A personal memory of Kolkata’s shutdown culture reveals a deeper civilisational crisis and a narrowing window for revival.

Bengal holds a special place in my heart. It was in Kolkata that I began my professional journey, full of hope and expectation. Yet one of my earliest memories from March-April 2003 remains etched in my mind not for its personal inconvenience, but for what it revealed about the deeper malaise gripping Bengal’s political culture.

The Left Front government had approved a modest 10 per cent hike in bus fares, translating to a mere 25-paise increase. In a surreal display of political theatre, the same Left parties called a strike against their own government. The city came to a grinding halt. Shops were shuttered, transport vanished, and fear of violence kept people indoors. I walked to my office one of the few who did but found no breakfast, no lunch, and only managed a cup of tea late in the evening.

What stayed with me was not hunger. It was the absurdity. A megacity paralysed over 25 paise. And more importantly, the silent suffering of daily wage earners who lost a day’s income not because of market forces or natural calamities, but because politics demanded paralysis.

This memory encapsulates Bengal’s tragedy. A land that once stood at the forefront of India’s intellectual, cultural, and economic awakening gradually succumbed to a political culture that normalised disruption, stagnation, and ideological rigidity.

There was a time when Bengal was synonymous with excellence. The region led what historians call the Bengal Renaissance a period that reshaped India’s intellectual and cultural trajectory. Figures like Swami Vivekananda inspired global spiritual awakening. Rabindranath Tagore redefined literature and became Asia’s first Nobel laureate. Subhas Chandra Bose embodied militant patriotism. Scientists such as Jagadish Chandra Bose, Satyendra Nath Bose, and Prafulla Chandra Ray laid the foundations of modern science. Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay gave India “Vande Mataram,” a song that stirred a civilisation.

Few regions in world history have produced such a concentration of brilliance in such a short span. Bengal was not just India’s intellectual capital it was among the world’s most vibrant centres of thought.

And yet, the trajectory since then has been one of decline.

The seeds of this decline were sown during colonial rule. The Partition of Bengal fractured society along communal lines, while political violence became normalised as a tool of mobilisation. These were not temporary distortions they became embedded in Bengal’s political DNA.

Independence should have healed these wounds. Instead, post-independence politics deepened them. The Indian National Congress, which governed Bengal in the early decades, failed to dismantle these toxic legacies. Instead, it absorbed elements shaped by pre-partition communal politics, blurring moral lines and institutionalising opportunism.

The real structural decline, however, unfolded under the long rule of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front. From 1977 to 2011, Bengal witnessed one of the longest uninterrupted democratic regimes in the world. What could have been an era of consolidation became one of erosion.

The rise of the Naxalite movement originating in Naxalbari symbolised this shift. Instead of channelling youth into innovation and enterprise, generations were drawn into ideological extremism and violence.

Economically, the consequences were devastating. In the 1950s and early 1960s, West Bengal was among India’s most industrialised regions, and Kolkata stood tall as one of Asia’s premier commercial hubs. But by the 1990s and early 2000s, industrial stagnation had become entrenched.

The numbers tell the story starkly. West Bengal made for 10.5% of the country’s GDP in 1961. By 1977, at the advent of Left rule, this had reduced to 8.8%. By 2011, at the end of Left rule, it had further declined to 6.7%. In 2026, after 15 years of rule by the All India Trinamool Congress, it stands at a mere 5.6%.

Nearly all economic statistics show the same calamity. In terms of per capita income, Bengal was ranked 10th among Indian states in 1977. By 2011, it had slipped to 18th, and by 2026, it stands at 27th.

Industrial output as a share of national output has collapsed from 27% in 1951 to 11% in 1977, to about 5% in 2011, and to a mere 3–3.5 per cent in 2026.

The fiscal picture is equally grim. The debt-to-GDP ratio has risen from roughly 20% in 1977 (around Rs 6,000 crore) to nearly 39% in 2026 (approximately Rs 7.9 lakh crore).

These are not just numbers. They represent lost decades, lost opportunities, and a steady erosion of Bengal’s economic foundations.

