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JD Vance Throwing His Own Wife Under The Bus Denying Her Hindu Identity And Forcing Her To Convert To Christianity Shows His True Character

The truest test of character isn’t how a candidate speaks to a crowd, but what they are willing to betray for its approval. J.D. Vance has failed that test profoundly, offering up his own wife’s dignity as a pawn in his political game.

At a recent campaign event, the U.S. Vice Presidential candidate sparked outrage when he said he hopes his wife, Usha, will “eventually” embrace Christianity. The remark, delivered casually to supporters, wasn’t just a personal confession; it was a calculated nod to the Christian nationalist base that forms the core of the MAGA movement.

It’s the same base that mocked and vilified Usha Vance, a practicing Hindu, as soon as her husband became Donald Trump’s running mate. Online trolls branded her a “demon worshipper,” and instead of condemning the bigotry, Vance chose silence. He didn’t defend her faith or call out the ugliness. He waited it out. And now, months later, he’s publicly reframing her as someone on the path to conversion – someone he “hopes” will eventually accept the Christian gospel.

That isn’t love, that many claim to be. It is plain political self-preservation dressed up as faith.

What makes it worse is that Usha Vance has always spoken openly and gracefully about her Hindu upbringing. In a 2024 interview, sitting right beside her husband, she talked about how she grew up in a devout religious household and credited her parents’ Hindu faith for shaping their goodness and values. “It’s one of the things that made them such good parents,” she said.

JD himself, in that same conversation, admitted that his wife “was not raised Christian; she is not Christian,” and praised her for supporting his own baptism. But as the campaign trail intensified, so did the need to sanitize their interfaith marriage for a voter base that views non-Christian identity with suspicion. Suddenly, Usha was no longer described as a practicing Hindu, just a supportive spouse who “comes to church” and might someday be “moved by the gospel.”

This transformation isn’t exactly spiritual; it is just sheer political opportunism by JD Vance.

Nothing exposes a man’s moral backbone like how he reacts when his own family is unfairly targeted. And JD Vance’s reaction – silence, followed by subtle erasure is moral bankruptcy disguised as devotion. His wife’s faith became a liability, so he edited it out. He didn’t stand beside her when she was mocked. Now, he’s trying to overwrite her identity altogether.

Leadership isn’t tested in campaign speeches; it’s revealed in these moments of quiet cowardice. When trolls attack your wife’s faith and you respond not with defense but with appeasement, you reveal what kind of man you are. And when you start reshaping your family’s truth to fit the expectations of an intolerant crowd, you show exactly how far you’ll go for power.

“We decided to raise our children Christian,” Vance said at the rally. But that decision, framed as mutual, feels less like family harmony and more like political calculus.

In an interview to NDTV during their visit to India, Usha is heard talking about her children’s curiosity in history, “Well, right now, as I mentioned, they’re very into military history. So, there are a lot of questions about that. Um, but my children are also this is maybe not specific to the Taj Mahal, but they’re very interested in the Mahabharatha and the Ramayana and stories like that. So, they have lots of questions about that and they’re always looking for references everywhere they go.”

JD Vance is just pandering to the MAGA base, now indistinguishable from the alt-right Groypers by throwing his wife and children under the ideological bus.

If one can’t defend the dignity of the woman who built her life with you, how will they ever defend the dignity of a nation? Silence in the face of hate isn’t neutrality, it’s complicity. And rewriting one’s own wife’s faith to please a mob is not leadership. It’s surrender.

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The Truth About Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel And RSS Ban

Archival government documents and public statements from 1949 confirm that the ban imposed on the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) following Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination was lifted unconditionally in July 1949. The decision came after months of communication between the Government of India, led by Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, and the RSS leadership under M.S. Golwalkar.

Imposition and Withdrawal of Ban

The RSS was banned in February 1948, shortly after Gandhi’s assassination, amid allegations that its members had fostered an atmosphere of communal hatred. Following sustained public agitation and legal representations, negotiations were initiated in mid-1949 to review the ban.

On 11 July 1949, the Government of India released an official communiqué announcing the withdrawal of the ban. The press note cited “discussions between Sardar Patel and the RSS leaders” and outlined four expectations from the organization:

  • The RSS would function under a written and published constitution.
  • Its activities would be confined to the cultural sphere.
  • It would renounce violence and secrecy.
  • It would pledge loyalty to the Indian Constitution and National Flag.

The statement clarified that RSS chief M.S. Golwalkar had submitted a draft constitution incorporating the government’s suggestions, providing assurances that convinced the authorities to allow it to resume functioning.

Mediator’s Role: T.R.V. Shastri

T.R.V. Shastri, a respected lawyer and mediator, played a crucial role in the early dialogue between the government and the RSS. In a statement published in The Hindu on 13 July 1949, Shastri explained that he had initially drafted the RSS constitution at Golwalkar’s request and acted as intermediary during negotiations. However, the government later insisted that Golwalkar correspond directly through the provincial administration of CP and Berar.

Shastri defended the RSS against certain government criticisms, including objections to the lifetime tenure of the Sarsanghchalak and the participation of minors, describing these as practices within the norms of private voluntary organizations.

