The Meghalaya Assembly on Wednesday, 26 August 2026, unanimously adopted a resolution opposing uranium mining and the establishment of any uranium ore-processing facility in the State, as reported in The Hindu.
Chief Minister Conrad K. Sangma moved the resolution in the 60-member House, saying the government’s position was aligned with communities in the uranium-bearing areas of West Khasi Hills.
The resolution cited Meghalaya’s distinct constitutional and customary land ownership system under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution. It also referred to a 2019 Supreme Court judgment in the State of Meghalaya vs All Dimasa Students’ Union case, which recognised the rights of private and community landowners over both the surface of the land and the minerals beneath it.
“Meghalaya is governed by a distinctive constitutional and customary framework under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution, which protects community, clan, and individual ownership of land and resources,” Sangma said.
The Chief Minister said the resolution was intended to formally record the State’s opposition to uranium extraction and processing. He added that the government would communicate the Assembly’s decision to the Centre.
🚨 BIG SETBACK!
Meghalaya Assembly Says NO To Uranium Mining 😳State holds an estimated 9.22 million tonnes of uranium deposits
Huge jolt to India’s Uranium plans as Meghalaya is home to our 3rd largest reserves! pic.twitter.com/wQ0UUZuvDd
— The Analyzer (News Updates🗞️) (@Indian_Analyzer) August 27, 2026
Decades-Long Opposition To Uranium Mining
The Assembly’s resolution comes against the backdrop of a decades-long movement against uranium exploration and mining in Meghalaya, particularly in the uranium-rich areas of South West Khasi Hills.
The State has some of India’s largest uranium deposits. An estimated 9.22 million tonnes of uranium resources are located in Meghalaya, accounting for around 16% of the country’s total reserves and making it the third-largest holder after Jharkhand and Andhra Pradesh.
Opposition to uranium exploration intensified in the 1990s after the Atomic Minerals Directorate began exploratory drilling in areas including Domiasiat, Lostoin, Mawthabah and Wahkaji.
One of the prominent figures in the movement was Spility Lyngdoh Langrin, who became a symbol of resistance after rejecting a government offer to purchase her land following uranium exploration activities in 1993.
The protests eventually led to the suspension of exploration operations. Langrin later led another phase of the agitation in 2009 after the Meghalaya government granted permission to the Uranium Corporation of India Limited (UCIL) to undertake exploratory activities across 422 hectares.
Local opposition continued, with protesters citing concerns about the environmental and health impact of uranium mining and pointing to the experience of uranium mining at Jaduguda in Jharkhand.
The State government eventually revoked the permission in August 2016 following sustained protests.
Langrin, who died in 2020 at the age of 95, continues to be remembered by anti-uranium campaigners in Meghalaya. Anti-Uranium Day is observed in the State on October 28 in her memory.
Meghalaya: A Christian-Majority State
Meghalaya is one of India’s three Christian-majority States, with Christians accounting for 74.59% of its population, according to the 2011 Census. Of the State’s roughly 29.67 lakh people, around 22.13 lakh are Christians. Christianity is deeply rooted among the Khasi, Jaintia and Garo communities, making churches influential social institutions across the State.
This demographic context is relevant as Meghalaya’s Assembly has now adopted a resolution opposing uranium mining and the establishment of uranium ore-processing facilities.
The Tamil Nadu Precedent
Tamil Nadu has seen prominent environmental and anti-development agitations where church institutions and clergy played visible roles.
During the 2011–12 Kudankulam anti-nuclear agitation, Idinthakarai church premises became a major centre for protests, including relay fasts and mobilisation. The UPA government also stated that foreign-funded NGOs, including church-linked organisations, were involved in supporting the agitation. The government subsequently investigated and acted against some organisations over alleged FCRA violations.
The 2018 Sterlite protests in Thoothukudi provides another example. Catholic priests and nuns were among those involved in protests demanding the permanent closure of the copper plant. UCA News, a Catholic news outlet, itself reported their participation.
What About Meghalaya?
Meghalaya’s anti-uranium movement raises questions about the role of the Church and Christian organisations in mobilising opposition to major development projects. In Tamil Nadu, church networks and clergy were publicly linked to the Kudankulam and Sterlite agitations, with allegations of foreign funding and organisational support becoming a major part of the political controversy.
Now, Meghalaya is a 74.59% Christian-majority State, and churches hold considerable influence within its tribal communities. With the Assembly backing the anti-uranium movement, the obvious question is: is the opposition purely a grassroots movement, or are powerful church networks also helping organise, fund or sustain it?
The question becomes more significant given the precedent in Tamil Nadu. Who is funding Meghalaya’s anti-uranium campaign? Which organisations are coordinating it? Are church bodies involved? And are any foreign-funded organisations backing the movement?
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