a figure that clearly puts it out of reach for economically weaker families.

Legacy: Living For The People vs. Leveraging Popularity

MGR remained connected to the public. His Ramavaram residence was always open, feeding thousands daily. His political image was not carefully curated it was earned through decades of consistent public service, personal sacrifice, and moral clarity.

Vijay, on the other hand, is attempting to package charisma and film fame into political capital, without any meaningful contribution to social welfare. His sudden shift from celebrity to aspiring leader is neither backed by ideology nor by public service only by convenience.

A Hollow Comparison

To compare Vijay to MGR is not only misleading it is a disservice to the legacy of one of Tamil Nadu’s most respected leaders. MGR built his identity on discipline, humility, and tireless work for the people. Vijay, at this point, appears to be emulating only the aesthetics of leadership costumes, fanfare, and slogans while lacking the essence.

If Vijay wishes to follow MGR’s path, it won’t be by invoking his name. It will require sacrifice, consistency, and an unshakable commitment to public service. Until then, such comparisons only expose the hollowness of political ambition built on borrowed greatness.

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Indian Liberals Baying For Bloody Revolution: Lucknow University Professor Dr Medusa Fantasizes And Legitimizes Violence In Leftist YouTuber’s Show

nepal protests bloody revolution violence meghnad medusa

In the comfortable echo chambers of India’s liberal commentariat, intellectual debates often mask a dangerous undercurrent. A recent podcast conversation, a cosy “co-therapy session” between two heavily left-leaning voices – Meghnad and Dr Medusa, has ripped away that mask, revealing a shocking and chilling comfort with political violence, bloody revolution, and the dismantling of the state.

To jog your memory – Meghnad S who contested from Delhi’s Malviya Nagar seat after Prime Minister Modi’s call for youth in politics, faced a humiliating defeat. He secured only 192 votes, finishing behind NOTA, which got 532. Despite over 80K YouTube subscribers, his political debut collapsed.

Dr Medusa, was seen accusing the central government and mainstream media of exploiting the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack for TRP. On 26 April 2025, Pakistani handle PtiPromo reshared her video. She questioned why no officials were held accountable and criticized intelligence failures, asking how such a major lapse occurred without the Home Minister’s knowledge.

Now let’s get back to the topic at hand.

The speakers, while discussing the violent protests in Nepal, didn’t just report on events; they openly theorized, justified, and even celebrated the use of extreme violence as a necessary and inevitable tool for political change. Their conversation is a damning indictment of a fringe mindset that bayes for blood in the name of revolution.

The “Necessity” Of Violence: A Core Belief

The most alarming takeaway is the hosts’ firm belief that non-violent, constitutional methods are futile against a system they deem oppressive. Medusa explicitly states, “I have never shied away from the fact that I like a good revolution… and when something like this happens. We can’t be naive enough to accept like a bloodless revolution hai na, woh to hoga violence.” 

She further goes on to quote someone she follows. She said, “When you have created a system and when you are part of the and you have contributed towards creating a system where the methods of retribution and justice have been reduced to the extremely inaccessible, they have been deliberately made inaccessible – for example a compromised judiciary or a corrupt judiciary, which was also the case in Nepal, but then judiciary was very good in Nepal judiciary was the only thing which was kept by the people. When you don’t have that, it is very easy to condemn violence it is very easy to say no no, it’s very wrong.”

This is the core argument and not a passing comment.

She draws a direct parallel to India’s freedom struggle, not to laud Mahatma Gandhi’s non-violence, but to valorize the path of Bhagat Singh and Chandrashekhar Azad. She said, “We had people like Bhagat Singh. We had people like Chandrashekhar Azad who were not who did not shy away from violence. We don’t ignore that the violence of the oppressed and the violence of the oppressor are two completely different things.”

This dangerous moral relativism seeks to create a justification for violence, painting it as a noble act when employed by those they deem “oppressed.”

