We all know of the swag and suave Subrahmanyam Jaishankar—his sharp responses, piercing gaze, and viral one-liners have made him an internet sensation. But what about his son Dhruva Jaishankar? While his father dominates headlines and Instagram reels, Dhruva has quietly built his own space in the world of foreign policy and strategic affairs. Like his father, he’s deeply involved in the world of diplomacy—but more from behind the scenes. Whether he’s authoring a book, shaping discussions in think tanks, or engaging in Track-2 diplomacy, Dhruva Jaishankar operates where strategy meets substance.

In this candid chat, he talks about growing up in a family of civil servants, why he never took the UPSC plunge, and whether his father’s towering reputation ever weighs on him. He also dives deep into India’s evolving China strategy, the idea of the “Deep State,” and how ancient Indian texts influence modern statecraft along with insights from his latest book, Vishwa Shastra.

A conversation packed with insights, humor, and some unexpected stories—read on!

1. There are cases where the son is more popular than the father in public life. In the case of politicians, both the son and father become well known. In your case, atleast in Instagram and YouTube, your father definitely is more popular than you with his suaveness and laser eyes. Do your father’s fame and achievements weigh heavy on you?

Not at all. It is remarkable how my father has become well known by the general public in India and elsewhere, but this has mostly occurred after 2022 or so when some of his statements went viral online. I also think it would be a mistake to think of quick soundbytes as the main work of a diplomat, something he has been since 1977. There is a lot of important diplomatic work – with very important and direct implications for the well-being of average Indians – that happens on an almost daily basis but which is still poorly understood. Nevertheless, if viral reels are what excite public interest in the practice and understanding of diplomacy in India, that can only be a good thing. For my part, I’m more of a journalist and historian by background and orientation, and prefer to be an observer rather than participant in international relations: one who tells the story rather than one who becomes the story. I don’t see why anyone else’s achievements should weigh on me at all.

2. You come from a family of civil servants? Why didn’t you give it a try?

I did think about it, but the preparation for the UPSC exam is very hard and would have taken a lot of time, which I felt reluctant to invest in until it was too late. In hindsight, I also realise I would not have made a very good civil servant, and I enjoy the relative autonomy and entrepreneurial nature of what I do now. I suppose I was also fortunate that there were professional and educational opportunities that were available to Indians of my generation that were not available to those in my parents’ or grandparents’ generation.

3. Can you manage a few words or sentences in Tamil?

இல்லை

4. What’s the most unexpected thing that’s happened to you during a diplomatic or policy event?

Well, unexpected occasions are a regular occurrence in the policy world: it keeps you on your toes. I think one amusing occasion was in January 2016 when I was entering the Japanese prime minister’s office to interview one of his aides about India-Japan relations, a few hours after North Korea tested a nuclear device. The local press chased me down, visibly confused about why an Indian-looking person pertained to North Korea’s nuclear programme!

5. Coming to your latest book Vishwa Shastra, you reference Puranas, Vedic texts, as well as works like the Arthashastra and Manusmriti to highlight India’s ancient strategic traditions. How do you see these historical frameworks influencing India’s contemporary foreign policy and statecraft?

Overall, I think India’s pre-Independence history remains pertinent in a variety of ways, including for modern India’s economy, diaspora, geographical boundaries, religious composition, and political character, and I attempt to demonstrate how. But I also try to remind many readers both of India’s tradition of statecraft and also shed light on historical links that many Indians may be less familiar with. Finally, as I write explicitly, the pre-Independence period is a reminder of the timelessness of competitive power politics, of commercial enterprise and exchange, and of competition over norms for international engagement. These all have important and immediate lessons for India today.

6. Are you a China hawk or a US hawk? Is the rhetoric about the Deep State valid or overhyped?

I don’t like to conform to labels and would leave it to others to draw their own conclusions. I do write – and try to demonstrate clearly – in the second part of my book that China is a major obstacle to India’s international ambitions, whether it is India’s economic transformation, its neighbourhood policy, the regional balance of power, relations with Pakistan, or matters of global governance. Indians should have clarity about that. Meanwhile, India’s relationship with the United States is complex. There are many areas of cooperation covering virtually every domain, which many critics in both countries frequently overlook. But there remain continuing differences, as over Russia, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, trade, immigration, and social issues, and these should be addressed candidly. In fact, I find Americans are generally receptive if India’s position is explained clearly and they appreciate candour. On assessments of the United States, I find a lot of Indian commentary frankly embarrassing. The U.S. is – like India – a competitive democracy with multiple formal and informal interest groups advocating for a variety of positions, some supportive of and some critical of India. These must be analyzed objectively. I find those that buy into a simplistic ‘deep state’ narrative suffer from the same problems – specifically, an over reliance on certain Western media narratives – that they accuse their critics of.