Parallel to economic decline was the persistence and amplification of identity politics. The legacy of Direct Action Day and Partition-era mobilisation was never fully dismantled. Instead, successive regimes cultivated vote banks, prioritising electoral arithmetic over governance.

This created a predictable outcome: when economic opportunities shrink and governance weakens, informal power structures rise. Local strongmen, political intermediaries, and patronage networks begin to dominate. Merit is replaced by proximity to power.

When the All India Trinamool Congress, led by Mamata Banerjee, came to power in 2011, there was hope for change. Instead, much of the underlying ecosystem persisted. The instruments of control street power, patronage, and identity mobilisation remained intact.

The result is a state caught in a vicious cycle: economic stagnation fuels political patronage, and patronage entrenches stagnation.

Contrast this with developments in states like Gujarat under Narendra Modi, Uttar Pradesh under Yogi Adityanath, and Assam under Himanta Biswa Sarma where governance reforms, law and order, and infrastructure development have driven economic revival.

Bengal today stands at a similar inflection point.

The stakes are not merely electoral they are civilisational. Will Bengal reclaim its historic role as a hub of ideas and enterprise, or will it continue down a path of decline?

For the Bengali bhadralok, this moment demands introspection. The cost of decades of ideological complacency is now visible in declining incomes, migration of talent, and diminished national relevance.

The geopolitical environment adds urgency. Developments in Bangladesh including rising instability have direct implications for Bengal’s future.

History does not offer endless chances. Bengal once led India’s awakening. Today, it must decide whether it wishes to rediscover that role.

The memory of a shutdown over 25 paise is more than an anecdote it is a warning. A warning of how low expectations can fall when political culture loses its way.

Bengal stands at a crossroads. One path leads to renewal. The other to irreversible decline.

The choice is now.

Dr. Prosenjit Nath is a techie, political analyst, and author.

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The post Bengal’s Long Slide: From Intellectual Capital To Economic Decline appeared first on The Commune.

With the nomination process underway for the upcoming Assembly elections, political activity has intensified across Puducherry even as key alliance negotiations remain unresolved.

The Election Commission has announced that polling in Puducherry will be held on 9 April 2026 as part of the first phase, along with Kerala and Assam. The filing of nominations began earlier this week and will continue until 3 PM on 23 March 2026. Candidates can submit their papers at 17 designated government offices across the Union Territory.

Despite the start of the nomination process, no candidate filed papers on the first day, with only a few individuals collecting application forms.

However, in a significant development on Wednesday, 18 March 2026, candidates from the DMK and Congress have begun filing nominations across all 30 constituencies in Puducherry, even though seat-sharing talks between the alliance partners are yet to be finalised, as reported in Daily Thanthi.

Sources indicated that the decision to file nominations today was influenced by Amavasya, which is considered an auspicious day. Both parties are understood to have adopted a tactical approach, whereby candidates will initially file nominations in all constituencies and later withdraw from seats once a final seat-sharing agreement is reached.

On 17 March 2026, DMK leader Jagathrakshakan said seat-sharing talks with Congress for the upcoming Assembly elections were progressing “smoothly,” dismissing reports that Congress sought 20 or 21 seats. He said both parties had only expressed expectations, with DMK maintaining its stance of contesting 30 seats. He added that talks would conclude in a day or two, and candidate nominations could be withdrawn later if needed. The final decision, he said, would be announced by the party leadership.

With only seven days remaining for nomination filing, of which two are government holidays, parties are left with a narrow window of five working days to complete both procedural and political formalities.

Meanwhile, seat-sharing discussions within the I.N.D.I. alliance in Puducherry remain inconclusive, with no clarity yet on the allocation of constituencies among partners. The delay has reportedly created uncertainty among prospective candidates, many of whom are awaiting confirmation of their constituencies before intensifying campaign efforts.

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The post Puducherry: DMK-Congress File Nominations In All 30 Seats Without Deal, Alliance Talks Still Stuck appeared first on The Commune.

TVK chief Vijay called DMK, ‘theeyasakthi’ (evil force), the AIADMK, ‘oozhalsakthi’ (corrupt force) and brands itself ‘thooyasakthi’ (pure). But now, this thooyasakthi itself seems to be exposing its tainted shades.