Golwalkar’s Statements After the Ban

On 22 July 1949, soon after the ban’s withdrawal, Golwalkar addressed a press conference in Madras. When asked whether the RSS had made any compromises, he replied: “We have given up nothing that is fundamental to us. People may call it clarification.”

He reiterated that formalizing the Sangh’s constitution merely put into writing what had always been its guiding principles.

Addressing a public meeting in Nagpur on 1 August 1949, Golwalkar reaffirmed: “No compromise has been made. No promise of any kind has been given to the government.”
He added that agreeing to draft a constitution was done “out of respect” for T.R.V. Shastri rather than as a concession to government conditions.

Official Confirmation of Unconditional Revocation

The unconditional nature of the government’s action was officially affirmed in the Bombay Legislative Assembly on 14 October 1949. During the session, MLA Lallubhai Makanji Patel questioned the Home Department on the matter. The official replies, recorded in the Assembly proceedings, were as follows:

(a) Was the ban lifted? Yes.
(b) What were the reasons? It was no longer considered necessary to continue it.
(c) Was it conditional or unconditional? Unconditional.
(d) If conditional, what were the conditions? Does not arise.
(e) Did the RSS leader give any undertaking? No.

This record conclusively established that the lifting of the ban carried no formal conditions or undertakings from the RSS.

Correspondence Between Patel and Shastri

In a letter dated July 16, 1949, Patel wrote to T.R. Venkatarama Shastri expressing satisfaction at the outcome, stating he had been “keen to remove the ban at the earliest opportunity.” Patel reiterated his earlier advice to the RSS that if it felt Congress was “on the wrong path,” it should attempt reform “from within.”

The exchange demonstrated Patel’s preference for reconciliation and reintegration over confrontation.

Aftermath and Broader Context

Following the lifting of the ban, Golwalkar resumed public activity and launched an extensive nationwide tour beginning in August 1949. His massive reception in Delhi on August 23 was reported internationally, including by the BBC, which remarked that “Golwalkar is a shining star that has arisen on the Indian firmament.”

Subsequent records published in the Collected Correspondence of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Volume 10 (July 1949), confirm Patel’s personal satisfaction at the decision, writing: “Only the people near me know how happy I was when the ban on the Sangh was lifted.”

Conclusion

The full documentary record including government communiqués, Assembly proceedings, press statements, and private letters establishes that the lifting of the RSS ban in 1949 was unconditional.

Sardar Patel’s correspondence and official testimonies confirm that the decision was driven by the government’s assessment that continuing the ban was unnecessary and counterproductive.

(Source: Arise Bharat)

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Cricketer Jemimah Rodrigues, Whose Gymkhana Membership Was Revoked Over Father’s Alleged Religious Activities, Leads India To Historic Win Against Australia

Cricketer Jemimah Rodrigues, Whose Gymkhana Membership Was Revoked Over Father’s Alleged Religious Activities, Leads India To Historic Win Against Australia

In one of the most memorable nights in Indian cricket history, India’s Jemimah Rodrigues produced a career-defining innings at the DY Patil Stadium in Navi Mumbai on Thursday, leading India to a stunning victory over seven-time world champions Australia and securing a spot in the Women’s World Cup final.

Rodrigues’ unbeaten 127 off 116 balls powered India to a record-breaking chase of 339 – the highest successful pursuit in Women’s ODI history and handed Australia a shock exit from the tournament. The knock, widely described as the “innings of a lifetime,” came after the right-hander was dropped twice by the Australians, once on 82 by skipper Alyssa Healy and again on 106 by Tahlia McGrath.

Australia, who were heavy favourites to lift their eighth title, were left stunned by a determined Indian side that recovered from early setbacks to chase down the massive total with nine balls to spare.

Australian Media Reacts: ‘Un-Australian’ Display, ‘Miracle Chase’

The reaction in Australia was one of disbelief. Healy called her team’s performance “un-Australian” and admitted they had “let ourselves down.” The Sydney Morning Herald termed it a “sloppy display,” while Channel Nine described the loss as a “blunder that haunts skipper.”

The Australian wrote that the side had “blown their World Cup shot,” while ABC News called India’s triumph a “miracle semifinal run chase.” Fox Cricket highlighted the defining moment – Healy’s dropped catch calling it a “massive” mistake in the “innings of a lifetime.”

Despite disappointment, Australian outlets acknowledged the scale of India’s achievement, with The Roar describing the chase as “epic” and The Australian calling it a “stunner.”

Jemimah’s Journey and Past Controversy

Jemimah Rodrigues’ performance has reignited conversations around her rise in Indian cricket and the controversies that once overshadowed her off-field life.

In October 2024, Mumbai’s Khar Gymkhana, one of the city’s oldest and most prestigious clubs, revoked Rodrigues’ honorary membership after allegations surfaced that her father, Ivan Rodrigues, had used the club’s premises for religious gatherings linked to Brother Manuel Ministries, a Christian evangelical organization.