7. You stress the need for India to manage competition with China proactively. Do you see any realistic areas for cooperation between the two nations?

It shouldn’t be complicated. There should be cooperation with China – as with any country – if that cooperation advances India’s interests while mitigating costs and risks. Such cooperation could extend, for example, to some economic exchange in non-sensitive areas, if balanced, and we perhaps need more people-to-people exchanges and understanding. But the fact is that China has shown a consistent disregard for India’s sensitivities over many decades, and this is reflected quite clearly in even recent engagements with Chinese counterparts.

8. While India has strengthened ties with QUAD and other regional players, China continues to expand its influence aggressively—both militarily and economically. Do you believe India’s current approach to countering China is sufficient, or does it require a more disruptive strategy?

China’s influence has actually decelerated a little bit, and moved into new domains. But for the foreseeable future, Beijing retains a resource advantage vis-a-vis New Delhi. What I try to point out is that China’s influence – including in the Indian Subcontinent – is not new, in some cases dating back to the 1970s and 1980s in Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh. I do outline a number of steps that India must take, including in terms of military preparedness, industrial and trade policy, neighbourhood initiatives, maritime security, and balancing with like-minded powers. In some areas, including on the border and maritime domain, this will require new approaches to deny Chinese adventurism at the border, maritime control in the Indian Ocean, and exploitation in the cyber and space domains.

9. One of the key themes in Vishwa Shastra is strategic patience. Do you think India’s diplomatic approach sometimes leans too much toward patience rather than proactive assertion?

I’m not sure I would agree with that. In fact, it calls for a great deal of urgency, particularly when it comes to some areas of domestic transformation such as defense procurement and technology policy. I also document many cases of India being more assertive, historically and more recently, with mixed results. It is worth reflecting when it pays to be more assertive, in what ways, and what are the potential risks and costs.

10. If you could have a casual coffee chat with any historical leader, who would it be and why?

This is hard, but I’ll restrict myself to five fascinating figures from Indian history, all of whom feature in my book: the Emperor Ashoka, Maharaja Ranjit Singh, Ahilyabai Holkar, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, and General K. Sundarji. Why? Each was ahead of their times in their worldviews and meaningfully shaped statecraft, governance, or matters of war and peace.

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The post Dhruva Jaishankar Speaks To The Commune On Diplomacy, Strategy, And Carving His Own Path appeared first on The Commune.

In his seminal work, “India: A Wounded Civilization,” the esteemed author V.S. Naipaul remarked, “Indian journalism developed no reporting tradition; it often reported on India as on a foreign country.” This statement reflects his criticism of the absence of an authentic Indian perspective in the media. Across various domains of social sciences, the Western narrative has predominantly shaped the discourse, and India has yet to fully transcend this dependency. Furthermore, the normative frameworks that influence geopolitics are seldom centred on India. Dhruva Jaishankar’s book, “Vishwa Shastra,” represents a genuine effort to address this gap. As he articulates, “Outsiders have often sought to interpret India, but with rare exceptions, such works often impose their own lenses.”  His book seeks to modernize India’s strategic lexicon by providing a fundamental overview of India and its global context. It presents a formal and systematic analysis that examines geopolitical developments, particularly focusing on India’s rise and the historical progression of its political identity. 

Historical Foundations: India’s Strategic Legacy

Vishwa Shastra, or a treatise on the world is divided into two sections: Itihasa (history) & Rashtriya neeti (strategy). It starts with an examination of India’s international relations prior to its independence, a topic that is frequently neglected. The impact of this pre-independence history continues to shape various elements of India’s strategic discussions in contemporary times. The author references Vedic texts, Puranas, Jain and Buddhist literature, as well as works such as Arthashastra and Manusmriti, to demonstrate the sophisticated statecraft that existed in ancient India.