Redefining Violence To Suit A Narrative

To build their case, the duo engage in semantic gymnastics, broadening the definition of “violence” to include systemic issues while downplaying actual physical harm. They argue that focusing only on bloodshed is myopic. Medusa said, “I want you to rethink the definition of violence. What we categorize as violence. We only look at violence, whether blood is being shed or fighting is happening, or vandalism is happening somewhere. That is violence… But then there is another form of systematic violence of using courts, using judiciary, using police, using all of these different using capitalism for God’s sake, to create this structure where there is no thriving for the majority. They are only surviving, okay, survival is just survival, there is no meaning in life.”

By equating judicial processes, economic systems, and political opposition with physical violence, they create a pretext where any retaliatory physical violence can be framed as a justified response. Medusa reads out some passage and passionately argues that when the state is violent, violent retribution is inevitable, “Humans will fight for sense and justice with the tools that they have in their hands. So if you are creating a world in which we have weapons, our weapons are in our hands, we don’t have to debate or for bribing or there is no other option for justice, then a person will do it in whatever way he understands, with the tools that he has in his hand, you talk about debate or you do that but if you have not given the marginalized oppress the platform to come and debate you. How has anything changed? You will say your point and leave. So, what other option does marginalized have?”

This is a clear, albeit intellectualized, call to arms. It suggests that if their voices are not dominant in the public sphere, then taking up physical “tools” is a legitimate next step.

Legitimising Violence

The duo went on to portray violence as inevitable and even desirable in any uprising saying, “…there has to be the requirement of this violent faction. I think it is not a matter of requirement, it is inevitable because in their society you will not be equal everywhere, everyone’s feelings and reactions will not be equal. So there will be a person, there will be a certain group of people who will be violent in nature.”

A Contempt for Democratic Processes

The podcast reveals a deep-seated contempt for India’s democratic institutions and processes. They mock MPs as “idiots” during a discussion on the Vice-Presidential election and speak glowingly of opposition spokespersons who engage in abusive, non-constructive debates on television, celebrating their “laughter” as a weapon.

Their solution isn’t to win elections or build persuasive arguments; it is to threaten the system itself. As one host says, drawing a bizarre analogy, “…forgiveness suits a cobra who has poison… forgiveness is simple… only if you are able and you are capable of causing some harm… a successful society does need both the actions.”

From Salon Discussions to Street Violence

This podcast is not merely an analysis of current events. While they cloak their arguments in academic terms like “systemic violence” and “oppressor-oppressed dynamics,” the underlying message is clear and simple: they believe bloodshed is not just inevitable but desirable for achieving their political goals. They speak of “burning the whole thing down” with an alarming casualness.

Simply put, this is sedition, an incitement to chaos. The call for a “bloodless revolution” has been abandoned. What remains is a baying for blood.

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PM Modi Congratulates Sushila Karki On Becoming Nepal’s First Woman Interim Prime Minister

Prime Minister Narendra Modi congratulated Sushila Karki on Saturday for taking office as the Prime Minister of Nepal’s interim government, stating that India is committed to the peace and prosperity of the Himalayan nation.

Sushila Karki, 73, was sworn in as Nepal’s interim Prime Minister late on Friday evening, thus becoming the first-ever woman PM of the Himalayan nation. Karki, also Nepal’s first woman Chief Justice, took the oath of office administered by President Ram Chandra Poudel, who held extensive consultations with leaders of the Gen-Z protests, constitutional experts, and the Army chief throughout the day.

In a post on X, PM Modi said, “I extend my best wishes to Right Hon. Mrs. Sushila Karki on assuming office as the Prime Minister of the Interim Government of Nepal. India remains firmly committed to the peace, progress and prosperity of the people of Nepal.”

Earlier in the day, India welcomed the formation of a new interim government in Nepal under the leadership of former Chief Justice Sushila Karki, expressing hope that the political transition would contribute to peace and stability. In a statement released by the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), it reiterated its commitment to strengthening ties with Kathmandu during this period of change.