According to club officials, Ivan Rodrigues had booked the banquet hall multiple times between March 2023 and November 2024, allegedly hosting around 35 events that members described as “conversion-oriented.” Committee member Shiv Malhotra stated that such activities violated the club’s Rule 4A, which prohibits any religious events to maintain a secular ethos.

Khar Gymkhana president Vivek Devnani, however, claimed the allegations were politically motivated, citing upcoming club elections and lack of conclusive evidence.

The decision to revoke Jemimah’s honorary membership granted in March 2023 when she became the first female cricketer to receive it, sparked debate about whether she was unfairly penalized for her father’s actions.

Old Video Resurfaces

Amid the controversy, an old video of a teenage Jemimah resurfaced online, showing her at a Christian event expressing gratitude to God for her cricket success. The clip, reportedly from 2015, showed her collapsing to the ground in what appeared to be an evangelical gathering.

The video circulated widely on social media following reports of her father’s association with Brother Manuel Ministries. Posts from the ministry’s official pages showed multiple events at Khar Gymkhana in 2023, with some featuring images of Jemimah present at the venue.

Redemption Through Performance

Thursday night’s innings has now rewritten the narrative around Jemimah Rodrigues. From being a promising young cricketer once caught in an off-field controversy, she has now become the face of Indian women’s cricket’s most significant triumph.

Her 127* not only sealed India’s place in the World Cup final but also marked a defining chapter in her career – one that may finally shift focus from her past to her extraordinary talent on the field.

(Source: Hindustan Times)

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Indian-Origin Businessman Beaten To Death In Edmonton; Multiple Killings Reported Across Canada Within A Year

Indian-Origin Businessman Beaten To Death In Edmonton; Multiple Killings Reported Across Canada Within A Year

A 55-year-old Canadian-Indian businessman, Arvi Singh Sagoo, died after being brutally attacked by a stranger in Edmonton, Canada. The assault took place on 19 October 2025, after Sagoo confronted a man urinating on his vehicle. According to Global News, Sagoo had gone out for dinner with his girlfriend that night. When they returned to their car early the next morning, they found a man relieving himself on it. When Sagoo asked him to stop, the man reportedly replied, “Whatever I want,” and struck him hard on the head.

Sagoo collapsed and lost consciousness on the spot. His girlfriend immediately called 911, and paramedics arrived within minutes. He was rushed to a hospital and placed on life support but succumbed to his injuries on 24 October. Police later identified the assailant as 40-year-old Kyle Papin, who was arrested and charged with aggravated assault. Investigators confirmed that Papin did not know Sagoo and that the attack appeared random and unprovoked.

Following the tragedy, one of Sagoo’s close friends, Vincent Ram, launched a fundraiser to support Sagoo’s two children. The campaign stated that the funds would help with funeral costs, daily needs, and education. “This isn’t just about financial help,” the post read. “It’s about showing that the community stands with them as they face life without their father.”

The incident comes amid growing concern over the safety of Indian-origin residents in Canada, as several violent attacks and murders have occurred in recent months.

Another Indian-origin businessman murdered

Days before Sagoo’s death, another Indian-origin businessman, 68-year-old Darshan Singh Sahsi, was shot dead on 27 October 2025 outside his home in Abbotsford, British Columbia. The Lawrence Bishnoi gang later claimed responsibility for the killing. CCTV footage showed a masked gunman emerging from a silver sedan, firing multiple shots into Sahsi’s pickup truck, and fleeing within seconds. Sahsi was found critically injured and later died of his wounds.

Gang member Goldy Dhillon admitted that the Ludhiana-born businessman was targeted because he allegedly refused to pay extortion money related to drug trade operations. Sahsi, who moved to Canada in 1991, had built a successful business, Canam International, after reviving a struggling textile recycling unit.

Punjabi singer shot in gang attack

Earlier in October 2025, Punjabi singer Teji Kahlon was shot in the stomach in Canada. Three men claiming affiliation with gangster Rohit Godara uploaded a video confessing to the shooting. In the video, they accused Kahlon of supplying weapons and conspiring against their gang, warning that they would “finish him” if he did not stop.

Indian student killed in crossfire

On 17 April 2025, 21-year-old Mohawk College student Harsimrat Randhawa was shot dead at a bus stop in Ontario. She was an innocent bystander caught in a gunfight between two vehicles — a black Mercedes SUV and a white car. Randhawa was struck in the chest and died on the spot despite the efforts of paramedics. Her death shocked the Indian student community and reignited concerns about public safety.

Security guard shot dead in Edmonton

In December 2024, 20-year-old Indian student Harshandeep Singh was murdered while working as a security guard in Edmonton. CCTV footage showed three individuals harassing and pushing him down a stairwell before one of them shot him from behind. Singh died at the scene. Police arrested two suspects and charged them with first-degree murder.

Student stabbed to death in Ontario

Another victim, 22-year-old Gurasis Singh, was stabbed to death on 1 December 2024 inside his rented apartment in Sarnia, Ontario. Singh had been in Canada for just four months pursuing higher education. The suspect, 36-year-old Crossley Hunter, was charged with second-degree murder. While police said the incident followed a dispute with a neighbour, Singh’s father alleged his son was attacked while asleep.

