In a stunning revelation, BJP Lok Sabha MP Nishikant Dubey levelled serious allegations against Trinamool MP Mahua Moitra saying she took cash and gifts from businessman Darshan Hiranandani to ask specific questions in the Parliament.
Based on a letter written to him by one advocate Jai Anant Dehadrai, Nishikant Dubey revealed that 50 out of 61 questions raised by TMC MP Mahua Moitra were allegedly aimed to protect and promote one company, focused on Hiranandani’s rival business conglomerates like the Adani Group.
Here are some of the questions that the TMC MP allegedly asked on behalf of the Hiranandani Group.
The first question asked by Mahua Moitra in Parliament was in July 2019 regarding Paradip Port which had targeted the MoU between Adani, GAIL, and IOC-H-Energy. It was alleged that a Hiranandani group company was an interested party as it won a bid for the Paradip natural gas pipeline. [PDF of the question]
In her inquiry directed to the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas, Moitra requested clarification on the events surrounding the Gas Authority of India Limited (GAIL) initially entering into a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Paradip Port Trust for a gas terminal, a project that was ultimately abandoned in 2015. Additionally, she inquired about the details of GAIL and the Indian Oil Corporation Limited (IOC) teaming up with a private entity to secure shares in Dhamra Port, which incurred considerably higher costs compared to the Paradip Port initiative.
The ministry communicated to GAIL that they had conducted a feasibility study back in 2012 with the aim of establishing an FSRU (Floating Storage and Regasification Unit) project on the eastern coast of India. During this study, two potential locations near Dhamra Port and Paradip Port were identified as suitable options. In 2013, an MoU was formally executed with Paradip Port Trust. However, by 2015, it was determined that having two competing LNG terminals in such close proximity would not be financially viable. In 2016, a non-binding MoU was inked involving Adani Petroleum Terminal, Dhamra LNG Terminal, IOCL, and GAIL. It’s important to note that this MoU lapsed in 2018 and did not require any capital expenditure from GAIL and IOCL.
In November 2019, the firebrand MP of TMC asked a question about the service quality of telecom service providers. What must be taken into note is that a Hiranandani company named Yotta hired a Jio executive a day after the question was raised. [PDF of the question]
In her inquiry, she requested the ministry to furnish statistics related to the quality of services provided by Telecom Service Providers (TSPs) in India. Specifically, she sought this data for the preceding three years, categorized by state, Union Territory (UT), and TSP. She also inquired about historical records concerning call drop rates and the proportion of calls with satisfactory voice quality, categorized by both TSP and location.
The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) has been overseeing telecom service providers by enforcing Quality of Service regulations. They now evaluate the performance of Cellular Mobile Services collectively for a given License Service Area. The ministry has supplied comprehensive statistical information for the past three years.
Again in November 2019, during the winter session, Moitra asked a question regarding the handling capacity of Kolkata Port Trust. At the same time, the Hiranadani group had entered into a MoU with KPT, and therefore, it was an interested party in the matter. [PDF of the question]
She submitted a request to the Ministry of Shipping for a breakdown of the cargo volume and revenue generated by Kolkata Port Trust (KPT), categorized according to the type of cargo. Additionally, she inquired about the strategies that KPT had already implemented or planned to promote the development of the port along the Hooghly waterfront.
In response, the ministry provided information on the revenue and clarified that the conservancy jurisdiction of the Kolkata Port Trust extends up to 45.7 meters from the high-water mark during Spring Tide, although not all of this area is under the ownership of the port trust. The port trust has also established facilities in Haldia, Salukkhali, and Howrah, and it encourages private entities to utilize their riverfront land for shipbreaking activities in Kulpi.
Other questions Moitra asked allegedly Hiranandani Group are…
December 2019, she asked the Ministry of Home Affairs about the check posts alongside the India-Bangladesh border. Hiranandani Group has a significant investment in Bangladesh, making the group an alleged beneficiary in the query. [PDF of the question]
In December 2019, she raised a question regarding the agreement between a private entity, Paradip Port, and GAIL. She questioned if the CVC guidelines were followed for the tendering process and the allegations were repeated in the infamous Hindenburg report. Furthermore, the Hirandani Group has been trying to connect ports on the east coast with Bangladesh. The presence of Adani Group, the private entity, in the area hinders Hiranandani’s plans. [PDF of the question]
In March 2020, Moitra asked another question regarding Kolkata Port Trust while Hiranandani Group has an agreement with the KPT. [PDF of the question]
In February 2021, Moitra asked a question about the progress and 5G readiness in the country. Again, Hiranandani Group’s company Yotta had applied for a Global Mobile Personal Communications by Satellite license, making it an alleged direct beneficiary of the question. [PDF of the question]
In February 2021, the former Goldman Sachs employee asked a question wherein she asked the Ministry of Environment, Forest, and Climate Change about the proposed energy codes that directly impacted the construction business of the Hiranandani Group. [PDF of the question]
In July 2021, she again asked the Ministry of Finance about the Foreign Portfolio Investors (FPIs) holding stakes in Adani Group companies. That led to the SEBI investigation against the Adani Group and it has been alleged that the questions were asked at the behest of the Hiranandani Group. [PDF of the question]
In July 2021, again Moitra asked a question asking the Minister of New and Renewable Energy about the tenders of the Solar Energy Corporation. Again the question was aimed to benefit Hiranandani Group’s company, Yotta, to power data centers through renewable energy in 2020. [PDF of the question]
In July 2021, Moitra asked the Ministry of Steel about the steps taken by the government to control the prices of steel in the country. This time it has been alleged that it was for the benefit of the Hiranandani Group’s real estate business which wanted a lower steel price. [PDF of the question]
In August 2021, a question was asked by the TMC MP to the Ministry of External Affairs for information on IOC, GAIL, and H-Energy gas pipelines from West Bengal to Bangladesh. Again the Hiranandani Group conglomerate, H-Energy, was an interested party in the pipeline. [PDF of the question]
In August 2021, Moitra asked the Ministry of Civil Aviation about allocating airports to the Adani Group. Again the Hiranandani Group was also interested in airports. [PDF of the question]
As a member of Parliament, Mahua Moitra enjoys a lot of power and has the right to ask questions to the government which is important for a good democracy. However, it has now been alleged that she used her position as an MP to undermine the Adani Group in favor of the Hiranandani Group and in return she received many inducements.
(With inputs from OpIndia)
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