A pre-election raid by the Flying Squad has put Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) in an uncomfortable position, after officials seized a large cache of materials allegedly meant for voter inducement – even as party chief Vijay has been vocal in accusing rivals of corruption.

The raid was carried out at an apartment complex in Varakoorampatti near Thiruchengode, where around 250 steel vessels were confiscated. The vessels bore stickers featuring images of Vijay and party functionary Arunraj, and were found stored in bulk within the premises.

Officials at the scene documented the materials and identified that the vessels were of two types, small and large sizes. Acting on further intelligence, the Flying Squad expanded the operation after receiving inputs that similar items had been hidden in multiple houses in the same locality.

Searches were subsequently carried out in additional residences, with at least ten houses suspected to be storing more such materials. Officers were seen verifying which premises had been inspected and coordinating efforts to ensure all identified locations were checked.

Authorities confirmed that the raid was initiated following a complaint, and an investigation is now underway to determine the scale of the operation, those involved, and whether the materials were intended for distribution to voters in violation of election norms.

விஜய் மற்றும் அருண்ராஜ் புகைப்படங்களுடன் கூடிய ஸ்டிக்கர்.. த.வெ.க.வினர் பதுக்கி வைத்த சுமார் 250 சில்வர் பாத்திரங்கள்.. அதிரடியாக பறிமுதல் செய்த பறக்கும் படையினர்#Namakkal | #TVKVijay‌ | #Arunraj | #TVK | #FlyingSquad | #PolimerNews pic.twitter.com/XVS0pfv1YC

— Polimer News (@polimernews) March 17, 2026

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The post TVK Vijay Calls Others Corrupt; Flying Squad Seizes 250 Vessels (Gifts) Meant For Voters In Thiruchengode Ahead Of Elections appeared first on The Commune.

DMK State Deputy Secretary of the IT Wing, Divya Sathyaraj, has said that her entry into politics was driven by a commitment to public service and not electoral ambition, amid media queries on whether she would contest in the upcoming Tamil Nadu Assembly elections and from which constituency.

When asked about her current organisational role and how she would function in the election field with polls approaching, particularly with Coimbatore being viewed as a high-expectation constituency, she reiterated her position, stating. “I did not come into politics to win elections. I came only to do public service. During elections, along with everyone, I will do people’s work, I will work, I will campaign.”

On being further asked whether she would contest if given an opportunity, Divya Sathyaraj declined to comment on electoral prospects at this stage and instead highlighted the Tamil Nadu government’s welfare initiative, saying, “That is not something to talk about now. The Women’s Rights Allowance scheme is very good… a very good initiative… very good.”

Her remarks come amid growing political discussions over potential candidates and constituency allocations within the DMK as preparations gather pace for the Assembly elections.

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The post “I Entered Politics To Do Service”: Says Dravidianist Actor Sathyaraj’s Daughter appeared first on The Commune.

When an NDTV crew recently met actor-turned-politician Vijay, the interaction was presented as a flattering portrait of a thoughtful, grounded leader in waiting. The reportage leaned heavily on praise — of his sincerity, his clarity, his appeal — projecting Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam as a well-oiled alternative ready for 2026. But beyond the curated optics of a friendly media interaction lies a far less flattering reality. On the ground, TVK continues to struggle with basic organisational execution, missed schedules, and prolonged silences at critical moments, raising serious questions about whether the image being sold matches the party’s actual capacity to deliver.

Ever since the buzz about the launch of his political party, Vijay and Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam have been just big on optics and low on substance.

After claiming to launch the party around Ambedkar Jayanti, Vijay formally founded the party on 2 February 2024, which many claim was astrologically aligned.

TVK has attempted to position itself as a disruptive alternate force in Tamil Nadu politics. Through speeches, television visuals and social media messaging, actor-turned-politician Vijay projects confidence, moral clarity and a roadmap to power in 2026. Yet, beneath the spectacle, a persistent problem shadows the party: an inability to execute even its own basic schedules.

The contradiction is becoming harder to ignore – grand promises at the top, administrative drift at the bottom.