Sharp rise in hate crimes against Indians

These consecutive attacks reflect an alarming rise in violence and hate crimes against Indian-origin individuals in Canada and across the world. A study by the London-based Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) reported a 227% increase in hate crimes targeting South Asians between 2019 and 2023. Online anti-Indian hate speech rose by 1,350% over the same period, with over 26,600 social media posts using slurs such as “pajeet” between May 2023 and April 2025.

The ISD study also found that far-right groups like Diagolon. led by extremist Jeremy MacKenzie have played a major role in spreading anti-Indian narratives online, often using satire or “jokes” to mask racist content. During the lead-up to Canada’s 2025 federal election, over 2,300 posts promoting anti-South Asian hate were shared, generating 1.2 million engagements.

Experts warn that this surge in online hate has directly translated into real-world violence, deepening the sense of fear among Indian immigrants and students living in Canada.

(Source: OpIndia)

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“Arrival Of Christianity In Kerala Precedes Vedic Practices”: The Hindu Journo Varghese K George Speaks Like A Christian Missionary, But Parashurama’s Land Is Older Than His Paramapitha’s History

A senior journalist with The Hindu, Varghese K George, has stirred fresh controversy with a social media thread that reads more like a sermon than a sober rejoinder. Responding to criticism of his recent column on the Indian diaspora, George made a sweeping claim that “the arrival of Christianity in Kerala precedes the arrival of Vedic practices and ideas,” adding that Christianity is “less foreign” to India than Hinduism is to the West.

His statement came after backlash to his article titled “India’s Diaspora diplomacy and the limits of cultural nationalism abroad” where he argued that the display of Hindu cultural practices such as Ganesh visarjan (immersion) or Deepavali fireworks in countries like Canada, the US, and Australia risked crossing “limits of acceptable public behaviour.” He suggested that the Indian diaspora’s growing cultural assertiveness was colliding with “heightened nationalism” and “fear of foreign interference” in the West.

But when confronted by readers who saw his piece as one-sided and subtly anti-Hindu, George deflected with an extraordinary historical assertion about the supposed precedence of Christianity over Vedic traditions in Kerala.

“In Kerala,” he wrote, “the arrival of Christianity precedes the arrival of Vedic practices and ideas… To the extent that any idea, faith or ideology can be ‘foreign’ to any place, Christianity in Kerala is less ‘foreign’ than Vedic religion in Kerala.”

Such a statement would sound familiar to anyone versed in missionary rhetoric from the colonial era – the very line once used by European proselytizers to claim antiquity and legitimacy for imported faiths in the subcontinent. George’s framing not only dismisses well-established archaeological and textual evidence of pre-Christian Vedic and Dravidian cultural presence in the region, but also recycles the long-debunked “St. Thomas in India” narrative used to lend ancient roots to Christianity on Indian soil.

Hinduism In Kerala Is Older Than His Imported Religion

Varghese K. George’s claim that “the arrival of Christianity in Kerala precedes the arrival of Vedic practices and ideas” isn’t just historically untenable — it’s an echo of missionary propaganda that scholars discredited decades ago. Such assertions aren’t history; they’re theology masquerading as journalism.

Long before the first missionary ships from Rome or Syria touched India’s western coast, Kerala had already absorbed centuries of Vedic thought, ritual, and philosophy. The state’s cultural and spiritual landscape — its temple architecture, oral recitations, and priestly lineages — are steeped in a continuity that traces back to the earliest strata of Indian civilization.

Let’s begin with the foundation myth of the land itself. Kerala, according to tradition, was reclaimed from the sea by Parashurama, the sixth avatar of Vishnu. He hurled his axe from Gokarna southward, commanding the ocean to retreat, thus creating the fertile strip we know today as Kerala — Bhargava Kshetram, the Land of Parashurama. This isn’t merely legend; it’s a civilizational charter. It explains why Kerala’s very geography, temple layout, and social institutions  are tied to Vedic cosmology and ritual systems.

Long before any cross or chalice appeared on the Malabar coast, Kerala’s spiritual soil was rich with Hindu syncretism. The worship of Bhagavathi (the Mother Goddess), Ayyappa (the celibate warrior-deity of Sabarimala), Kuttichathan, Serpent gods (Nāga Devatas), and Kandanar Kelan blended seamlessly with the Vedic fire sacrifices and temple rituals introduced by the Namboothiri Brahmins. The Theyyam performances of North Kerala, where gods and ancestors descend to dance among the people, draw directly from this indigenous spiritual continuum — not from imported creeds or colonial catechisms.

Vedic learning thrived here centuries before the supposed arrival of St. Thomas. The Śrauta yajnas performed by Namboothiri priests in villages like Panjal are not re-enactments — they are living fossils of rituals described in the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa. The Vedic Manuscripts in Kerala study records how ancient methods of oral transmission have survived “from very ancient days” preserving the ṛg, yajus, and sāma chants in pristine form.

Even modern scholars acknowledge that Kerala’s Hinduism is an intricate blend of Vedic Brahmanism and nature worship belief systems — a synthesis that long predates Christian contact.

