Yesterday, K Pawan Kalyan of Andhra’s Jana Sena Party (JSP) party met with the leader of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and former A.P chief minister of Andhra Pradesh (CM of undivided Andhra Pradesh as well as post-bifurcation/residual state of Andhra), N Chandrababu Naidu at the latter’s home. The meeting that took place yesterday, January 8 between the leaders of the principle Andhra Pradesh opposition parties, was projected as a “formal” one, signifying a higher degree of an “official” political cooperation between Naidu and Pawan, rather than an informal exchange of personal political opinions. Political analysts see this as a significant move towards the possibility of a near-future alliance between the long standing, seasoned, battle ready TDP led by Naidu and the relatively new, young and energetic JSP led by Pawan Kalyan ahead of the 2024 Andhra Pradesh elections.
If there is indeed a pre-poll “official” alliance between the two parties or at least an open indication (both leaders announcing it in their political rallies) of a formal understanding between the two parties, it could be a serious set back for current Andhra C.M and YSR Congress Party (YSRCP) leader, YS Jagan Reddy.
It is note worthy that both the Andhra leaders decided to meet in the Telangana capital, Hyderabad where both own homes. Pawan Kalyan went over to Naidu’s residence in Jubilee Hills, Hyderabad to discuss the current political situation in light of the Jagan Reddy government’s recent “ban” on all public meetings & rallies ahead of the A.P state eldctions in early 2024. All opposition parties will be impacted by what the people view as a draconian measure and an immature,vengeful attempt at stifling the opposition’s voice in the state, by Jagan Reddy and his YSRCP party.
In the previous 2019 Andhra state elections, political pundits had hinted at one of the causes for the TDP’s less-than-anticipated vote share leading to its defeat by the YSRCP – a split in the TDP’s traditional vote share among the more educated sections of society on account of the entry of the new JSP party led by Pawan.
Although the TDP aims at targeting all sections of society as most Indian political parties tend to do, it is popular among the more educated and those who place high value on job and developmental prospects in the state – the middle classes, backward classes (BCs) and the other backward classes (OBCs) who dream of a better, more dignified future for their children rather than banking on “welfare” schemes. On the other end of the spectrum is a typical strategy followed by the Congress party and its allies or its off-shoots/ break away factions, which tend to focus heavily on free goods & services, welfare schemes and special offers for the poor and the minorities, which may provide temporary relief but have not yet proven to be a long-term solution for job creation, income generation and poverty alleviation.
YS Jagan Reddy’s party, the YSR congress party (YSRCP) is an break away faction of the Congress party in A.P, of which Jagan’s father YS Rajasekhar Reddy, was an elected leader. In the 2019 A.P state elections, while Jagan Reddy was able to focus on and secure the votes of the scheduled classes and the minorities with a heady cocktail mix of welfare schemes and free money typical of Congress party election tactics, Chandrababu Naidu’s blend of welfarism coupled with fiscally responsible spending and a development agenda for the newly bifurcated A.P state reached the youth and other targeted sections but… this previously united vote share was split by the entry of Pawan Kalyan’s new JSP party, which had made similar promises.
Now with the coming together of Naidu and Pawan, both seeking the support of the BJP, the opposition in A.P appears stronger, making Jagan Reddy nervous about the next A.P state elections scheduled for early 2024. Over the last two years, Pawan Kalyan has openly declared that he would not allow the opposition vote to be fractured or split, indicating his willingness to cooperate with both the TDP and the BJP. Naidu’s TDP has also shown a willingness to work together with the BJP and the JSP. Both leaders also publicly supported each other when Jagan unreasonable behaviour and diktats caused hindrances to each other’s political rallies and meetings. The BJP does not yet have a significant presence in A.P while its numbers are increasing in neighboring Telangana. The Andhra unit of the BJP is taking its time, to weigh in on a four pronged choice – an officially announced partnership with Pawan’s JSP, a partnership with or outside support to Naidu’s TDP, a pre-poll partnership with or outside support to both the TDP and the JSP…or a continued status quo with the incumbent YSRCP, with which the BJP is neither officially linked with or openly opposed to.