“We welcome the formation of a new Interim Government in Nepal, led by Right Honourable Mrs Sushila Karki. We are hopeful that this would help in fostering peace and stability,” the MEA said.

The ministry added, “As a close neighbour, a fellow democracy and a long-term development partner, India will continue to work closely with Nepal for the well-being and prosperity of our two peoples and countries.” Following the fall of the K.P. Sharma Oli-led government during the violent Gen-Z protests on Monday, Karki was the pick of activists who have taken to the streets, protesting against Oli’s rule.

Discussions with Gen-Z protestors and other stakeholders were prolonged over the issue of dissolving the House of Representatives, the lower house, before the new Prime Minister is sworn in or after it. Gen-Z protestors agreed on Karki’s name, paving the way for her appointment as Prime Minister even though several non-political candidates were floated as alternatives. There is, however, no constitutional provision allowing anyone who is not a member of the House of Representatives to hold the post. Karki has been appointed under the “principle of necessity”.

According to Article 76 of Nepal’s Constitution, only a member of the House of Representatives can become Prime Minister. This criterion disqualifies Karki, as even members of the National Assembly, the upper house of Parliament, are barred from holding the post. Likewise, Article 132 (2) of the Constitution prevents her from becoming Prime Minister. It states that no person who has once held the office of Chief Justice or Judge of the Supreme Court shall be eligible for appointment to any government office, except as otherwise provided in the Constitution.

-IANS

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Homes Of ‘Love Jihad’ And Sexual Exploitation Accused Face Bulldozer Action In Bhopal

Bulldozer operations have started at the homes of the accused in a high-profile ‘love jihad’ and sexual exploitation case in Bhopal. The move targets the residences of Sahil and Saad (often referred to as Shamsuddin alias Saad) amid heavy police deployment.

The accused, Farhan, Sahil, Saad, and others, stand charged in a case involving alleged sexual assault, blackmail, and forced religious conversion of Hindu students at a private engineering college. Victims claim that some accused posed as Hindus, recorded obscene videos, and used them for extortion. The episode has drawn considerable public and legal scrutiny.

SDM Ravish Srivastava said, “We had received complaints regarding three individuals. The actions against two of them are now being processed by our team. The work is almost complete.” One prominent site of action is Club‑90, a restaurant alleged to have been used in the exploitation. The facility (or portions of it), particularly areas claimed to be illegally constructed, has come under demolition by bulldozers.

In addition, the city’s municipal authorities have reportedly cancelled the lease of the premises. Authorities stress that while bulldozer action is underway in some locations, the home of Farhan is reportedly not being targeted at this time. Meanwhile, a Special Investigation Team (SIT) formed earlier is continuing with gathering evidence and chasing the absconding accused. The case has stirred intense debate and protests in Bhopal. It raises questions about abuse of vulnerable young women, religious identity, and coercion, while administrative action seeks to demonstrate no tolerance for alleged criminal activity in educational institutions.

A complaint submitted to the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has unveiled chilling details about the exploitation of female students at a private engineering college in the city. As per the complaint, several female students were systematically lured into relationships under false pretenses. The accused allegedly misrepresented their religious identities during initial interactions, gaining the trust of the victims through prolonged emotional manipulation. Once trust was established, the girls were allegedly sexually assaulted. What followed was a pattern of blackmail and coercion, the accused reportedly recorded obscene videos of the victims, which were then used to threaten and silence them. The victims further alleged that they were subjected to pressure not only to remain silent but also to convert to Islam and undergo forced marriage ceremonies.

-IANS

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National Lok Adalat Held Across India To Fast-Track Legal Dispute Resolution

In a major push towards reducing the backlog of legal cases and providing speedy justice, National Lok Adalat is being held on Saturday across India. The one-day legal initiative, organised by legal services authorities in every state, is aimed at settling pending disputes, including millions of traffic challans, through amicable compromise and resolution.