By contrast, the tale of Christianity’s origin in Kerala — the legend of St. Thomas arriving in AD 52 — is, at best, tradition, not verified history. The Kerala Tourism department itself concedes that “the visit of St. Thomas is still a matter of dispute among historians.” Even Encyclopaedia Britannica terms it “a matter of tradition.” No archaeological trace, no contemporary record, and no textual mention supports the claim of a first-century Christian presence. It survives because it flatters the colonial ego — the same way some Indian elites today flatter Western narratives to appear “liberal” and “objective.”

So when George tweets that Christianity is “less foreign” to Kerala than Vedic religion, he isn’t offering history — he’s delivering a sermon. The statement is theological, not factual; ideological, not analytical. It’s the familiar trope of Christian exceptionalism disguised as secular rationality — the colonial impulse to declare the native faith as alien and the imported one as indigenous.

If his logic were applied globally, we’d have to call Islam “less foreign” to Spain than Catholicism, or claim that the British monarchy predates Stonehenge. Such historical gymnastics belong not in journalism, but in pulp theology.

Kerala’s cultural memory tells a different story — one sung in the chants of Soma Yajnas, painted in the Theyyams, and carved in the granite sanctums of Bhagavathi temples. It’s a land where every grove, river, and shrine still whispers Vedic rhythm. The soul of Kerala wasn’t baptized — it was born of fire, mantra, and myth.

In trying to “decolonize” Hindus abroad, Varghese K. George has instead revealed how thoroughly colonized his own mind remains.

Drop The Pen And Wear A White Frock

Ironically, while George’s original article warned about “Indian cultural nationalism” spreading abroad, his own argument now reveals the unmistakable tone of Christian cultural nationalism – one that subtly delegitimizes Hinduism’s roots while positioning Christianity as a “native” Indian tradition.

A Hindu asserting that Vedic ideas preceded Christianity would be instantly branded “chauvinist,” yet a journalist in a mainstream national daily can claim the reverse without scrutiny. The outrage over his remarks has intensified not just because of the historical inaccuracy but because it exposes the ideological bias of a section of Indian media elites who routinely deride Hindu cultural expression as “exhibitionism” but romanticize Abrahamic proselytization as “universal” or “humanist.”

By reducing Hindu practices abroad to a “foreign interference” problem and elevating Christianity as indigenous, George inadvertently reinforces exactly what many accuse the Westernized Indian media of doing – echoing colonial tropes about Hinduism being alien, oppressive, or backward while framing Christianity as civilizationally benign.

If The Hindu journalist’s goal was to appear “objective,” his thread achieved the opposite. The claim that Christianity is “less foreign” than the Vedic religion in Kerala may win applause among missionary historians, but it is tone-deaf and factually unsound, especially coming from someone who positions himself as a journalist.

For a publication that claims to write with ‘rationality and secularism’, George’s pronouncements have crossed into theological apologetics. His remarks sound less like historical analysis and more like a carefully coded defense of Christian exceptionalism – the very ideology that once justified colonial conquest.

In trying to lecture Indian Hindus about “acceptable public behaviour” and “foreign interference,” Varghese K George has instead revealed how deeply colonial categories still shape the Indian English media’s moral compass.

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JD Vance Once Praised Wife Usha Vance’s Hindu Upbringing, Now Says He Hopes She Converts

At a recent campaign event, U.S. Vice Presidential candidate J.D. Vance drew attention for comments about his wife Usha’s faith, saying he hopes she will “eventually” embrace Christianity. His remarks, made while addressing a crowd of supporters, have sparked debate over his views on interfaith marriage and religious tolerance.

Responding to a question from an audience member about his Hindu wife and their interfaith household, Vance said his family had agreed to raise their children as Christians. He described Usha as his “best friend,” saying they talk openly about faith and family life. “Most Sundays, Usha will come with me to church,” Vance said. “Do I hope eventually that she is somehow moved by the same thing that I was moved by in church? Yeah, I honestly do wish that because I believe in the Christian gospel and I hope eventually my wife comes to see it the same way.”

Vance added that he respects his wife’s free will and that their arrangement “works out” because “one of the most important Christian principles is that you respect free will.” He also shared that their two eldest children attend a Christian school and that their eight-year-old son had recently completed his first communion.

Usha Vance’s Previous Remarks on Her Hindu Roots

The candidate’s public hope for his wife’s conversion contrasts with Usha Vance’s own comments about her family’s faith made just months earlier. In a June 2024 interview with Fox News, they discussed each other’s faith.

JD Vance said, “I had never been baptized. You know I was raised Christian and I had never been baptized. I was baptized the first time in 2018, I think. Usha was not raised Christian; she is not Christian. I remember when I started to read and engage with my own faith, Usha was very supportive.”

When asked why she was supportive, Usha spoke positively of the Hindu beliefs she was raised with. “There are a few different reasons. One is I did grow up in a religious household.” 

She said that she believes her parents‘ Hindu faith is “one of the things that made them such good parents, that make them really very good people.”