Jagan has a lot at stake in the upcoming elections. His top aide, Vijay Sai Reddy and himself, are currently out on bail on a large number of CBI registered cases against them for criminal misconduct, misappropriation of givernment property and money laundering. Thus far, the most politically significant worries for Jagan/ factors working against him, among other smaller ones, are:
1) Jagan had the unmistakable support of the Christians in A.P, as he himself like the rest of his family, is a Christian. However he may not be able to count on it without renewed efforts because his brother-in-law, a missionary Christian priest “Brother” Anil Kumar, is no longer offering him the level of support Jagan could count on, in the previous 2019 elections. The apparent rift in the relationship between the siblings, YS Jagan Reddy and YS Sharmila Reddy led to the creation of a separate “YS” party in the neighboring Telugu state of Telangana. While YS Jagan runs the YSRCP party in Andhra Pradesh, Sharmila runs the YSRTP party in Telangana with the support of her christian missionary husband. With an open split within the state’s politically active christian family, the christian vote in A.P can no longer be taken for granted.
2) Jagan is blamed for Andhra’s huge debt run up by his fiscally imbalanced, irresponsible spending on his much publicized “welfare” schemes. The fiscal deficit can be seen and experienced in problems like the poor conditions of roads everywhere, the structure and governance of government institutions like schools and hospitals etc.
3) Educational, Business, entrepreneurial and investment opportunities are drying up in the state, as most private players including those who had come forward during the previous TDP party’s regime, are now hesitant to risk their money in a state where law and order is perceived to be less than ideal coupled with rampant corruption and an environment not conducive for business ventures. Understanbly, the lack of job opportunities in the state has caused disappointment and frustration among the young and restless.
4) Jagan’s mismagement of the state’s finances has also led to an unpleasant reality for all government employees, who had supported his party in the 2019 election. Complaints across all government departments and all levels of government service, including senior officials, reflect late or partial monthly salary payments and pensions causing hardship yo all impacted employees.
5) Among the farming communities of which animal husbandry/ dairy is a part, there is unhappiness over Jagan’s move to cajole farmers to sell their dairy products to the Amul corporation instead of traditional Andhra-based companies like Vijaya, Model, Heritage, Dodla and several other small, medium sized and large protifable A.P based businesses.
6) The people of north coastal Andhra are also displeased with Jagan and his Party’s acts of land grabbing of vast tracts of ecologically sensitive environments in the greater Vishakapatnam area and its surroundings. The role of Jagan’s government in the intent to privatize the Vizag (Vishakapatnam) Steel Plant, supposedly a profitable public sector unit (PSU), leading to a negative impact for related ancillary services and the local economy, is another of Jagan’s actions that north coastal Andhra does not appreciate.
7) The common man’s perception of the deteriorating law & order situation under Jagan’s autocratic rule and the rise in corruption and political favours involving bribes at all levels may not result in a favourable political image for Jagan.
8) Jagan along with his top honchos control a state-run liquor enterprise, a huge money spinner for him and his party while depriving the people and the state of the choices and the profits resulting from healthy competition among private businesses. Incidentally, Jagan’s top leaders are caught up in the infamous Delhi liquor scam.
9) Among the educated, most people disagree with Jagan’s dictatorial attitude and his blatant disregard for the resolutions of and the judgements passed by the A.P high court. Jagan has earned much ill repute by constantly engaging in a war of words and actions with the state’s judicial authorities. He hires expensive lawyers from Delhi at the expense of an already beleaguered state treasury, to constantly fight trivial cases and judgements on cases, not ruled in his favour.
10) A section of the Hindu community has also taken note of damage to temples and temple deities along with increased, emboldened Christian conversion efforts in the state reminding the people of a similar trend in rampant Christian activities in the 2004-2009 period when YS Jagan’s father, YS Rajasekhar Reddy was the chief minister. Many have speculated that the larger, undivided state of Andhra Pradesh saw the most number of openly conducted conversion events in its history under the leadership of the first Christian CM in A.P, Rajasekhar Reddy, with the tacit approval of the Congress party’s Sonia Gandhi in Delhi.
11) Private enterprises including educational institutions and hospitals are bullied and imposed with ‘surveys’, searches and unreasonable conditions for their continued operations. This has impacted all such businesses as well as the large number of ordinary people employed by them. People complain that the blatant discrimination and systemic bullying has an overtly religious and/or casteist bias to it, at levels that the state has not experienced before.
12) To top it all, aside from an ailing state economy and financial debt, Jagan has still not accepted the previously declared state capital of the recently bifurcated state. It is almost nine years now since the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh into Telangana and Andhra. Andhra still does not have an officially declared state capital because Jagan Reddy has refused to acknowledge and accept the previously declared capital of Amaravathi in the Vijayawada-Guntur vicinity, pitching instead, for an impractical, unrealistic 3-capital theory.