The text discusses India’s considerable interactions with the eastern and southern regions. In addition to the powerful Chola dynasty, various Indian rulers also explored Sri Lanka, as demonstrated by the Indian cultural influences present in Southeast Asia. The author subsequently analyses the emergence of Islam during the medieval period and its overall impact on India. Contrary to common perceptions, the Mughals, the Ottoman Caliphs, and the Safavids in Persia experienced their own rivalries. The author characterizes these entities as “gunpowder empires” due to their military prowess. The book further explores themes related to the confederacies and generals of medieval regions such as Awadh, Punjab, Bengal, Malwa, and the Marathas. It examines the arrival of European powers, the establishment of British rule in India, and the enduring effects of these developments on the subcontinent. Dhruva criticizes the ambiguous and problematic nature of British agreements, asserting that they have played a significant role in the boundary issues that India continues to confront today.

India’s Strategic Choices In The Post-Independence Era

Post-independence, India opted for a non-aligned stance, distancing itself from major power blocs. This strategic choice allowed the nation to reap benefits from both the US-led and Soviet-led factions, while also positioning India as a natural leader among post-colonial nations. The author notes that prominent figures such as Patel, Ambedkar, and JB Kripalani expressed concerns regarding non-alignment. In a speech delivered in 1951, Ambedkar articulated his worries about the country’s foreign policy, stating, “the cause for my anxiety is the foreign policy of the country. We have alienated ourselves.” These concerns were rooted in empirical evidence; for instance, in 1947, India declined American aid for dam construction, as Nehru preferred to limit machinery usage to create more employment opportunities. Additionally, India rejected a friendship treaty with the United States. It was only after Stalin’s death in 1953 that India began to strengthen its ties with the USSR. Dhruva provides an in-depth analysis of the defeat suffered by India at the hands of China in 1962, attributing this setback to Nehru’s idealistic views of China. The author asserts, “One of India’s fundamental errors was its misreading of China’s domestic politics, its ideological imperatives, and the international environment.”

Regional Assertiveness And Foreign Policy Shifts (1971–1991)

The book delves into India’s interventions in its neighboring countries and its strategic alignments as it transitioned into the third phase of its foreign policy from 1971 to 1991, characterized by a more assertive regional stance. Notably, India played a crucial role in the liberation of Bangladesh and became involved in the Sri Lankan civil war, which ultimately proved to be a miscalculation. Another instance of regional assertiveness was Operation Cactus in 1988, during which Indian troops were deployed to the Maldives to protect the president. In response to the growing US-Pakistan-China nexus, India strengthened its relationship with the USSR by signing a friendship treaty. The book thoroughly examines the factors that led to India’s economic liberalization in 1991, highlighting the Gulf War, the disintegration of the USSR, and India’s efforts to move beyond the limitations of outdated non-alignment policies as key influences.

Rashtriya Neeti: A Strategy For The Future

The second section of the book, titled “Rashtriya Neeti” (statecraft), outlines a strategy aimed at enhancing India’s global standing. Dhruva asserts that globalization alone cannot resolve all the challenges confronting India. He astutely points out India’s power paradox, wherein the nation possesses both a developing economy and the attributes of a major power. Drawing lessons from various successful nations, the book warns against a complete inward focus, advocating instead for proactive engagement in international affairs. The author highlights 14 key points that could serve as force multipliers for India, including military readiness, the implementation of an industrial policy, prioritizing regional relationships, enhancing assistance and connectivity, securing the Indian Ocean, fostering connections with Southeast Asia, collaborating with the Quad and other partners, managing competition with China, addressing issues with Pakistan, engaging with Afghanistan, reshaping dynamics in the Middle East, revitalizing multilateral institutions, forming new coalitions, and amplifying the voice of the Global South. The author notes that many of these initiatives are already in progress. He pragmatically notes that unless China fundamentally alters its approach to international relations, New Delhi must remain prepared for a significantly more competitive relationship with China.

A Comprehensive And Insightful Read

Vishwa Shastra is a remarkable work that elucidates, analyses, and summarizes the events that have influenced both Indian and global dynamics. The author demonstrates a profound comprehension of Indian history and the significant legacy it contributes to the world. This book serves as an essential resource for anyone interested in international relations, including students, academics, civil service aspirants, and general readers eager to understand India’s position in the evolving global landscape. Dhruva presents incisive arguments supported by reliable sources, providing a comprehensive overview of Indian foreign policy. Examine it for its factual and objective examination, free from any ideological bias, encouraging readers to reflect without preconceived notions. Dhruva’s book is an engaging read that captivates attention.

Kanishk Shekhar is a columnist and also teaches students preparing for Civil Services Exam

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The post A Strategic Blueprint For India’s Global Future: A Review Of Dhruva Jaishankar’s Vishwa Shastra appeared first on The Commune.