Speaking about her husband’s journey to Catholicism, she framed it as a personal path that was right for him, recalling, “I knew that JD was searching for something. This just felt right for him.” Her remarks focused on his spiritual quest rather than any commentary on her own religious identity.

When asked how they merged two different faiths while raising their children, Usha said, “There are a lot of things that we just agree on, especially when it comes to family life, how to raise our kids and so I think the answer really is we just talk a lot.”

Vance has frequently credited Usha for shaping his outlook and career, describing her as his “spirit guide” during their time as classmates at Yale Law School. In a 2022 interview with The New York Times, he said, “She instinctively understood the questions I didn’t even know to ask and she always encouraged me to seek opportunities that I didn’t know existed.”

(Source: Yahoo News)

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Justice Surya Kant, A “Free Speech Champion” Who Blamed Nupur Sharma’s “Loose Tongue” For Murders Done By Jihadis, Appointed As The 53rd Chief Justice Of India

Justice Surya Kant was appointed the 53rd Chief Justice of India on Thursday, 30 October 2025. The Union Law Ministry’s Department of Justice issued the notification confirming that he will assume office on 24 November 2025, succeeding Justice Bhushan R. Gavai who demits office on 23 November 2025. At 63, Justice Kant is set to serve as CJI for nearly 16 months, until 9 February 2027.

A Vocal Advocate for Free Speech

Justice Surya Kant has frequently positioned himself as a staunch defender of free speech, particularly for the media. At a book launch event on 10 May 2024, he delivered a robust endorsement of the press’s role in a democracy.

“There cannot be any second opinion that the right to free speech needs to be zealously protected and we must take all measures to protect that right,” he stated. He acknowledged “direct or indirect efforts in different ways” to curtail this right but affirmed the system’s resilience.

Speaking specifically on journalists, he emphasized, “Particularly, for the journalists and media that rights need to remain protected, subject to whatever constitutional restrictions are there… Sometimes we may find that it qualifies as reasonable restriction but when it is found that in the name of reasonable restriction, the effort was to gag then that has been strongly disapproved by the courts.”

He framed free speech as integral to a “right to a dignified life” and warned that if the “fourth pillar (media) is weak, then the building [of democracy] will not be strong.”

But Nupur Sharma Is A Loose Tongue According To Justice Surya Kant

This strong defence of free speech stands in stark contrast to his bench’s oral observations during the hearing of a plea by former BJP spokesperson Nupur Sharma in July 2022. Sharma had approached the Supreme Court seeking to club the multiple FIRs filed against her across the country for her alleged controversial remarks about Prophet Mohammed made during a television debate.

The bench, comprising Justices Surya Kant and JB Pardiwala, did not grant her relief and instead subjected her to severe criticism. The court’s comments, though not part of the final written order, drew widespread attention for their tenor.

During the hearing, Justice Surya Kant famously remarked, “Her loose tongue has set the entire country on fire,” and held her responsible for the violent fallout that followed the controversy. He added, “She is single-handedly responsible for what is happening in the country.”

This observation was seen by critics as placing the blame for subsequent nationwide riots and murders, including the beheading of Kanhaiya Lal in Udaipur, on Sharma, rather than on the perpetrators of the violence.

Nupur Sharma Case

The controversy stemmed from a May 2022 television debate on the Gyanvapi dispute, where Sharma was a panelist alongside Taslim Ahmed Rehmani. During the heated exchange, Rehmani used derogatory language about Hindu deity Shiva, which provoked a sharp rebuttal from Sharma. She countered by questioning how he would react if she used similar language for Islam and the Prophet.

A selectively edited clip of Sharma’s response, which omitted Rehmani’s initial remarks, was later circulated online by alleged fact-checker and Alt News co-founder Mohammed Zubair, triggering an international outcry and allegations of blasphemy against her. Sharma’s comments, which referenced Islamic texts on the Prophet’s marriage, led to death threats and a wave of FIRs against her.

During the Supreme Court hearing, her senior advocate, Maninder Singh, repeatedly argued that Sharma was provoked by Rehmani’s comments and that she had already apologized for her remarks. The bench, however, did not comment on Rehmani’s role. Instead, the justices asked why Sharma had not apologised sooner and suggested she should approach the High Courts for relief.

Senior Advocate Maninder Singh repeatedly pointed out before the bench that it was the other panellist, Taslim Ahmed Rehmani, who had first made the provocative remarks against Hindu beliefs. However, the judges chose not to comment on that aspect. Ironically, Justice Kant appeared to uphold the principle of “freedom of speech” when it came to Rehmani’s statements.

The harsh rebuke was interpreted by many as a signal that speaking against Islamist fundamentalism, even in a retaliatory context, could invite dire judicial consequences. Following the hearing, Sharma remained in a position where she faced continued threats to her life, with her public appearances severely limited.

(Source: OpIndia)

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MK Stalin Objects PM Modi Calling Out DMK’s Hate Politics Against Biharis

pm modi mk stalin bihari

A political firestorm has erupted between the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Tamil Nadu’s ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) after Prime Minister Narendra Modi accused the DMK government of harassing Bihari migrants, prompting a strong condemnation from Chief Minister M.K. Stalin.