Citizens with minor traffic violations such as over-speeding, riding without a helmet, not wearing a seatbelt, or lacking valid documents like a Pollution Under Control (PUC) certificate, can visit their local courts to resolve their cases. In many cases, individuals can avail significantly reduced fines or even complete waivers, depending on the severity and nature of the offence.

In the national Capital, the Delhi State Legal Services Authority (DSLSA) is conducting the Lok Adalat at the Delhi High Court, all district courts, Debt Recovery Tribunals, the Delhi State Consumer Disputes Redressal Commission, and Permanent Lok Adalats, from 10 A.M. to 4 P.M. According to DSLSA, the settlement of disputes through Lok Adalat ensures speedy disposal, amicable settlement, and refund of court fee paid. Award passed in Lok Adalat shall be final and binding on all the parties to the dispute and no appeals can be made to any court against the Award. Citizens in Delhi were also given the option to pre-register for traffic challan settlements through the official Delhi Traffic Police website, and are required to bring all relevant documents, including a copy of the e-challan and identity proof, when appearing in person.

Similar Lok Adalats are being conducted today by legal services authorities in other states, including Maharashtra, where sessions are being held in Mumbai and across multiple cities to resolve a wide range of civil, criminal (compoundable), consumer, and traffic-related cases.

National Lok Adalats, held four times a year, are part of a countrywide effort by the National Legal Services Authority (NALSA) to provide accessible, affordable, and efficient dispute resolution. The initiative is especially impactful for minor legal matters that would otherwise languish in courts for months or years. With legal authorities expecting millions of cases to be resolved today, the National Lok Adalat is once again proving to be an essential tool for decongesting India’s overburdened judicial system and promoting justice through reconciliation.

-IANS

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Judicial Overreach On Steroids: Why Chief Justice Gavai’s Call For Nationwide Firecracker Ban Is Elitist, Hypocritical, And Unconstitutional

In what can only be described as a severe case of breathtaking judicial overreach that ignores economics, federalism, and common sense, Chief Justice of India B.R. Gavai on Friday mused about imposing a nationwide ban on firecrackers. His reasoning? If Delhi’s “elite” deserve clean air, so should everyone else. This simplistic and dangerously uniform approach threatens to bulldoze a centuries-old cultural tradition and destroy the livelihoods of lakhs of Indians, all while failing to address the complex, regional nature of India’s air pollution crisis.

The Human Toll: A Livelihood Crisis In The Making

Behind every firecracker lies an industry that sustains entire communities. As of 2023, over 800,000 families in Sivakasi alone depend on fireworks for survival. Across India, the industry provides direct and indirect employment to over 500,000 families and sustains a business worth more than ₹6,000 crore annually.

Sivakasi, which produces 90% of India’s firecrackers, employs about 300,000 people directly and another 500,000 indirectly. Most are from economically vulnerable backgrounds; many are women earning about ₹500 per day for 10-hour shifts. They lack alternative job opportunities or transferable skills.

When CJI Gavai rhetorically asks “what about the poor who make their livelihood from this,” it rings hollow. His court’s own bans have already slashed demand—Delhi alone created a 20% shortage for Sivakasi manufacturers, leaving thousands unemployed. While the Chief Justice talks about equality in pollution, the reality is families face hunger and destitution.

Cultural Vandalism Disguised As Environmentalism

The Supreme Court’s interventions have all but crippled a vibrant sector worth ₹6,000 crore. This does not just affect manufacturers. The entire ecosystem of transporters, packaging suppliers, raw material providers, and retailers feels the shockwaves.

The losses ripple outward:

  • SMEs supporting the fireworks trade face closure.
  • Tamil Nadu alone collected about ₹40 million annually in nuisance tax from fireworks businesses.
  • Banks are staring at potential NPAs worth ₹16 billion if the industry collapses.