In light of a significanct loss of trust in Jagan’s governance and his government’s blatant disregard for the rule of the land, will A.P’s opposition including the BJP stand united or will Jagan manage to divide the voters yet again, on religious and caste lines?
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“Kerala A Muslim Majority State”: Why This Shocking Statement By Islamic Cleric Needs To Be Taken Seriously
Recently, Muslim Cleric Aliyar Khasimi said that Kerala is a Muslim-majority state. The statement comes as a shock to many as it is a fact that only 26 percentage of total population in the state belongs to Islamic faith. Thus, this statement has raised many eyebrows, especially regarding the intention behind the same. In this context we will examine nuances behind this statement and why this statement is a reflection of dangerous trend emerging out of Kerala.
Who Said What?
It may be for the first time in history that such a statement is made by cleric of a minority community. The person who made this interesting argument is Aliyar Khasimi, apart from being a cleric he is also an active social media man engaged in concoction of narratives which fits in perfectly to radical agenda. The statement is part of a controversial discussion between him and YouTuber and Islamist Dr Ail Mohammed, the discussion is doing viral rounds on social media now adays. While making the statement Khasimi quotes the figures from the survey conducted by Sasthra Sahitya Parishad in 2011. But, he says, the situation is different at the national level. Parishad is known as an outfit having allegiance to ruling Communist dispensation in Kerala.
Interestingly, Muslim intellectuals claim they are a minority community whenever matters like Reservation and Uniform Civil Code (UCC) are discussed. Independent thinkers like C Ravichandran have pointed out in the past that Muslims in Kerala get the reservation benefits as a single religion instead of a caste-based reservation. And, when they get an additional advantage of ‘minority status’, they get an added advantage of “double reservation”. Muslim leaders raise this ‘minority status’ to shield the arguments in favour of UCC, Triple Talaq etc. It also raises questions as to why does Muslim community avail benefits of this ‘minority status’ for admissions in colleges and for promotions in jobs? People of reasonable intelligence wonder if Khasimi is not ashamed to shout this contradiction at the top of his voice. It seems that Aliyar Khasimi appears to be a typical representative of the advocates of the opportunistic minority. When they want to flaunt their clout and influence, they are the “majority”, but when they need favours and reservations, they pretend to be minorities.
Majority Under Siege
The statement by the cleric is not a one-off incident, it represents a pattern on how majority community are under siege in Kerala. It is interesting to note what Khasimi said during his talk. He says the (Hindu) Ezhava population is 22 per cent, and the (Hindu) Nair population is 12 per cent. The Christian population is 19 per cent. He adds Nair and Ezhava are two different religions and would not marry each other. This is a clear instance of propagation of ‘divide and rule’. Back in 2021, The Samasta Kerala Sunni Students’ Federation (SKSSF), a students’ organisation affiliated to radical Islamist organisation Samastha in Kerala, has demanded a new Muslim majority ‘Malabar State’ be carved out from Kerala with Calicut as its capital. Even though Pakistan was carved out from India on religious lines, hate mongers are still pursuing to ‘Balkanise’ India and to further their agenda.
One must wonder why these people are turning so bold! There is political as well as demographic reasons behind it. The current ruling dispensation in Kerala is looking to expand its vote bank in to areas dominated by minority communities. Currently majority of vote share of left government in Kerala comes from the Hindu’s (more than 50%), this necessitates the left to appease certain fringe elements and also to accommodate them in hope of garnering more votes. In this context it is important to note statement made by CPI(M) state secretary M.V. Govindan back in December 2022. He stated that CPI(M) never believed that Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) is a communal party, he further state that they should join hands to fight ‘fascist’ Sangh Parivar forces. By calling BJP as communal and IUML as secular, the secretary has turned in to personification of the word ‘oxymoron’. Then there are demographic reasons, it is believed that there is indeed some truth to the statement made by Khasimi. As per Census in 1901 Kerala had over 70%+ Hindu population. After independence Census in 1951 the population showed 62% (-8% drop). Fast Forward to latest census in 2011 population percentage showed Hindus were 54.5 (-7.5%). Going based on this by 2050–2070 the Malayali Hindu population is expected to fall below 48%. This skewed fluctuations in demography are also encouraging these radical elements.
It is clear that radical elements are trying to divide our country and they will use any means necessary to achieve this. It was believed that India exited the dangerous times of divide and rule once the British left the nation, but that assumption was wrong, extremist and fringe elements continue to propagate this policy in hopes of achieving this agenda, the majority as well as minority community must realise this agenda and step up to prevent these elements from sowing this kind of discourse in our country.
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