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How Elite Non-Brahmins Of Justice Party Meted Out Injustice To The Oppressed Communities

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The concept of the entire Dravidian ecosystem is built upon a tangled web of deceit, gradually evolving into a philosophy aimed at acquiring and maintaining power. Dravidian proponents meticulously craft an image of purity, yet under scrutiny, even the smallest shadows of falsehood emerge. As these lies are scrutinized closely, they unravel, leaving nothing behind.

On 27 April 2024, MK Stalin, the current DMK chief and Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, commemorated the birthday of Justice Party’s chief, Pitti Theagaraya Chetty, praising him with a narrative woven intricately with falsehoods. Through his official platform, he lauded Chetty as a warrior who championed the cause of non-Brahmins and advocated for the Dravidian race. He hailed him as a key figure in Chennai’s educational and medical progress, attributing it to his supposedly unblemished political career. Stalin also credited Chetty as the innovator behind the morning breakfast program. Yet, beneath these accolades lies a facade, as Chetty’s life and work are painted with embellished tales, ultimately distorting reality.

Chief Minister MK Stalin’s post stated, “Warrior who proclaimed the Non-Brahmin Manifesto and raised the right voice of the Dravidian race! People’s volunteer who became a pillar of Chennai’s education and medical development due to his unsophisticated political life! Pioneer of the morning breakfast program! On the birthday of the venerable one who refused the post sought – our white-dressed chancellor Theagaraya, I salute his life and work!”

The entire Dravidian network perpetuates the falsehood that Pitti Theagaraya Chetty was the mastermind behind the morning breakfast program.

However, this assertion is blatantly false, as it was Colonel Henry Olcott, the co-founder of the Theosophical Society, who pioneered the free mid-day meal initiative in Adyar during the late 1890s and early 1900s, within the four schools under his administration. Subsequently, apart from Alcott Memorial School, the government assumed control of the other schools. Pitti Theagaraya then capitalized on this foundation to implement his own program. From the outset, the Justice Party harbored opposition toward Theosophical Society.

The Justice Party didn’t ascend to power solely on widespread support, but rather with some degree of favouritism. In 1920, Baron Willingdon extended an invitation to the Justice Party to establish the government, ostensibly under the guise of English authority’s encouragement. However, it became apparent that of the 65 candidates, only 15 were affiliated with the Justice Party. This raised concerns that Willingdon’s decision to form the government was a misinterpretation of the election results, possibly influenced by pressure from non-Brahmin factions within the populace.

The assumption of power didn’t mark the end of the mistreatment faced by the depressed classes; rather, it ushered in another lamentable chapter in their history under the Justice Party’s rule. TM Nair’s Spur Tank speech, followed by MC Rajah’s vote of thanks, saw significant participation from members of the depressed classes. Despite the high praise from Dravidian ideologues, who likened it to a Robin Hood scenario, the reality of the “Non-Brahmin Manifesto” was far sadistic. Instead of addressing the oppression endured by the depressed castes, the manifesto primarily focused on the grievances of non-Brahmin Zamindar landlord elites, who claimed birthright entitlement. This omission glaringly ignored the plight of the depressed castes, contrary to the manifesto’s purported intentions.

The critique of the Spur Tank speech from the perspective of the depressed classes centers on TM Nair’s emphasis on anti-Brahmin and anti-Annie Besant rhetoric, rather than addressing the concerns of the marginalized communities. While they appreciated the acknowledgment of their issues, they felt overshadowed by the discourse targeting Brahmins and Besant. Despite being organized and led by the scheduled castes, the speech minimally addressed their plight, consisting of merely seven lines if transcribed. The advent of the Justice Party marked a shift in dynamics, as dominant non-Brahmin castes within the party marginalized the depressed classes during the Pulianthope conflicts. Caste Hindus accused the Labour Commissioner of favoring the Adi-Dravidars, while Justice Party members were disgruntled over the rejection of their report, which the government deemed biased towards caste Hindus’ concerns. Pitti’s recommendation to relocate Adi-Dravidar settlements beyond the city limits and discourage their clustering together was endorsed by the government. 

It was surprising to see MC Rajah, a prominent Dalit leader, delivering the vote of thanks at a large Justice Party gathering at Spur Tank, where promises were made to uplift the downtrodden. However, soon after coming into power, during the Karnatic Mills strike, Justice Party leaders advocated for the removal of Adi-Dravidas from the boundaries of Madras, thereby isolating MC Rajah. The marginalized community, especially the depressed classes, distanced themselves from the party after the violent turn of events in the strike, where police intervention resulted in casualties. The Justice Party’s response further exacerbated the situation by suggesting the relocation of Adi-Dravidars outside Madras, indicating a clear abandonment of their interests. This drastic stance shocked MC Rajah, prompting him to harshly criticize the party for its unwillingness to incorporate the untouchables into its policies. He accused the Justice Party of closing ranks to only include caste Hindus, particularly in high-ranking positions within government, education, land ownership, and commerce. He denounced the party’s transformation into a mere conduit for securing government jobs for a select few non-Brahmin caste Hindus.

It might come as a surprise to realize that members of the depressed classes believed that the Justice Party was mirroring the behaviors TM Nair had condemned Brahmins for. The actions of Pitti were likened to those of Manu. This comparison prompted MC Rajah to challenge the underlying philosophy of the Justice Party and ultimately led to his departure. It is notable that Pitti Theagaraya Chetty, along with the Raja of Panagal, focused more on removing Brahmins from positions of authority in administration and politics than on implementing social reforms to address the issues faced by the depressed classes.

This can be further supported by the incident in 1934 when Mahatma Gandhi visited Courtallam and witnessed the practice of untouchability at the falls, leading him to decline bathing there. Additionally, it’s noteworthy that the Temple Entry Act was not introduced or approved during Justice’s administration.

Elite Caste Privilege And Oppression In Colonial India Was A Mistake

The philosophy espoused by certain elite castes wasn’t genuine, as they benefited from redistribution facilitated by the British but failed to share these benefits with oppressed castes like Vanniyar, Thevar, and Nadars. These castes, who had displayed valor in the early freedom struggle, had their status and wealth stripped by the British and were subjected to oppressive measures such as the Criminal Tribes Acts. Despite this, during the Justice Party period, only castes like Chetty, Komati, Mudaliar, Naidu, and Nayar made significant progress and advancement, standing out among the many non-Brahmin communities of their time.

British officials were fully aware that their actions were unethical. By granting preferential treatment to the elite, who faced no barriers to education unlike the truly disadvantaged, figures like Montagu were conscious of the consequences of implementing “communal quotas.” Their focus on pampering the elite Non-Brahmins while disregarding the needs of the oppressed hindered the development of genuine political representation in India was another sad reality.

In 1968, Annadurai, the former Chief Minister and ideologue of the DMK, responded to a question from a Harijan leader in the state legislative assembly by mocking the notion that the depressed classes, despite receiving quotas for educational and employment opportunities, continued to claim backwardness. He cautioned against the idea that utilizing benefits designated for the depressed classes should perpetually justify their status. He suggested that the reluctance to acknowledge progress might be entrenched in the mindset of certain segments, hinting at the challenge within the contemporary Dravidian ecosystem to confront this reality. Whether they are willing to accept this remains a significant question.

Therefore, the privileged Non-Brahmins of the Justice Party unjustly treated all communities, particularly the oppressed, while benefiting only their own group.

(This article is based on KS Sreedharan’s X Posts on the same)

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