Far from eliminating firecrackers, bans only push the trade underground. In 2024, Delhi’s Chandni Chowk saw vendors openly selling through carts and covered shops, bypassing regulations. The result is a thriving parallel economy, proving judicial prohibition is both ineffective and counterproductive.

Economic Destruction Through Judicial Activism

The Supreme Court’s approach to the firecracker industry exemplifies the worst kind of judicial overreach – making policy decisions without considering economic consequences or constitutional limits. CJI Gavai’s court has effectively destroyed an entire sector worth ₹6,000 crore annually, affecting not just manufacturers but entire supply chains including transportation, packaging, raw materials, and retail sectors.

The ripple effects extend far beyond direct employment. Small and medium enterprises supporting the firecracker industry face closure, while related service sectors including hospitality and retail suffer massive losses. The government loses substantial revenue – Tamil Nadu alone collected ₹40 million annually through nuisance tax from fireworks businesses. Banks face potential NPAs worth ₹16 billion due to the industry’s collapse.

Most perversely, the court’s ban will push the trade underground. In 2024, in Delhi’s Chandni Chowk, vendors operated cart systems and covered shops, creating a parallel economy that the court’s orders cannot touch. This demonstrates the futility of judicial prohibition against deeply rooted cultural practices.

Constitutional Overreach And Democratic Deficit

Article 19(1)(g) of the Constitution guarantees every Indian the right to practice a profession or trade. The court has no authority to simply extinguish a legal industry. At most, it can impose licensing conditions or safety standards. As Justice S.A. Bobde remarked in 2019: “If the trade is legal and they have licence, how can you stop the trade?”

Today’s court has abandoned that wisdom. Instead of working with industry to create cleaner alternatives like green crackers or encouraging safer practices, it has chosen the blunt instrument of prohibition. This is policymaking by judges, not by Parliament or elected governments. It undermines democracy, federalism, and the principle of proportionality in law.

Elitism At Its Tone-Deaf Best

Ironically, in trying to strike at “elitism” in Delhi, the Court’s approach reeks of elitism itself. Sitting in air-conditioned courtrooms, judges imagine that banning firecrackers will cleanse India’s skies, while ignoring coal plants, factories, and trucks that poison the air every single day.

And what of tradition? For millions, fireworks are not mere entertainment; they are a luminous expression of faith, celebration, and cultural memory. This isn’t about defying science or denying pollution; it’s about asking whether judicial diktats should so easily override collective cultural practice without meaningful dialogue or democratic consent.

This is a tone-deaf, knee-jerk reaction that confuses symbolism for solution.

We will burst crackers in this country because that’s how we celebrate, and we’ve thousands of families dependent on it. And no amount of judicial activism can change that fundamental truth.

(With inputs from The Hindu)

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Tamil Nadu Government To Honour Ilaiyaraaja’s 50-Year Musical Legacy With Grand Celebration

The Tamil Nadu government will host a grand felicitation ceremony for legendary music composer Ilaiyaraaja on Saturday at the Nehru Indoor Stadium, celebrating his illustrious 50-year journey in the world of music. The event, titled ‘The Tamil Maestro Who Scaled the Heights of Symphony’, has been organised under the leadership of Chief Minister M.K. Stalin.

It was earlier announced by Chief Minister M.K. Stalin in March, following Ilaiyaraaja’s acclaimed symphony performance in London, which was widely hailed as a landmark in his career. The ceremony, scheduled to begin at 5.30 p.m., is expected to bring together the biggest names from Indian cinema.

Superstar Rajinikanth, actor-filmmaker Kamal Haasan, and several other prominent film personalities are set to participate in the golden jubilee celebrations, marking a rare occasion where stalwarts of different generations and industries come together on a single stage. Notably, the event will not be confined to Tamil cinema alone. Artists, directors, and producers from other major film industries, including Telugu, Malayalam, Kannada, and Hindi, are also expected to attend, highlighting Ilaiyaraaja’s unmatched contribution to Indian music across linguistic and cultural boundaries. The celebration will showcase not only his vast repertoire of film compositions but also his pioneering achievements in symphonic music.