Schedules That Never Happen

Multiple internal plans prepared by TVK’s strategy team remain unfulfilled. These include booth committee meetings, a three-district tour, a two-district tour, and even the election campaign committee’s public meeting that was supposed to begin earlier. None of these have been fully carried out.

In Tamil Nadu, where elections are won through disciplined booth-level machinery, this failure is not cosmetic. It suggests an organisation struggling with routine political work – planning, coordination and follow-through. For cadres, this has translated into confusion and frustration. For observers, it raises doubts about whether TVK can scale from rhetoric to governance.

இதுவரை strategy team தயாரித்து கொடுத்த ஒரு schedule plan கூட முழுசா முடிச்சதில்ல…

உதாரணத்துக்கு
பூத் கமிட்டி மீட்டிங்ஸ்,
3 மாவட்ட சுற்றுப்பயணம் schedule,
2 மாவட்ட சுற்றுப்பயணம் schedule,
முந்தா நாள் தொடங்க வேண்டிய தேர்தல் பிரச்சார குழு பொதுக்கூட்டம் schedule

இருக்குற ரெண்டு… pic.twitter.com/95BIotWu1V

— Sonia Arunkumar (@rajakumaari) January 28, 2026

Karur: When Optics Turned Costly

The limits of TVK’s organisational capacity were most tragically exposed on 27 September 2025, at Velusamypuram in Karur district, when a massive crowd crush at a TVK rally killed at least 41 people and injured around 100.

The rally showed Vijay’s undeniable crowd-pull but also the absence of crowd control. Investigations pointed to poor planning, lack of buffer zones, inadequate volunteer deployment and weak command structures. Tamil Nadu’s affidavit before the Supreme Court explicitly cited “reckless, negligent and uncoordinated actions” by TVK organisers, along with Vijay’s delayed response.

Vijay’s first public video message addressing the tragedy came only on 30 September 2025, two to three days after the incident. More striking was what followed: a prolonged absence from live public engagement. His cadre also seemed like headless chicken, unable to decide what to do, how to react, and what to defend.

His first appearance before a live audience after Karur was an indoor “public outreach” meeting near Kancheepuram on 22 November 2025, nearly eight weeks later. His next large open-air public meeting came only on 9 December 2025, in Puducherry.

During this period, district units reportedly drifted without direction. Routine activities stalled, membership drives did not restart, and local leaders hesitated to organise programmes or spend funds without signals from the top. In Karur itself, the district office reportedly remained shut, with no senior TVK leader visiting victims’ families.

For a party promising decisive, accountable governance, the contrast was stark.

Big Promises, Broad Brushstrokes

Even as organisational cracks showed, TVK’s political promises expanded. While the party has not yet released a full manifesto, Vijay’s speeches and statements outline a sweeping vision:

• A corruption-free, transparent government, described as “as clean as Siruvani water,” with zero compromise on welfare.
• Framing DMK and AIADMK as “corrupt” forces, while pledging that TVK leaders “will never do corruption.”

From his 22 November 2025 speech onward, Vijay has signalled welfare and economic promises likely to feature in the 2026 manifesto:

• Permanent housing for all families in Tamil Nadu.
• A two-wheeler for every household, with eventual upward mobility towards car ownership.
• At least one stable income source per family and education reforms to improve youth employment.
• A goal that everyone completes at least an undergraduate degree, with better government schools and colleges.
• Upgraded government hospitals usable “without fear.”
• Strong flood-mitigation and disaster-resilience systems, especially for Chennai.
• Stricter law-and-order enforcement and enhanced safety for women.

On social justice and federal issues, TVK positions itself as strongly pro-Tamil and anti-centralisation:

• Opposition to the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the Hindi push linked to the National Education Policy.
• Demand for retrieval of Katchatheevu to protect Tamil fishermen.
• Emphasis that “all are equal at birth,” rejection of “landlord politics,” and promises of non-elite, younger leadership.

Women, youth, farmers, labourers, fisherfolk, weavers, the elderly, persons with disabilities and trans persons are repeatedly cited as priority beneficiaries.

Yet, as of January 2026, these remain directional pledges, not a detailed, costed manifesto. TVK has only constituted a manifesto committee and begun consultations. The final document for the Assembly elections is still awaited, but will it arrive on time?