The controversy began during the PM’s campaign speech for the upcoming Bihar elections, where he targeted the DMK’s stance on migrant workers from the state.

“In Tamil Nadu, the DMK people harass the hardworking people of Bihar,” PM Modi stated, exposing what he called the “duplicity” of the state government.

Objecting to this strongly, Chief Minister Stalin took to his X handle to issue a rebuttal. He framed the Prime Minister’s comments as part of a broader pattern of the BJP fomenting regional divisions for electoral gain.

He wrote, “As a Tamil individual, I painfully urge Mr. Narendra Modi, who often seems to forget that he holds the honorable position of Prime Minister for everyone in this country, not to lose the dignity of his responsible position through such speeches. Whether it is Odisha or Bihar, wherever they go, BJP members express their hatred towards Tamils for the sake of election politics. In my capacity as the Chief Minister of the people of Tamil Nadu, I strongly condemn this. I emphasize that the Prime Minister and the BJP must stop these petty political activities, such as fostering enmity between Hindus and Muslims, and behaving in a way that creates enmity between Tamils and the people of Bihar, in a great India that is proud of its diversity and ‘Unity in Diversity’ and focus on the nation’s welfare.

However, the Prime Minister’s remarks align with multiple instances in which DMK leaders have made controversial comments against Hindi speakers and North Indian migrant workers, especially those from Bihar. The ruling DMK has frequently displayed hostility toward the Hindi language and northern communities, often framing linguistic identity as a political tool.

DMK leaders, including ministers and MPs, have been accused of making derogatory remarks equating Hindi speakers with poverty and menial labor. TM Anbarasan compared North Indian population growth to pigs and mocked Hindi speakers as cattle herders and panipuri sellers. A Raja, Dayanidhi Maran, Ponmudy, and Mano Thangaraj have also been recorded making disparaging comments about Hindi and its speakers. Senior leader Duraimurugan called Hindi inauspicious and referred to North Indians as unhygienic and barbaric.

Several comments have specifically targeted Biharis. DMK Minister KN Nehru claimed that “Biharis lack brain as Tamilians have. People from Bihar are not as intelligent as Tamilians,” and accused Lalu Prasad Yadav of filling railway jobs with Biharis through cheating. RS Bharathi compared Tamil Nadu’s Governor to a “Bihari panipuri seller” and said that “Tamil Nadu taxpayers feed people from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh at Amma Unavagam.” The DMK’s IT wing and its affiliates have also in every possible instance used “Bihari” and “Vadakkan” as slurs.

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The Hindu Journo Varghese K George Gives Sermons On How Hindus Should Celebrate Festivals In Christian Nations

It seems the modern Hindu has failed, once again, to grasp the fundamental rules of global citizenship. We have not yet learned that our faith is a private neurosis, to be practiced in whispers, not a civilization to be celebrated in the open. Our recent, unfortunate visibility has drawn the ire of the global liberal priesthood, and their verdict is in: we are too loud, too colorful, and far too unapologetic.

In his latest sermon disguised as an analysis in The Hindu, from the pulpit of post-colonial guilt, Varghese K George has served as a timely reminder of our place. The charges are clear: the immersion of a Ganapati idol in a foreign river is “pollution,” while the same act by a local municipality is “tradition.” The bursting of a firecracker on Deepavali is “cultural exhibitionism,” while the sonic bombardment that rings in every New Year from Sydney to London is “celebration.” The logic is impeccable, if you are blessed with the right kind of eyes – eyes that see a problem only when the skin is brown and the gods are many.

But the most insidious part of this new doctrine is the intellectual sleight of hand that equates festival fervor with “state-sponsored” subversion. According to this gospel, a Hindu celebrating Deepavali is not merely celebrating; he is an “active member of Indian strategy,” a foot soldier in a “cultural nationalist” project. Yet, when George or any other commentator celebrates Easter or Christmas, it is never framed as part of a “Christian nationalist plan to destabilize the country.” No, their faith is personal; ours is political. Their celebrations are benign; ours are a “malign” influence.

There is a palpable nostalgia in these circles for the “good Indian” – the Nehruvian model who knew his place was to be a silent, grateful guest in someone else’s story. This ideal immigrant sent remittances home but left his culture at the border; he contributed to the economy but never to the cultural conversation. He was the perfect subject for a Western fantasy: industrious, docile, and invisible. Today’s Hindu, however, commits the unforgivable sin of existing in the present tense – vibrant, vocal, and visibly different. How dare we?

The great comedy of our time is watching the West, which has built a secular religion out of celebrating every conceivable identity, suddenly develop a case of the vapors when faced with the unassimilated Hindu. Pride parades that take over city centers for weeks are a triumph of diversity. Mardi Gras that transforms entire cities into bacchanals is cherished cultural heritage. But a Hindu procession with drums and deities? That, we are told, is a threat to social harmony. The rainbow flag can fly proudly over town halls, but the bhagwa dhwaj is a provocation. It appears the grand project of multiculturalism has a secret clause: Thou shalt not be proudly, publicly Hindu.