Ilaiyaraaja, fondly known as “Isaignani” (musical genius), has composed over 7,000 songs and scored music for more than 1,000 films, influencing generations of musicians and music lovers alike. In a unique gesture, the Tamil Nadu government has arranged special transport facilities for international musicians who are participating in the jubilee event. A dedicated bus service has been organised to ferry these foreign artists, underscoring the global stature of Ilaiyaraaja’s music and the state’s commitment to honouring him in style. For Chennai, this evening promises to be a historic cultural gathering, a moment where music, cinema, and state recognition converge to celebrate the life and work of a man who has redefined the soundscape of Indian film music.

-IANS

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After Acquittal In 2006 Mumbai Train Blasts, Wahid Shaikh Seeks ₹9 Crore Compensation

2006 Mumbai Train Blasts compensation

Dr Wahid Deen Mohammad Shaikh, who was acquitted after spending nine years in prison in connection with the 2006 Mumbai train blasts, has filed a formal plea seeking ₹9 crore in compensation for the prolonged incarceration and its devastating impact on his life and family.

Shaikh has approached the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), Maharashtra State Human Rights Commission (MSHRC), and the National Minority Commission (NMC), asserting that the state owes him reparations for his unjust imprisonment and the emotional, physical, and financial toll it took.

The 2006 Mumbai serial train bombings involved coordinated explosions on seven local trains during peak hours, claiming 187 lives and injuring over 800 passengers. The case was investigated by Maharashtra’s Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS), which arrested 13 individuals, including Shaikh, under the Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act (MCOCA).

Following a prolonged legal battle, a special court acquitted Shaikh in 2015 due to lack of evidence, while sentencing the remaining 12 accused to either life imprisonment or death. However, in July this year, the Bombay High Court overturned those convictions as well, acquitting all the remaining co-accused.

Now 46, Shaikh recounted his traumatic experience, “I was only 28 when I was wrongly accused under MCOCA. I spent nine years in prison, suffering inhumane treatment, until I was finally cleared of all charges on 11 September 2015. Though I walked free, those lost years and the suffering my family endured can never be reclaimed.”

Shaikh detailed the personal and familial damage caused by his incarceration. He spoke of the physical abuse he suffered in custody, which led to lasting health problems including glaucoma and chronic pain. His father passed away while he was in jail, his mother’s mental health declined, and his wife struggled alone to raise their children, who faced social ostracism and stigma. Financially devastated, Shaikh continues to carry a debt of nearly ₹30 lakh.

“Those years took away my youth, my dignity, and my future,” he said. “My education and career were derailed. I now work as a school teacher, trying to rebuild my life while living with the burden of a false label.”

When asked why he delayed seeking compensation, Shaikh explained that out of moral responsibility, he chose to wait until the other accused still imprisoned were also acquitted. “I didn’t want to file for compensation while my co-accused were suffering harsher sentences. I feared it might worsen their condition. Now that we’ve all been acquitted, it’s clear the entire case was fabricated. Justice demands that I be compensated.”

In his submissions to the human rights and minority commissions, Shaikh has cited legal precedents where compensation was granted to victims of wrongful imprisonment, insisting that he is entitled to meaningful restitution.

“No amount of money can return what I’ve lost,” he said. “But compensation is a recognition of the injustice done to me and a step toward ensuring that innocent people are not subjected to similar suffering.”

The relevant commissions are expected to review and respond to Shaikh’s compensation petitions in the coming months.

(With inputs from India Today)

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How Dravidian Model Police Destroyed A Man’s Marriage And Livelihood

dravidian model police

On 11 September 2025, the Tamil Nadu State Human Rights Commission (SHRC) ordered a penalty of ₹1 lakh to be imposed on a sub-inspector and a constable for unlawfully detaining and physically assaulting a man from Donavur in 2018. The commission found that the victim, Joseph Selvakumar, had been wrongfully accused and mistreated by police officers despite having secured anticipatory bail in a separate case.