This deepens the central tension: the larger and more ambitious the promises become, the more glaring the party’s execution deficit appears.

Leadership Circle And The Guidance Gap

Another factor contributing to TVK’s execution deficit is the apparent lack of coherent political guidance around Vijay. Key figures in his core team, including Aadhav Arjuna and John Arokiyasamy, have so far failed to translate ambition into operational clarity. While they may be active in messaging and coordination, there is little evidence of structured political mentoring, crisis management planning, or ground-level organisational discipline being imposed from the top.

The repeated failure to complete schedules, the confused response after Karur, and the prolonged silence at critical moments suggest a leadership ecosystem more comfortable with optics and announcements than with the hard, unglamorous work of building a party. For a first-time political entrant like Vijay, the absence of firm, experienced guidance has left the organisation drifting – big on intent, weak on execution.

Lazy Politics Or Growing Pains?

TVK’s approach is seen as lazy politics – heavy on announcements, light on follow-through. Supporters argue the party is young and still finding its feet. But in an election cycle, time is unforgiving.

Tamil Nadu has seen charismatic leaders before. What has decided power, repeatedly, is organisation – booth committees, disciplined cadres, crisis response, and second-rung leadership.

For now, TVK’s reality remains this: a party that struggles to complete a schedule, delayed in responding to tragedy, yet promising to run a state with sweeping reforms. Until execution begins to match ambition, the charge will persist – from within and outside, that TVK is selling a vision far larger than its capacity to deliver.

As 2026 approaches, the question is no longer whether Vijay can inspire crowds. It is whether TVK can prove it knows how to do the unglamorous work of politics – on time, on the ground, and without excuses.

The post All Talk, No Work: This Is TVK’s Reality appeared first on The Commune.

The 2025 Bihar assembly election will be remembered not only for the unprecedented sweep by the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) but also for the spectacular collapse of the RJD-Congress grand alliance, which recorded its worst performance since 2010, winning only 35 seats against the NDA’s formidable 202.

The Mahagathbandhan did not lose because of a single weakness; it disintegrated because of a cocktail of internal quarrels, leadership missteps, incoherent messaging, and disastrous strategy. From the beginning, the alliance functioned less like a coalition and more like a family locked in constant disputes. The Mahagathbandhan came across as a quarreling group, unable to hide its mistrust and power struggle.

Tejashwi Yadav wanted to assert himself as the undisputed leader, while Congress refused to accept a secondary role, and this friction burst into the open. Rahul Gandhi’s disappearance after the Voter Adhikar Yatra left Tejashwi stranded, while smaller partners such as Mukesh Sahani and CPML loudly demanded their share.

The episode where Tejashwi travelled to Delhi for the land-for-jobs hearing but reportedly left in anger without meeting Rahul Gandhi symbolized the disconnect. The alliance never recovered from the bitterness caused during seat-sharing talks, and each party ultimately ran its own campaign. Workers refused to transfer votes to partners, while the NDA showcased unity and disciplined messaging, strengthening its credibility in the eyes of voters.

The projection of Tejashwi Yadav as chief ministerial candidate further deepened the divide. Congress leaders later admitted that announcing Tejashwi as CM face was a strategic mistake many felt he carried too much political baggage and lacked the credibility that the political discourse, shaped by Prashant Kishor’s development and merit narratives, now demanded.

His lack of higher education and his association with the so-called jungle raj era made many voters skeptical. Ashok Gehlot’s late intervention as Congress troubleshooter failed to patch up the widening rift, and his scripted speech in Maurya only highlighted the disconnect between Delhi and the ground reality. Posters dominated entirely by Tejashwi signalled that the RJD had sidelined Congress.

The decision to declare Mukesh Sahani as deputy CM candidate alienated core Muslim and Mahadalit voters, who saw the NDA as a more reliable benefactor through schemes such as the Lakhpati Didi initiative and cash transfer programs.

Rahul Gandhi’s campaign performance shattered the myth that he could galvanize a state election through charisma alone. By the time he returned from his Latin America visit, the Congress had already “missed the bus.” His entry into the campaign appeared mechanical, lacking energy and purpose. His theatrics, including the now-infamous jump into a pond in Khagaria, raised eyebrows even within the Congress.