And where, pray tell, is the statistical evidence that our celebrations cause more law and order problems per capita than any other community’s? There is none. We are judged not by data, but by anecdote and the visceral discomfort we provoke. A single firecracker incident in Edmonton becomes a symbol of our “uncivilized” nature, while annual riots after sporting events are written off as “passionate fandom.”

Beneath this anxiety lies a deeper, more visceral fear: the loss of control. For centuries, the non-white world was expected to be the audience to the West’s spectacle. We were the consumers of their culture, the converts to their faith, the subjects of their study. The Hindu who refuses to play this role, who instead declares, “My civilization is ancient, my philosophy is profound, and I will not be ashamed”, is the ultimate disruptor. He cannot be easily categorized as a victim, nor can he be dismissed as a primitive. He is, simply, inconvenient.

The prescription for this disease of pride is simple. We must learn to sanitize our faith for foreign consumption. Our Deepavali must become a “festival of lights” stripped of its spiritual meaning, a quaint ethnic event. Our rituals must be repackaged as “wellness” and “mindfulness.” Our gods must be aestheticized as art, never acknowledged as living deities. We must become brown-skinned vessels for white, secular values – the perfect global citizens, empty of any real cultural baggage.

So, let us be forewarned. The sound they cannot stand is not the crackle of a firework or the beat of a dhol. It is the sound of a billion people, after centuries of silence, finally finding their voice. It is the sound of a civilization, not in decline, but in glorious, noisy renaissance. And no amount of hand-wringing from the commentariat can drown it out.

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Foreign Church Meddling In TN Elections? DMK Govt’s Minority Commission Partners With Missionary Organization With Links To Free Church Of England To Conduct ‘TN Christian Awareness’ Event

With the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections approaching, the DMK government has come under scrutiny for what appears to be a state-sponsored outreach to Christian voters. A banner displayed at an official “awareness programme” organised by the Tamil Nadu State Minorities Commission prominently featured overt Christian imagery and two controversial logos — one of the Arise and Shine Missionary Diocese and another resembling that of the Free Church of England.

The event, titled “Awareness Camp for Tamil Nadu Christians,” was held in Chennai on 28 October 2025. The programme was jointly presented by the Tamil Nadu State Minorities Commission and the Ezhumbi Prakasi Missionary Archdiocese, with a large image of Chief Minister M.K. Stalin displayed at the centre of the banner.

At the gathering, which was attended by bishops, pastors, and clergy from across the state, Rev. Fr. S. Joe Arun, Chairperson of the Tamil Nadu Minorities Commission, declared that “only the Hon. Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu can provide protection to the religious and linguistic minorities in Tamil Nadu.” Commission Vice-Chairman I. Irai Anban Kuthus was also present.

Rev. Arun outlined the Commission’s ongoing consultation programmes and listed welfare measures extended to minority communities under the DMK government. He also received petitions from attendees, including a proposal to establish a welfare board for pastors similar to the existing one for temple preachers, assuring that the matter would be recommended to the government.

However, what caught attention was the inclusion of missionary organization logos on an official state-sponsored event banner — a move that raises serious questions about the interference of Church in determining electoral outcomes.

The logos on the event banner also appear on the New Anglican Synod website.

One of the featured entities, the Arise and Shine Missionary Diocese, openly identifies itself as an evangelical Christian body that indulges in church planting and conversions.

About Arise And Shine Missionary Diocese

Its founder Rt. Rev. Dr. K. Jayasingh describes his mission as being guided “in the name of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ,” adding that his passion for evangelism grew during his theological studies at the Truth Bible Research Institute. The diocese claims to operate over 60 churches across Vellore and Ranipet districts, with activities including orphanage support and pastor training.

The stated objectives of the New Anglican Synod missionary organization include church planting, theological and legal education, training for bishops, youth and women’s ministries, prayer and spiritual support, advocacy for the “suffering church,” and fostering cross-cultural global mission partnerships. These initiatives are presented as part of their broader mission to strengthen and expand Christian communities in India.

Free Church Of England 

The second emblem on the banner — the Free Church of England — is equally contentious. While there is no functioning Free Church of England institution in Tamil Nadu today, the name traces back to the Free Church of Scotland mission that founded the Anderson Church in the 19th century. Located on NSC Bose Road, George Town, the historic church, originally called the College Chapel, is now part of the Church of South India (CSI).

Historically, FCE has engaged in mission and “associated church/connexion” work internationally (including India) — for instance, the UK FCE website reports bishops travelling to Chennai to meet Indian clergy in 2018.

The presence of these explicitly religious insignias on the banner of a government event has prompted questions about the DMK government’s use of public funds for religiously targeted outreach. Critics have called it a thinly veiled attempt to consolidate the Christian vote amid growing political competition — particularly after actor Vijay, a Catholic Christian, announced his political entry ahead of the 2026 polls.

By allowing missionary organizations and even a church historically linked to British-era Protestant missions to appear on a Tamil Nadu government commission’s official banner, observers argue that the DMK has blurred the line between governance and sectarian mobilisation.

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