The officers, Sub-Inspector Immanuel and Constable Muthukumar, were attached to the Eruvadi police station at the time of the incident. SHRC member V. Kannadasan ruled that Selvakumar had successfully proved the allegations of police abuse both physical and psychological through the evidence presented and arguments made during the proceedings.

Selvakumar, who had been working in Saudi Arabia, had returned to his hometown in 2018 to get married. During the wedding preparations, a dispute erupted between painter Nelson hired by Selvakumar’s family and their neighbour, Jeba Thai. Following a complaint from the neighbour, Eruvadi police registered a case against both Nelson and Selvakumar. With his wedding approaching, Selvakumar obtained anticipatory bail from the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court, which required him to report to the police station daily.

According to the SHRC’s findings, Selvakumar was slapped by the constable on 24 August 2018, while reporting at the station. The officer reportedly questioned how he had dared to get anticipatory bail. The next day, both officers mocked his recent marriage. When Selvakumar attempted to record their conduct using his phone, they forcibly took the device and severely beat him with batons. They later arrested him based on a complaint from Anbarasi, the daughter-in-law of Jeba Thai, even though he was still within the station premises.

The commission noted inconsistencies in the complaint, including the misnaming of Anbarasi as Kalaiyarasi in the remand report and contradictions in her affidavit during cross-examination. Additionally, the police failed to submit CCTV footage as evidence, further weakening their case.

Given the gravity of the misconduct, the SHRC directed the state government to compensate Selvakumar with ₹1 lakh, to be recovered equally from the two accused officers (₹50,000 each). It also recommended disciplinary proceedings against both.

The incident had far-reaching consequences for Selvakumar. His wife left him after the episode, and he lost his overseas job because he couldn’t renew his passport due to the criminal charges filed against him.

(With inputs from The New Indian Express)

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DMK Town Panchayat President Arrested For Alleged Murder Of Activist In Tiruppur District

dmk town panchayat president tiruppur

On 11 September 2025, police arrested the president of the Samalapuram Town Panchayat in Tiruppur district, affiliated with the DMK, on suspicion of deliberately killing a local activist by ramming his car into the victim’s two-wheeler.

According to police reports, the Town Panchayat president, identified as 60-year-old Vinayagam Palanisamy, allegedly struck down 57-year-old social activist Palanisamy from Karugampalayam. The incident occurred on the evening of 10 September near the Karugampalayam Government Primary School, along the Samalapuram-Karnampettai Road. The activist, who was riding a two-wheeler, was hit from behind by a car, thrown off the vehicle, and died at the scene.

Initially treated as a traffic accident, the case took a turn during the investigation led by the Mangalam police, who traced the vehicle involved to the Town Panchayat president. Further inquiries revealed a possible motive: the activist had previously submitted a petition to the Tiruppur District Collector, criticizing a local road project initiated by the Town Panchayat. Following the complaint, the project was suspended, allegedly causing friction between the two.

Police now suspect that the Panchayat president, reportedly under the influence of alcohol at the time, intentionally targeted the activist in retaliation for halting the road work. The investigation remains ongoing.

In response to the incident, Tamil Nadu BJP president Nainar Nagendran condemned the event via his official X account stating, “The news that DMK town panchayat president, Palanisamy, ran over and killed a social activist in Tiruppur for complaining against the laying of a tar road in a place that is not useful to the public is very shocking. If the mistakes of the Dravidian model government are pointed out, will death be the reward? Does the single identity of being a ‘DMK person’ and the power of office give one the right to take a life? When such crimes come to light, arrests are made only for the sake of eyewash, but they continue like the ‘Kannithivu’ serial. DMK members should be ashamed to boast about ‘good governance praised by the country’ after making people’s lives hell for four years and taking the lives of those who raise their voices against it!” 

(With inputs from The Hindu)

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