Voters felt these stunts were unbecoming of a Leader of the Opposition who often accuses Prime Minister Modi of indulging in theatrics. Rahul Gandhi’s speeches on migration felt dated and disconnected from Bihar’s political mood, which had shifted toward development, welfare delivery, infrastructure, and youth aspirations domains dominated by Nitish Kumar’s governance record and Prashant Kishor’s narrative. Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, usually an impactful campaigner, had a minimal presence, appearing almost like a supporting act. This weakened the Congress’s overall mobilization.

Rahul Gandhi’s insistence on making SIR (vote chori allegations) the central campaign issue proved disastrously ineffective. Bihar voters were not interested in allegations of election manipulation; they were far more concerned with jobs, welfare, inflation, and stability. The Voter Adhikar Yatra drained the alliance’s manpower at a critical time. Even RJD leaders admitted that the yatra consumed resources and energy without delivering any electoral benefit.

While Rahul fixated on SIR, the NDA focused on delivering a positive narrative: improved welfare schemes, governance continuity under Nitish, and women-centric policies. This sharpened the NDA’s appeal among female voters, who constituted a stable and decisive support base. The Congress thus campaigned on an issue that resonated nowhere and ignored the pulse of the electorate.

Seat-sharing chaos finally brought the Mahagathbandhan to the brink. Negotiations stretched endlessly between Patna and Delhi, worsening tensions as days passed. Without senior leaders like Lalu Prasad Yadav or Sonia Gandhi playing a mediating role, there was no strong authority to hold the alliance together. Congress leaders, emboldened by Rahul Gandhi’s directive to negotiate firmly, dug in their heels over certain “winnable” seats.

Krishna Allavaru’s uncompromising stance only escalated the conflict. The alliance reached a breaking point when parties began contesting against each other in over a dozen constituencies, effectively cannibalizing their own vote base. Nothing damages an alliance more than internal competition, and this self-inflicted wound proved decisive.

In the end, the Mahagathbandhan did not lose because the NDA was exceptionally strong; it lost because it was exceptionally dysfunctional. The alliance collapsed under the weight of its contradictions – leaders mistrusted each other, cadres refused cooperation, campaign messaging lacked coherence, and the coalition failed to offer a credible alternative to a disciplined and well-coordinated NDA.

The Tejashwi-Rahul partnership was built on fragile foundations, and when tested under electoral pressure, it crumbled completely. In Bihar 2025, the NDA did not defeat the RJD-Congress alliance. The alliance defeated itself.

Dr. Prosenjit Nath is a techie, political analyst, and author.

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The post Why The RJD-Congress Alliance Crumbled appeared first on The Commune.

Amid heavy rains across Tamil Nadu and intense monsoon preparedness activities led by the state’s top leadership, questions have emerged over the apparent absence of Revenue and Disaster Management Minister KKSSR Ramachandran from flood prevention and relief operations.

A report aired on News Tamil highlighted growing concern within the government and public circles about the minister’s lack of visible involvement, even as Chief Minister MK Stalin and Deputy Chief Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin have been conducting on-ground inspections and reviewing disaster control measures in multiple districts.

According to the report, the Chief Minister personally visited the Disaster Control Centre in Chennai on 19 October 2025, ahead of Diwali, to review preparedness efforts, assess district-wise data on rainfall and damages, and coordinate responses with officials. The Deputy Chief Minister and several cabinet colleagues have also been actively monitoring the situation and visiting affected regions.

However, sources cited in the broadcast alleged that Minister Ramachandran was “nowhere to be seen” during these reviews. It was also claimed that while the Chief Minister was visiting the control centre, Ramachandran was in Chennai but had gone to a movie theatre in a well-known mall. Typically, ministers of the concerned department accompany the Chief Minister during such inspections, provide updates, and communicate departmental progress — something that reportedly did not occur this time.

The minister is said to have made a brief visit on 21 October 2025 to Tenkasi, where he met with the District Collector for around half an hour and inspected a small water channel, but critics allege this was merely a nominal appearance rather than a comprehensive review of field operations.

In previous years, particularly during the 2021 and 2022 flood seasons, Ramachandran was known to have spent long hours at the disaster control centre, issuing instructions to expedite relief and restoration work. His reduced visibility this year has therefore drawn comparisons with the active engagement of his predecessors, such as former AIADMK minister RB Udhayakumar, who routinely coordinated efforts from the control room during major weather events.

Political sources quoted in the report suggested that the minister’s health issues and perceptions about his uncertain political future may have contributed to his apparent disengagement. There are also rumours that the DMK leadership is unlikely to offer him a ticket in the 2026 Assembly elections, leading to speculation that he is less motivated in departmental affairs.

Despite attempts by journalists to contact Ramachandran’s office for a response, there has been no official clarification from the minister.

Meanwhile, officials from the Revenue and Disaster Management Department continue to carry out field assessments of crop damage and flood impact across districts including Nagapattinam, Thanjavur, Thiruvarur, and Pudukkottai. The absence of ministerial oversight, however, has prompted renewed public discussion about administrative accountability during times of crisis.

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The post A Minister On His Way Out? DMK Min KKSSR Ramachandran’s Absence During Rain Crisis Fuels Speculation Over 2026 Election Ticket appeared first on The Commune.

An election worker in South Korea was apprehended this week after allegedly casting an early vote for the June 3 presidential election on her husband’s behalf, police said on Friday. The woman was identified as a contract employee for Seoul’s Gangnam district office who was appointed by the National Election Commission (NEC) to help check voters’ IDs during the two-day early voting on Thursday and Friday, according to Suseo Police Station.

Police detained the woman without a warrant Thursday, about half an hour after they received a call that someone had voted twice at a polling station in Gangnam’s Daechi 2-dong neighbourhood. She is being questioned on suspicion of casting a ballot using her husband’s ID before casting her own ballot several hours later. The woman reportedly admitted to all charges but refused to disclose a motive. Both the Gangnam district office and the NEC said they have relieved her of her duties. The NEC also filed a complaint against the woman with the police while requesting an investigation into her husband’s possible involvement.

“A vote by proxy by an election worker who should strictly and fairly oversee the presidential election is a very serious election crime that brutally tramples on the people’s trust in election administration,” the commission said.

The woman’s ballots cannot be nullified as they have already been placed inside ballot boxes, a commission official said. The vote count will proceed normally. In light of this and other incidents, the conservative People Power Party (PPP) on Friday lambasted the poor management in early voting elections, demanding the chief of the election watchdog apologise, Yonhap news agency reported. Kim Moon-soo, the party’s presidential candidate, denounced the NEC after meeting with reporters in Jecheon, North Chungcheong Province, saying the institution must “wake up” and undergo a “sweeping overhaul.”

“Why is the NEC still not fixing these problems, after going through many similar cases in the past, like the basket election incident?” he asked, referring to the controversy over the transportation of ballot papers from Covid-19 patients in plastic baskets during the early voting for the 2022 presidential election. Rep. Kim Yong-tae, the party’s interim leader, also blamed the NEC for its inadequate election management while referring to a series of incidents that took place during the early voting. Voters reportedly went out to eat while carrying ballot papers in Sinchon, western Seoul, on Thursday.

“We will review revising the Public Official Election Act to have election officials sign the early-voting ballot papers,” Kim said. He also demanded a comprehensive inspection and overhaul of all early-voting sites, and said those responsible for the incidents must be duly reprimanded.

“The Chairman of the NEC should stand before the people himself and sincerely apologise,” Kim added. Rep. Shin Dong-uk, the PPP’s spokesperson, said the liberal Democratic Party (DP) has not been sufficiently critical of the NEC. “The DP has collected a lot of votes in early voting and that party’s silence is even more irresponsible (than the NEC’s mishaps),” Shin said. “Is the DP the defender of a rigged election?”

–IANS

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Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath has said that once the BJP formed the government in Jharkhand, Bangladeshi infiltrators and Rohingyas, who are taking over the rights of locals in Santhal Pargana region, will be kicked out. He said this while addressing a rally in the Rajmahal Assembly constituency of Jharkhand on Monday.

Talking about the impact of a double-engine government, CM Yogi asserted that states under the BJP rule have no place for infiltrators. He hit out at the current Jharkhand government, alleging that it has turned the state into a stronghold for Rohingya Muslims. “I have come to tell you one thing. In Uttar Pradesh, where we have a double-engine government, there are no infiltrators, and no one dares to slaughter cows or disrespect our daughters. If anyone dares, he is booked a one-way ticket to Yamraj. The JMM-Congress government cannot do this,” CM Yogi said.

Training guns at the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) and Congress, he accused their leaders of corruption. Referring to recent raids, the CM alleged, “People of Jharkhand are poor, but crores of rupees were discovered at the residence of Alamgir Alam, a Minister in the JMM-led government, as well as at the house of a Congress MP. Was this money Congress’, RJD’s, or JMM’s? This was money sent by Modi ji for Jharkhand’s development, but these leaders looted it.” The UP CM assured voters that after the counting of votes on November 23, those responsible for corruption would be held accountable. According to him, voting surveys from the first phase of the election, covering 43 seats, indicate that the BJP-led NDA is on track to secure a two-thirds majority. “BJP governments bring good governance and eliminate lawlessness,” he asserted.

Recalling his tenure as a Member of Parliament during the formation of Jharkhand, CM Yogi attacked Congress and the RJD for initially opposing the state’s creation. “Today, both parties are misleading the state by aligning with JMM,” he alleged. Discussing the BJP’s election manifesto, he highlighted the party’s promises such as permanent housing for 21 lakh people, a monthly stipend of Rs 2,100 under the Gogo Didi scheme for women, unemployment benefits of Rs 2,000 per month for graduates and post-graduates, and Rs 5,000 per month under the PM Internship Scheme.

He said the party has also pledged 2.87 lakh government jobs for Jharkhand’s youth and free sand for house construction to every family. CM Yogi urged the public, “We must stay united, division will only lead to our downfall. Leaders who divide society along caste lines are enemies of the nation. We must move forward with the vision of a developed India.” He appealed to voters to support BJP candidate Anant Ojha in the Rajmahal constituency (ST).

–IANS

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The final list of candidates is now ready after the last date for withdrawing nominations to the Wayanad Lok Sabha and Palakkad and Chelakkara assembly constituencies ended on Wednesday.

There are 16 candidates in Wayanad, 10 in Palakkad, and six in Chelakkara. The elections will be held on November 13th.

Even though the principal fight at the Wayanad Lok Sabha polls is between the Congress-led UDF candidate Priyanka Gandhi and CPI candidate of the ruling CPI-M-led LDF, a veteran three-time former legislator Sathyan Mokeri while young sitting Kozhikode Corporation Councilor Navya Haridas is the BJP candidate.

The sitting Lok Sabha member from Wayanad, Rahul Gandhi, decided to vacate the constituency after he chose to retain Raebareli, making the by-elections a necessity.

The Assembly by-elections at Palakkad and Chelakkara were necessitated after sitting legislators Shafi Paramabil (Congress) and K. Radhakrishnan (CPI-M), respectively, vacated the seats after winning the April Lok Sabha polls.

The BJP has high hopes at Palakkad, where their candidate ‘Metro man’ E Sreedharan gave a tough fight to Parambil before losing by less than 4,000 votes in the 2021 Assembly polls.

The Congress has brought in Youth Congress president Rahul Mamkootathil, while the BJP has fielded Krishnakumar, the candidate at the recent Lok Sabha seat from the Palakkad seat.

The CPI-M has fielded a turncoat Congress leader, P Sarin, a medical doctor, who was the losing Congress candidate from the nearby Ottapalam Assembly seat at the 2021 assembly polls.

Sarin was hopeful of getting the Congress ticket, but the party gave the ticket to another candidate, leaving him to quit Congress. Then, the CPI-M decided to field him as a Left independent candidate.

From the Chelakkara Assembly seat, the Congress has fielded Ramya Haridas, who failed to retain her Alathur Lok Sabha seat at the April 26th Lok Sabha polls.

The CPI-M has brought in U.R. Pradeep, the former legislator who represented the constituency (2016-21), while the BJP has fielded K. Balakrishnan.

–IANS

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